The Statesman.
London, England, 1821-03-30 00:00:00

hail merely made those observations in answer
remark of the Noble Lord respecting him (Sir'
which he had no doubt was made in the same .
Lord NUGENT said nothing could be more grati-
fying to him than the explanation which the Hon.
Baronet had been so good as to give of some expres-
sions which he had used respecting him.
Dlr. ABERCROMBIE regretted that the Hon.
Baronet had not been in his place on a former night,
fur iu that case he would have heard a succession of
Irish Members bearing their testimony to the general
satisfaction which the present measure gave to the
greater portion of the loyal and intelligent Irish
Roman Catholics. it no doubt would give dissatis-
factiou to others, for it would reduce some who pos-
sessed an unworthy desire of power to a state of de-
saved insignificance.
Mr. MARTIN (of Galway) said, that not only was
the measure approved by the Catholics in general, hut
that Mr. O'Connell of Dublin, who had taken an active
part in opposition to it, was not able to get the signa-
tures of nine persons. which signatures were requisite
to form an aggregate meeting in order to disapprove
vf it. Probably Mr. O'Connell thought, that if &bees
rained down from Heaven, not one of them would be
made to et his own head.—(A laugh.)
Mr. HUTCHINSON protested against the unqttali-
fed assertion of his Honourable and Learned Friend
(Mr. Abercrombie.) that all peace.ible, loyal, and vir-
toot's Catholics were in favour of the Bill.—(No.)—
He should be happy to hear his apprehension of his
Honourable Friend's meaning corrected ; as he under-
stood it, he was obliged to give it a decided contra-
diction. He had mentioned the instance of one of the
Catholic Bishops of Ireland, as virtuous, intelligent,'
and respectable a Catholic as was to be found in eithet
kingdom, who was decidedly opposed to the second
Bill. There were reasons also to believe, that the
Heads of the Catholic Church in both countries were
a!so averse to the second Bill, which was now incor-
porated with the other. The Honourable Member for
Galway had been guilty of a great indiscretion in men-
tioning the name of a Gentleman who was not present
to defend himself (Mr. O'Connel.) As the name of
t':at Gentleman had been mentioned, whom he was
proud to call his Friend, he should state that lie had
the hi4hest respect for Mr. O'Connell, on account of
the exemplary manner in which he discharged all the
private duties of life; and that, as to his public con-
slact, there was not a truer-hearted Irishman. The
Honourable Member stated, that on the third reading
he should oppose the penal enactments respecting the
Catholic Clergy.
Mr. ABERCROMBIE and Sir 7. LETHBRIDGE
r'utually explained.
After a few observations from Mr. WYNNE and Mr.
(bees the Report was read, and on the question that
it should lie on the table,
Mr. CHOKER rose to make the motion of which
he had given notice, with respect to the difference
which the present Bill produced to establish between
t! e Oath of Snprentacv to be taken by the Protestants
and the Catholics. Tile ground upon which he pro-
posed mainly to rest his motion, was this—that while
by the present Bill the spiritual authority of the Pope
than dietinaly recognised, it would be a palpable uno-
'zloty to rail upon the Protestants to swear that his
Holiness bath not any spiritual authority whatever in
Via country. After such recognition, indeed, of the
Pope's authority, as this Bill contained in its moor-
r:ents fur regulating the iatercourse of the Roman
Catholic Clergy with the See of Rome, it would he
an absolute injnatice to require of any Protestant to
ri-eative the existence of such an autbovity upon oath.
He could not, indeed, conceive it possible for any Pro-
te;tant conscientiously to take such alt oath. Accord-
ing to his judgment, as he stated to the House three
years ago, the Catholic might have taken the same
oath as the Protestant. But now two different oaths
were to be adtuinistererl; that to the Catholic con-
taining a particular explanation, while the old oath
was to remain as to the Protestant. He implored the
House to consider this subject for its own sake, as well
as for that of the country at large. All he asked was
that to which his Learned Friend who brought for-
ward the Bill said he had no objection, and which the
late Per. Grattan stated ought to be done, namely, to
wake the oath of supremacy the same for both Catho-
lics and Protestants. With that view then he had to
propose the omission of certain words in the oath,
which proposition might, he apprehended, he brought
forward stow, but if not, be should reserve it for the
third reading.
Sir J. NEWPORT rose to observe, that from the
nature of the Honourable Gentleman's proposition,
this was not the proper time to bring it forward.
The SPEAKER said, that if any Amendment were
proposed touching the character of the Bill, it must
he re-committed, and the time for moving its re-coin-
s:ALA would be ou the motion that the Amendments
already made should be read a second time. But
the Amendment proposed by the Honourable Mem-
ber might be submitted after the third reading of
the Bill.
