The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-05-31 00:00:00

Without wishing to disparage the claims of the sufferers by
the late conflagration at Hamburg upon the sympathy and
assistance of our countrymen, we may be permitted to ob-
serve that the contributions which have been made on
their behalf in this country, would have lost none of their
grace if they had been preceded by equal exertions on behalf
of our own poor. The ties by which the interests of our
merchants are connected with those of our own population,
are at least as strong as those which subsist between the for-
mer and the citizens of foreign states. It is by the labour
and ingenuity of our manufacturing operatives, that our
merchants are enabled to establish commercial relations with
other countries; and they should never forget that the real
springs and sources of their wealth are the workshops of
Manchester, Stockport, and Paisley. In a season of great
commercialdepression, affecting so severely the operatives
of our manufacturing districts, they ought to consider that
these have the first claim upon their benevolent regard and
assistance. Yet we have, as yet, seen no general or exten-
sive effort on their behalf in our commercial cities, although
the news of the Hamburg disaster had scarcely reached
London, Manchester, and Liverpool, before large subscrip-
tions were entered into to repair it, in each of those places—
amounting in London to about £25,000, in Manchester to
£6,000. and in Liverpool to a proportionate sum.
Surely after so much has been said and written about the
existing distress in the manufacturing districts, ignorance of
the fact cannot be pleaded as an excuse for the general indif-
ference to it. The Relief Committee of this town have is-
sued two circulars, stating in strong but not exaggerated
terms, the extent to which it prevails here; and we know
that applications have been made in quarters where a very
little effort would have secured a large amount of assistance,
and made in vain. The operations of the Relief Committee
are now suspended for want of funds, although their last cir- •
cular showed a return of upwards of 13,000 individuals sub-
sisting on an average weekly income of 9id. per head ; and
it is well known that great, if not equal distress, exists in
Manchester and the manufacturing towns of Lancashire.
Let our noblemen, bankers, and merchants give, and give
, freely, to the relief of those who urge their claims from
abroad ; but let them not forget, while they are contributing
to the aid of distant sufferers, that they are, in their own
country, at their own doors, thousands of unemployed arti-
sans in want of the common necessaries of life, whose skill
and industry have been the means of creating their own for-
tunes, and of adding to the wealth and power of their own
country, and whose sufferings are not the less severe for
being borne in a spirit of unexampled patience and sub-
mission.—Stockport Advertiser.

PROGRESS OF THE TARIFF,

(From the London Times.)

On Wednesday evening the Customs Bill proceeded swim-
mingly—apples, colonial asses, caviare, sucking pigs, poul-
try, arrowroot, capers, turbots, were swong the various
customable items which have been already disposed of in

the progress of the new tariff. Nor was there much ques-
tion upon the majority of these articles. All the electricity
which was to be had seems to have expended itself in the
thunderstorm which broke upon the cattle duties on Mon-
day night, and, excepting a few heavy drops from the tail of
that storm, there was little expression of hostility to any of
the proposed changes. Mr. Aglionby did not like to tax
turbot, and Mr. Wakley stood up with much vigour for the
immunities of foreign apples. Mr. Aglionby, indeed, " felt so
strongly" the matter of the turbots, that if any one would di-
vide with him, as a question of principle, he would take the
sense of the House upon it." However, as there was
not one faithful found to the principle of eating turbots
without duty, Mr. Aglionby, not wishing apparently to be
his own mover, seconder, teller and all, withdrew his mo-

tion. The lobster-sauce, however, seems a more embarras-
sing subject. Major Beresford made out so strong a case
on that head, that lobsters are to be taken into the Premier's
reconsideration. We confess to much misgiving on this
subject. Turbots and lobster-sauce always have gone toge-
ther, as in their destiny so in their exemption from duty ;
and we certainly are inclined to think with Mr. Aglionby,
that there is something like an invasion of principle involved

