The Statesman.
London, England, 1821-07-13 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN.

Qrb-
I tam), 1e remesubsped by-tip rea r.
bett's Regirder, that this is the &units, on if mitt 4
his arguments on ctimmodities and currency.ThB
argument, too. is ramified in the pages of Man
Smith, Price, Malthus, and Ricardo. It is at all
events extremely valuable. as h bears upon our present
subject, and as it explains in a few lines the whole
operation of an abundant or a restricted currency on
the price of thing. It ought to be constantly in the
mind of those who argne on sui It points as this. It
will serve to remove many difficulties, and it will guide
them to a safe conclusion at last.

We take it then, as a matter indisputable, that the
present low price of a 4 ricoltural prodnee does not de-
pend upon the Corn Laws—upon a fallacious mode of
taking the averages—upon the foreign coral in store,
or upon any of those canoes, many of them contradic-
tory, upon whirls the advocates for relief insist. It is
referable entirely to the state of the currency. What
then should he the relief sought ? Why, the onl
thing that could relieve the farmer and tile landlord,
even for a season, would be fur the Bank to stop pay-
ing in gold, and to cosnmence throwing out reams of
paper. But see this difficulty of this. Commerce, it is
acknowledged, is in a very languishing condition—
People are not doing one-half the business they did
formerly, for several reasor.s, but for this principally,
because the trade of the world is no longer confined to
England—because we have rivals in every market—be-
cause we are not, as heretofore, the universal carriers of
the ►world—because France, and Hoiiand, and Germany,
and Russia, and America, have ships, as well as we have
—because they make Silks and Cloths, a-ad Calicos,
and Linens, and Hardware, as well as we do, and they
endeavour to force a market for the.e commodities as
well as we do. Because they can go to the two Ame-
ricas and to China as well as we can—because they
ran range from the Baltic to the Arclaipel•ago as ►well
as we can. Because, is a word, the commerce of the
world has found its level i►: peace. Of course England
cannot do so much as she dial formerly, wail of course
the English llerchant cannot Soave such a demand for
accommodation on the Bank of England. lithe Bank
were restricted to-morrow from plying in specie, we
are not by any means sure that the quantity of paper
which it might put out in cousequctice, would be con-
liderably greater than that now in circulation.
What remains then to be done ? If the only re-
medy be in an extraordinary issue of paper, and if it
be impossible to obtain that issue, It hat remedy is to
be applied ?

Ciou this question we 410 not feel ourselves at li-
berty to speak. We understand that the Agricultural
Society is busied in draoing up au answer to the re-
port of the Agricultural Committee; and that they
are preparing, next Session, to re-commence their
hopelert* war. We shall he curious to see thi• Answer,
and still tnore curious to kara the new tactic they ate
about to follow.

, 1' AM ERIC.I.V PAIPERS. j N.
;
T,IgNATIossi.I,ITELLIOCIIIICEI, MAT 19.)
The new Army List engrosses oar columns to-day ',-
most as entirely as the subject has occupied public at
limtion for some weeks past. This document is, indeed,
of no little importance to mahy individuals and their
friends in a personal sense, not to speak of the interest
which, in a general view, the community has in the
composition of the army. We feel for t he situation of those
gentlemen among the dismissed officers who had consi-
dered themselves embarked for life in the military pro-
fession, and now find themselves stranded, at the merits*
of the world, with whose tempestuous waves their educa•
tion has not taught them to buffet. This fluctuating
policy in regard to the army, fixing it at one Session cf
Congress, reducing and re-organising (and almost dis-
organising) it at another, is calculated to render the
army less useful, and is seriously prejudicial
in one sense, by leaving the whole body of
officers uncertain of the term of their service, and in-
disposing them, by a natural consequence, to the
serious pursuit of the studies necessary to make them
accomplished is:defiers. We hope, however, tint the
establishment will be suffered to remain on its present
footing, long, enough at least to afford an opportunity
of realising its existence, and deriving some advan-
tages from it which time li is been hitherto denied for.
Alany meritorious officers have doubtless been unavoid-
ably discharged. They cannot feel mortification at
what was the effect of an act of Congress directing
this decimation ; and we hope they will find the walks
of civil life more quiet, if not more grateful, than these
they have lately trodden.
The Legislature of Georgia commenced its session on
the 30th April—the following is the concluding part of I
the liovernor's address on that occasion:—

SFS MAT, PROTOCOL ori• TUC ruN VER CNCE, SYPT.
" The discussion is settled on the document relative
to the forms of Congress, which ought to (i traismasitte4l
to the Plenipotentiaries of France and Nisei.. The
assembled Ministers have approved of it, after having
made in it certain alterations.
They have at the same time observed on the reatliog
of this document, that it is solely in order not to give
umbrage, and not to shock the Court of Prance, that
they have not given all the necessary explanations to the
3d article which treats of the initiative while's the leer
powers should take. It has appeared to them ea that
account doubly necessary to tix in a very precise manner
between them the mode of discussion which they wili
have to establish in this respect, sad the difference be-
tweets the deliberations of the four and that of the six
powers, and they have resolved to this effect :
"1. That the four Powers alone ought to agree
among themselves on the distribution of the Prowler?,
become disposable by the late war and the peace of
Paris; hut that the two others shall be admitted after-
wards to declare their opinions, and, f they judge pro-
per, to make their observations, which *ball be at that
time discussed with them.

" 2. That not to depart from this line, the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the four Powers shall not enter into confer-
ence with the other two on this subject until they shall
bare terminated entirely, and with perfect agreement
among themselves, each of the three points of ter►itorial
distribution of the Duchy of Warsaw, Germany, & Italy.
"3. That in order to avail themselves of all the necessary
time for these preliminary discussions, these Plenipo-
tentiaries shell endeavour to occupy themselves in the
mean time, and from the opening of Congress with the
two others, in questions of a different nature, in which
all the six have the full right of entering, as a principal
patty in the discussions. These three principles have
been designed during the Conference in the wanner lot-
lowinsr

rbe arrangement with regard to the compered Pro-
vinces, belongs of itself even to ;he powers by whose ef-
forts the conquests were made.
" This principle has been consecrated by the treaty of
Paris, and the Court of France has already, by previous
intimation, consented ; for, the first secret article in the
I treaty of Paris, says in a manner the most precise :
" That the disposal with regard to territories shall he
regulated at Congress upon bases settled by the Allied
Powers among themselves.
" The terms rewired cpoa and resolved spots mow,
themselves, express clearly that the subject of debate
should consist neither of simple propositions, nor of dis-
, cussivas in which France should take a part. • • • •
The document then eonclndes by stating theiliffiralties
which would occur, were France to here the prtettrge
of objecting to rarions articles while under discnssion.
It would give rise to such intrigues and cabals
among the petty Princes of tiertnany, as had daring the
late wars been the occasion of so mane calamities.
it is then signed, ...Mail TEAS:ICU..
A IiDENSERQ.
• HCMIIOLDT.
• ‘_:. iSiLROUE."