Mr. PEEL declared his entire concnrrrence with
his Hon. Friend upon the point of requiring the Pro-
teatant to deny upon oath the spiritual authority of
the Pope, while the Catholic was called upon to admit
that authority, by the regulations to which he was to
submit ; therefore, if the House should agree to the
third reading of the Bill, he should feel it his duty to
support his Hon. Friend's amendment.
After a few words from Mr. W. Wyss and Mr. PEEL*
as to the dilf.-rence between the spiritual authority of
the Pope, in its doctrinal sense. and his co-active au-
thority with any of the constituted powers of this
country.
Lord CASTLEREAGH rose to deprecate any at-
tempt to alter the old oaths of supremacy. believing,
although certain explanatory words were introduced
into it in this Bill, I. orderato guard against the alarm
of timid consciences among the Catholics, to make any
abandonnientof it with respect to the Protestants from
what it bad been fur 300 years would form a grave ob-
jection against the Bill elsewhere, tending very ma-
terially to obstruct its progress.
Mr. CHOKER withdrew his proposition, giving
notice of his intention to Wing it forward upon the
third reading of the Bill on Monday.
After a few words front Messrs. tioulbourn and Can-.
sting, and Dr. Yhillintore. Mr. Croker's AtneafkuMat
was put merely with a view to have it inserted In the
rotes. ' -
The Honourable Mr. HUTCHINSON said lie-oa-
derstood. that the Pope bad eOloiood the Catholic

The clause inserted in the Iris respecting
'atham, and prohibiting them from voting at parish
vestries, was introduced into the Bill.
Sir J. NEWPORT proposed three clauses. The
first, to empower the King or the Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, upon a certificate signed by any Privy
. Cornwelllor, to dispense (if his Majesty or his Ex-
cellency shall think tit) with the previous residence
required by the Bill to render any Catholic clevgy-
man eligible to the office of Bishop or Dean ; the
second, to authorise the Protestant Comtnissiesrers
to be appointed under the Bill, to pr:iceed in the
execution of the object of the Commission, in the
absence of the Catholic Commissioner, in case such
Commissioner, being proved to have been duly sum-
moned, shall neglect to attend at the time and place
appointed ; the third, to authorise the Protestant
Coremissioners, on such the absence of the Catholic
Commission, to suminott any power in Great Britain
or Ireland, exercising episcopal functions, and re-
quiring him to examine the communication laid before
them, to testify npou oath whether such tosumuni-
cation be of a conscieotions 'Ware.
These clauses were agreed to.
PROVISION FOR THE CATHOLIC CLERGY.
Mr. CROKER rose to propose a clause to which
be had already called the attention of the Home,
with regard to a provision for the Catholic Clergy.
From the manner in which this proposition was re-
ceived, when he first took occasion to mention it,
be was led to conclude that its principle was gene-
rally approved by the Home. His Learned Friend
who had brought furwaril the Bill before the House,
had, no doubt, objected to his proposition, not upon
the ground of principle, but of tiuse and expediency
—that is, according to his Learned Friend's opinion,
he had not selected the proper time in the first in-
stance for submitting the measure. Therefore, he
yielded to his Learned Friend's objections, which
were partly jocular ansi partly serious, and was
induced to waive Isis impose until the present
moment, when he apprehended no consideration
of time could be pressed against his views. On the
ground of expediency, it was argued by the Learned
Proposer of this Bill, that a measure of this nature
should proceed from the Government. But to such. an
opinion he could by no means subscribe; for by what
constitutional rule could it be maintained that agrant
of
money should originate any where but in that House, or
he voted by any other power than that of the Parliament? I
Any Government, indeed, which would attempt topsail
money witboot such preview consent, would act mirma-
stituteaually, nod become liable to impeachment. But
to what (immanent was it meant to refer for such a
grant as that which lie proposed ? Why, to a Govern-
ment divided against itself, scarcely two Members of
which were ad ideas upon this point respecting the Ca-
tholics.—That it would belong to Government to consi-
der the extent and apportion the distribution of the mo-
ney to which his motion referred he was wady to admit;
but although it would be for Uoveruntent to execute, it
was not for Goveramenttobegin such a measure. Again
it was urged upon the score of expediency, that before a
measure of this notate was submitted to the Hone*, it
would be right to consult the Catliorre Bishops and
Clergy of Ireland whether they were willing to accept
such an allowance. But if the. Clergy, upon being so
consulted, should express a wish far the proposed grant,
what must be the consequence to the conteututent and
peace of I reland.shoithi the hopes of the Clergy be dashed
by the disdain of Parliament from the proposition. He bail
felt it his duty; before he celled the attention of the House
to this measure, to examine it in all its details, and
the result was a firm conviction upon Isis mind, that a
most important good could be done at a very paltry
expence. The details which lie hail collected, he had
embodied into a Bill, which lie hoped would he found
to answer the object which hie inotion had in view.—
Another objection stated to his proposition by the
Learned Mover of the Bill hrfore the House, was that
the adoption of that proposition might serve to en-
danger the success of alio Bill. But how was that
success to be endangered ? Will danger to he appre-
hended from the clamour of Dr. Milner, or those who
co-operated with him ? How strange, that those who
assumed the lofty tone and dignified attitude of wise
Statesmen, by expressing their resolution to do jus-
tice by conceding to the claims of the Catholic mel sa-
tisfying the scruples of the Protestant, without any re-
gard to the clamour of indiei4lnale, should yet turn
round upon him, and depercate the measure which he
proposed, while confessedly convinced of its justice,
merely from an apprehension that its adoption might
excite the clamour of individuals. His Right Hon.
