The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-04-13 00:00:00

THE STAtESMA'N.

none were made. As to a conspiracy between him
and the interior of France, where could information
of that be obtained ? In the island of Elba, where
he possessed the whole power, or in France ? No
blame attached to his Majesty's Government on any
of these ground=. Upon the subject of the informa-
tion received by Government from Mr. Pi:v(4r and
Mr. Caramin, the Noble Earl entered into some of-
ficial detail, and said that they declined to answer
the examination of Ministers upon the subject, or
gave eva,ic. answers.

Lord GRENVILLE said, it was impossible not
to conceive what must be the feelings of Europe,
after the waste of so much blood and treasure, to
find that all our endeavours in the great conflict had
been fruitless, and that we were exposed to a recur.
rence of all those calamites and dangers from which
we had been telieved by unhoped for success. Europe
now asked, how it happened, after the sacrifice of
treasure that weighed down every country, that all
the favours which Heaven had bestowed one just cause
were vain :tint useless, and all the sanguine hopes
w.e hail chef ished were laid in the dust? Did not
England, did not Europe now require, that we
should east oar eyes on that event which had disap-
poiuted us of thtise wipes? after the reverses
which Bonaparte hail suffered iu Russia, and the
conflict was brought home to that nation which had
deluged every other country in blood, it was likely
that the peace of the world would be restored, two
modes were devised of effecting that object : one
mode was, to obtain security from the then existing
Government of France; lie other was to obtain
that security from the legitimate Government
of France. Of those two measures he had no
doubt which was the right or best. The first was
hied end failed, and the other was resorted to.—
It had been asked, why peace was not concluded on
the terms proposed at Chatillon? but those terms had
been withheld from Parliament ; and he knew not
therefore, how their Lordships could decide on terms
wliieli had not been promulgated. If they were any
thing resembling what he bad beard in rumour, so
far from not complaining that peace had not been
made on them, it' peace had been brought down
to that House upon those terms, his most de-
cided opposition would have been given to it.—
On those terms, however, peace was not concluded ;
and the Allies determined publicly to declare, that se-
curity should no longer be sought for in that course,
Mat that it should be sought for by such a change in
the Government of France, as would enable that
Government to treat for peace on terms more ho-
nourable than could otherwise be obtained. Of the
propriety of that Declaration, he would say nothing.
It was determined to seek for peace in the removal
of that individual who then held the Government of
France, but whose continuance there was declared
to be incompatible with any hope of peace. What,
then, was it that we claimed? It was a security re-
sulting from the exclusion of Bonaparte from the
Throne of France. That was the principle on which
we fought; nediutiless we obtained security on that
point, we failed in the whole object of our exertions.
Noble Lords were willing, at this day, to persuade
us, that Bonaparte was a power capable of inspiring
terror when lire Treaty of Fontainbleau was signed,
and that he was in a situation to dictate peace to the
atel rut the Allies to him : but their Lord-
ships concealed from our memory, that Soult and
So hit were surrounded by an army and a Chief who,
ft am campaign to campaign, had fought and defeated
ttie::l, and is so even after that event defeated them
swill. Th^ arms of Italy was kept in check, and
the garrions on the Rhine and on the Elbe were un-
able to co-opi rate with Bonaparte. The whole of
their Lordships' areument, therefore, reduced itself
to this: with the South of France occupied by our
victorious army, and the force of Italy opposed by
equal numbers, Bouaparte, at the head of 20,000 or
O,OOJ men, harassed and exhausted by continual
mnrches, stood in the face of all Europe; and the
Noble Lords would have the House believe, that it
was wise and expedient to conclude a peace with
him, leaving him completely at liberty, at any
mo-
ment of his choice, to resume that Government, his
asielo.iori from which constituted the only hope of
tLe secatity'ol Europe. In what country, in what
Louse, was there a min who could lay his hand on
his heart, and say he approved of that Treaty ? Was
it poisible that Ministers could be so surrounded by
flatterers, that they were so destitute of frieuds who
would speak the truth, as not to know, that it had
received the universal disapprobation of every
indivi-
dual, of every description in the country ? In order
to cover the negligence of all precaution, they de-
scribed the terms nut only as more favourable to
Bonaparte than they had ever been understood to be,
but more advantageoes titan he himself now conceived
them to he. While Noble Earls were boasting of
his situation in Elba, he says that th 6 breach of the
Treaty of Foetainbleau had restored him to France
and to libel., c :—to liberty, because he did not con-
ceive that by sending him to Elba, it was left to him
to reassume the Government of France. He (Lord
Granville) certainly did believe that he had given the
makers (if that Treaty credit for more titan they
were entitled to : he thought that some understand-
ing had existed between Bonaparte and the Allies ;
that some terms were agreed upon and signed, by
which that object was to be secured upon which was
placed the whole security of Europe. It was curious,
after having contended how successful they had been,
that nevertheless our Plenipotentiary had hastened to
Pal is for t he purpose of protesting against that Treaty.