in their menaced separation.
Seriously speaking, however, we approve, of course, of
subjecting those delicacies which are the exclusive pro-
perty of the rich to the same duty which is imposed on all
that other variety of fish which are likely to be partakers
of by the poor. But we have a little complaint to make
of one or two words of Sir R. Peel on the occasion. They
are but one or two words, but they are rather characte-
ristic. Sir ,R. Peel said most rightly, that under the old
tariff, the objection was to ithe admission of turbot duty
free, because it was an article of luxury and consumed by
the rich. Now, if, on proposing a duty on foreign fish, he
had continued the duty on salted herrings, and omitted to
place a duty on turbot, there would, he thought, have been
advantage taken of that distinction, as unfair in principle, &c.
Very true, indeed ; but why talk of an advantage being taken
of the distinction, as if the only object in removing the injus-
tice were to satisfy public opinion, and avoid giving a handle
to a political adversary? Why not say at once, that the dis-
tinction would have been unfair in principle, and therefore
ought to be abolished. Sir R. Peel may depend upon it, he
is far more likely to carry public opinion with hlm by claim-
ing to lead than by affecting to follow it—by placing before
the world, as honourable and sufficient, the true grounds of
his action, than by pretending that he only does justice out
of deference to the will of the people, or of his opponents.
The fish, however, are carrying us out too far to sea. The
main subject of the evening was unquestionably Mr. Miles's
recurrence to his previous attack on the agricultural chapter
of the tariff—an ill-judged one, we must think, seeing. that
all that could be accomplished had been accomplished on
Monday evening, viz., to ascertain the strength of the pure
agricultural party in the House of Commons. The result
proved Mr. Miles's want of judgment iu.pressing his question
to a second division, for on that division there appeared
44 for his amendment, and 209 against it—a much less
creditable minority than that with which he would
have done well to rest content the evening before.
The truth is, however, that whenever any interest is threa-
tened, those who are called its representatives are thought
by their constituents, or think themselves, bound to " make
fight." and to raise a certain amount of clamour for the
modification of any proposed burden or the increase of any
proposed concession, even though those very constituents
may be at heart very well satisfied with the advantages
they have still secured to them, and the members are en-
tirely aware that they will do neither themselves nor their
party any good by persevering. Like clumsy lawyers in
a desperate cause, and with the Court dead against them,
and who think themselves bound to
irritating
" bore " on, delay-
ing the business of the after-comers, the judge,
exposing themselves, and perhaps even prejudicing their
client, all lest they should be thought to lack zeal by
the attorney who employs them—so it seems more and
more the recognized duty of a member of parliament,
not to deliberate and advise, to persuade or be persuaded, to
support wise men, or carry wise. measures ; but to show to
his constituents that he is their devoted servant, prepared to
sacrifice, not for their advantage only, but even in mere
proof of that devotion, all that tact or prudence would dic-
tate. We cannot much blame any one member for falling in
with the prevailing fashion; nor (though we are sorry for it)
do we much blame Mr. Miles for what we must think his
mistaken perseverance in it.
Not more favourably, certainly, should we be disposed to
look upon the speech of the member for Wolverhampton,
who amused himself by a long and now somewhat trite dia-
tribe against the iniquity of starving the people by taxes on
food, and on the absurdity of addressing a Queen's letter to
excite charity—a conjunction of sentiments not at all un-
common among patriots of the first water, whose zeal for
giving the people cheap
.bread seems at times almost propor-
tional with their disinclination to give them money to buy it
with—whose generosity in the matter of taxes and pri-
vileges is almost equalled by their tenacity of what
comes direct from their own pockets a happy com-
pound of the present existing anti-corn-law agitator, and
the ex-assistant poor-law commissioner. The ostensible
object of the speech was to recommend the house
of Commons to adopt a duty on cattle of Is. a head instead
of 20s.—a proposal which in addition to its other merits in
point of justice and feasibility had fortunately this additional
one—that the forms of the house prevented its being nut at
the time when Mr. Vililers proposed it. He adduced, how-
ever, a curious quotation from Fortescue, who tells us that
in his time, before the era of our enormous manufacturing
towns and national greatness, the people of England " drink
no water, except on a religious score; have plenty of fish
and flesh, are well clothed in woollen clothing, and are
abundantly supplied with household goods."
The contrast presented by this picture to the miseries of
Paisley, where a family, he says, was found to be dressing a
dead dog, he of course traces to the corn laws. We should
be rather curious to know whether he traced the existence of
Paisley and such other crowded places to the same cause.
And while observing upon these prohibitions, we cannot
resist adding one observation on Mr. Corden's speech. We
have to congratulate that gentleman on having found out that
the cry of cheap food is " gammon." " It was not a reduction
of price," said he on Tuesday evening, " that the people con-
tended for : let them have employment, and they would care
little about price." Most true and certain! The people
begin to know, and Mr. Cobden is clever enough to see that
they know, that when employmment is plenty and hands few,
the labourer will get as high wages (its the long run) as his
master can afford to pay ; when employment is scarce and
hands many, he must be content with as low wages as he can
himself exist upon, and this whether wheat be 10s. or 100 s.
the quarter. With this knowledge Mr. Cobden may still
consistently declaim against the impolicy of ex-
L eluding from our own markets any foreign produce which
our countries may be ready to give us in return for our
• labour; but it is gratifying to see his rising consciousness
• that "employment" of hands, not, cheapness of commodi-
ties, is the object of such admission. It is a great step for
him to have ascertained that the cry of " cheap bread," so
far as it is distinct from open markets, is worth something
, less than one straw.

LIVERPOOL INFIRMARY REPORT-MAY 28,