After all the vain boasting of our Councils and
exertions against Bonaparte, it appeared that when
the fate of Europe hung on the decision of a day,
either no British Minister was at his post with the
Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, or the
ialluence of Great Britain was so small as not to pre-
sent the pacification from being concluded. Highly
as he respected the persons and Governments of our
Allies, by whose concert and union alone Europe was
saved, he did not allow that in any arrangements, or
any country, it was tit England should hold such
subordinate situation.—that such atrangernentsshlutd
be made, not only without her concurrence, but even
without the know:etige of her agents. Much as the
Noble Lords might think it right to panegyrize that
Treaty, he was ;iersuailed that it would be a higher
gratification to them, if they could annul tire past.—s.
He believed, that that which he thought had been
done, might have been done in perfect conformity.
with that peace, and in4a manner . Inult Bonaparte

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had not a .poweretthiett *right to resist. His retreat hands, and said, act as Yoe understand it. ite 'ai
and asylum in Elba oiseht in all prudence to have been down confident in the hope that their LordihiPi
occompeseee with such provisions as would have would acquiesce in the motion.
prevented Lim from milking his escape. In the
same brew h, Lord ABERDEEN justified the terms made with
however, the Noble Lents sniff, they Bonaparte at Fontninbleau. The situation of the'
had no right to interfere with the motions of that Sc- armies rendered seine nrrhtigerneut with him ebso-
vereign Prince, hut that an understandiug did prevail lutely necessary. The Noble Berms had arraigned
with the naval officers on that station to intercept his the Minister of this country for not being piesent ;
motions. How could this be reconciled? What but owing to some movement of the army, he was
became of the argument of sovereignty ? What of separated, and afterwards lost en time in joining the
the argument of freedom ? Why it came to this-- Emperor of Russia : for, what did Lord Castlereagh
that if Bonaparte apprised them beforehand of Isis say? " On my arrival, I found this aliens/meet
intention to lease Elba, even then they had not the on the point of eeecution." What could he do ?
courage to prevent him, but they placed an lion. The Emperor of Russia's word was pledged -to rho
Officer in the situation of being responsible for his Treaty, and the Noble Lord modified it as. far as WaS
escape. If for no other reason, yet on these grounds practicable. That part whi,l related to Elba WaS
he should nsseet to the motion of his Noble Friend. indispensable. The Allies declared that they would
llefsstlineeslsfionuse s
lase ta.iip a
sislvillrirnago,,e rneoevt:ti•l of that
the total care-' not treat with &inapt rte. We agreed protect his
that business—a flag, and to cause it to he respected by the Bestiary
carelessness from which their Lendships knew not to Powers. It was a Treaty concluded under the
im-
what degree of honest] misery the world might be re- ! pression of necessity : it was a choice of evils, and
duced—it bereme them to consider in what situation the least was chosen. Every moment was precious—
it was that the officers of our navy and army were the Chief of the army could not answer for the troops,
placed, with no written instructions to guide them unless such Treaty was adopted. There was no Re;.
against Allies to interfere with
anticipate. It was not fair to the character of the him at Elba.
officer on that station, that this subject should rest! Earl GREY said, that it was not his intention,
without further investigation. It should be known after the length to which the debate had gone, to
whether the evil had happened because he had not hare offered his sentiments at ell, had it not been for
discharged his duty, or that no means were provided some most extraordinary things -which had fallen
for hint by which he could discharge it. The Noble from the two Noble Lords opposite, who had
Lords had said that a stipulation was made on the part spoken last, and last but one. It was impossible,
of Bonaparte. If there were nothing else, that single however, to let those observations pass without some
fact proved them to have been guilty of the most roe- short notice. The Noble Earl (Liverpool) had told
Mina, neglect. Nothing was provided for, nothing them, that notwithstanding the triumphant march of
secured to prevent his escape. The whole would the Allies into Paris—notwithstanding the torious
appear to posterity as a fable rather than a history, successes which had led to that catastrophe—notwith-e
because they would not believe it possible that Mi- standing the proud hopes which were justly founded
nisters could abandon and neglect so sacred a trust. upon those successes--the Allies were compelled, as
Lord mEr.viLLE said, that the Noble Lord, a matter of necessity., to submit to arrangements
who feel just sat down, had endeavoured to draw the which, in their Consequences,' as they now '<levet:
attention of the House from the main question before loped themselves, menaced Europe with new (lingers;
them. Ile could not believe that the Noble Lords and those were among the first fruits of that great
were justified in treating the case as they had done; and glorious success which had crowned the efforts of
they should take it under the circumstances that oc- this country, for the maintenance of its own indiet
curred at the time. It was very well to argue upon • pendence and the safety of the world. And ho*
what was the relative situation of Bonaparte with the had that necessity been produced ? Why, according
Allies, but when they felt that there were difficulties to the testimony of the Noble Earl who spoke lest, it
which induced them to conclude the arrangement in existed in the Allies being compelled to treat with a
question, it was too much for the Noble Lords to person who at that moment ass in a situation of
set their opinion up ngainst what was the concur-. • such despair, discomfiture and dejection, at Fontein.
rent opinion of all. The Allies thought that some such bleep—so weak, so desperate, that by a movement of
arrangement was highly advisable: the question to the combined troops his army would have been
de-
consider was, what were the consequences arising stroyed, and its leader annihilated. That was the
from our accession ? We acceded to that part of the • declaration of a person who was himself on . the
Convention by which Bonaparte was to reside at spot, and had the means of knowing what he at.
Elba. What was the consequence? There was no firmed ; and if that was compared aids the
stipulation to confine him there ; nod he was en- statement of the Noble Lord who described
titled to demand, under that negocietion, that he the situation of Bonaparte to be so fornsida.
should be treated as Sovereign in that island. No ble that he could have protracted the war, it would
man would say, that we had any power or right to be confessed that some new lights of policy were
deprive him of his liberty. It had been said, that breaking upon them with respect to that trensection.
Ministers had done most unfairly by the Commander It appeared that the Treaty of Fontninbleau had
there, in not putting him in information of the cases been concluder!, not from any fear of the res7stance
in which he might detain Napoleon. Ile would state which Bonaparte eas its a condition to offer, but
the course that had been adopted. It could not be from the desire of transferring to the King of France
disputed, that when we had acknowledged him as So. that army which he commanded, in a good temper;
vereigts of Elbe, and had agreed to respect his flag, or, to use the words of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh),
we admitted we could not act against his vessels, any who wrote with the same elegance and precision that
more than against a State with whom we wet e not at he spoke, " to pass that arms' over to the King in a
war. It was said, the Admiral ought to have been state to be made use of." IVith regard to the escape
instructed ; but there was not one who hail stated of Bonaparte from Elba, he thought there was a
the instructions he would have given. Ile would great degree of celpable negligence in our Govern-
suppose that Bonaparte had sailed about his islend, ment. The danger of such an escape required ao
and taken his body guard with him ; would they extraordinary foresight to anticipate; and yet be.
have instructed the Admiral, in that case, to seize cause it was impossible so hermetically to seal that
Bonaparte? Suppose that the seine vessels had been island as to preclude all possibility of escape—be-
proceeding to France : Noble Lords would say, he cause they could not " make assurance double sestet,"
ought to be seized. They were the mines who —because, in fact, every thing tesuld not be done,
would throw on that °dicer the responsibility of the Noble Lord at the head of the Admiralty, and
judging what were the cases in which be should de- his colleagues, seemed to think therefore that they
fain Napoleon. It was impossible to define before.. were released from the obligation' of making any pro.
hand all the cases which might justify detention.—' visions against such an event. Cousiderieg the eharar..
The sloop of Bonaperte was in the habit of sailing ter of the person who had been placed in the Isle of Elba
to the ports of the Mediterranean, and we were not —considering the means which hetpossessed— and con.
entitled to stop that vessel.--We were not entitled to ' sidering the views which had been imputed to him, was
visit her, unless we thought Bonaparte eas on board it, or was it not to be expected that lie would make
with a hostile is/tr.:ohm, as that would be a violation a descent on France or Italy ? Why then slot
of the treaty. It has impossible to give any pal ti- provision been made against such as event ? Why
cular instruction; but as totes as Bonaparte did not had not the British Admiral on that station been iii.
give us reason to suppose he was acting in opposition reeted, if he met Bonaparte in his corvette, .armeds
to his engagements, we were not at liberty to inter- and prepared for hostility, to detain him, and pre.
fere with him. This was the whole extent of the un- vent him from executing his purpose ? If he could
derstanding with the Admiralty. ! collect any thing from the Noble Viscount <and he
Tune Marquis of BUCKING [TAM was astonished confessed that not much of the Noble Viscouot's
that Ministers should have neeeded to a Treaty so speech was to him intelligible) it was, that not a
incompatible to its ohjects. It was their extraordi- word of instruction had been given either toihe Ad.
nary blindness, %hirer exposol them to the judse. mlral, or to the surbordinate naval officers. Alleles
event of their country. They had said it was impos. Noble Viscount lad said was, that Adm. Hallowell,
sible to prevent the escape of Bonaparte from Elba. a name which it was impo:sible to pronounce %Wi-
llis answer was, what wns the object of piecing him out respect, as that of an individual universally
there ?—what was the object of the war ? The Pro- honoured, not merely for the way in which he dis.
clamatiou of the Allies declared, that it was repiest charged the duties of a senseati. but also for• the
the person of Bonaparte, and that the peace of Eu. manner in which be fulfilled the more exteesive
rope depended on his being secured. It was net the gations of a man and a chizen—that Admiral H ',-
conduct of the Allies, hut of his Majesty's Ministers lowell bed expressed hie determinatioe, if he should
that he condemned. De did not ask whether the find Bonaparte engaged in any attempt to laud hos.
'frosty was fit or net fit for the Allies, but ally tilely on the continental shores, on his own discretion
did:ethe Minister of Great Britain suffer it to to detain him and prevent him from executing his
be concluded without his coecurrence ?---The purpose. A most
.proper determination. But how
object of the Treaty was to secure the peace did it come to the knowledge of the Noble Viscount?
and tranquillity of Europe they se- —Wats it by accident, or did it proceed from Ad.
cured the peace and trauquillity of Europe ? miral Hallowell himself, as the precursor of a re-
With what face could Ministers boast of having ac- quest to he instructed on the subject by the Admi.
ceded to such a treaty, by which it sees impossible ratty, or at least to ildieutte to the Admiralty the
to secure the person of Bonaparte? As to the choice expediency of instructing his successor with respect
of Elba, was it poi,Sib)e tp place him there, without to it ? Having, in whatever way, obtained a know.
exposing the Allies to danger? But Ministers chose ledge of this determination of Admiral Hetlowell's,
to place him both within the reach of France and ought it not to have served as a hint to the Ad.
Italy. The House must all sememeer the cry of the mirnlty to give these instructions to ids successor,
day, that the deliverance of Europe was owing to which the resolution adopted by Admiral 11. proved
the wisdom of the Noble Loots, and that the Pe ice to he absolutely necessary ? Such appeared to him to
of Paris was the reward of their pet severance. The be the breach of duty on the part of his Majesty's
Noble Lord had been rewarded for his perseverance, Ministers on this occasion, that if Parliament
and the result had been the escape of that person, tied the country expressed a disposition to leave
who, he feared, would be the cause of renewing all power in such hands. they must not be surprised
those evils and calamities from which we lied !wen at any future mischar cos that might occur. A great
delivered. Was their object the security of Belie- dark,: had -existed, nt"inst which it had been the
pnrte's person ? Did they stipulate that he should tint duty of Minister's to provide. The motion• fur their
leave the island ?—No. They said they did not give Lordehies' decision was to call on Ministers for the
instructions, but there etas an understanding with steps they had taken its the discharge of their duty.
the Admiral. He wished to Cod there had been To that motion their Isordehips must accede, tildes,
au understanding iu the Noble Lords. instead of they were absolutely iodine.
pointing out how that officer was to set, they put which the affairs of the
that precious papers the Treaty of Paris, into his Forhis,owo part, he never

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