Friend (Mr. Plunkett) had described this measure as
one which was to put an end to the long train of dis-
sentious, which had distracted !rebind—which was to
extinguish the fiatises, which might he almost com-
pared to the extinguishable times which we heard of
in ancient story ; and how was the House going to
make the final compact ? Why, it was about to leave
one of the most important subjects out of the Treaty,
and to postpone to future consideration a qttestioe
upon which the success of the measure must material-
ly depend. By mei) a proceeding dissention would
be kept alive ; and after they considered themselves
safely arrived in port, they would be otter more obliged
to put to sea. If he were asked to state the quarter'
from which danger had been always most apprehend-
ed, the Statute Book would answer for him. The first
traces of the Penal Code were to he tracked in the
blood of the Clergy. The very first Penal Statute for
suppressing disloyalty was levelled not at the laity,
but at the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland.—
It was the Catholic Priesthood who had been the
real objects of apprehension, for no man could
look with serious alarm to the admission into
Parliament of such men as the Dttke of Norfolk
and Lord Arundel. He should have considered him-
self to be guilty of a neglect of ditty, if he had sot
endeavoured to procnre the assent of the House to
the principle of' making ae adequate provision for the
Roman Catholic Clergy. With regard to the extent
of that provision, he thought it should be liberal
enough to enable them to maintain themselves with a
suitable degree of respectability. At the same time
it ought not, in his opinion, be so large as to seeder
them wholly independent of their flocks. The pria-
ciple upon which the Legislature ought to proceed,
should be to afford a suitable maintenance, leaving it
to the flocks of the Catholic Priesthood to make that
maintenance a state of affinonee and ease. The Hon.
Member concluded by moring,that a clause be brought
up, recognising the expediency of the principle of
mak* a provision for the Catholic Priesthood, and
enabling the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland touppoint

lire into the state of the several
of Ireland with a view te. ouch

AOH said, he rose to express a
very strong doubt as to the propriety of the coarse
which his Honourable Friend was pursuing, and he
was persuaded his Honourable Friend would readily
believe that his (lord Castlereagh's) repugnance to
that course arose neither front a want of respect for
him, nor from a want of common feeling with him as
to the great importance of his proposition. No
inili-
vidual could feel wore deeply than himself the expe-
diency of following up the Bills before the House, in
the event of their meeting the sanction of the Legis-
lature, by some such 11Wa‘itte as that %hick his Ho-
nourable Friend was desirous of effecting ; but the
question was, whether this was the proper momeot for
proposing it ? He (Lord C.) bad no doubt that if the
subject were brought forward at a seasonable time.
and accompanied by the proper explanations, it
would n4.t only receive the sanction of the House,
but meet with that sort of general concurrence,
which would afford the best pledge to the Catholic
Clergy of the desire of Parliament to contribute to
their comfort. The motion of his Honourable Friend
was inadequate to the object which lie was desirous of
accomplishing, for it could only be rendered effective
through a reeommentlation from the Crown. If
the clause proposed to lie brought up were now
agreed to, the measure could not be final; it must
necessarily come back to Parliament, dor they would
still have to determine the scale of expenditure. Ss
far, therefore, from forwarding the object which he
had in view, the proposition of his Honourable Friend
would have the effect of placing the measure in a re-
trogade position. There was another ground upon
which he objected to the solution of his Hononrable
Friend. He tbnnht the measure would come inure
properly as a marl; of grace and favour from the
Crown, for he lsv no means admitted that the Catholic
Clergy hail any right or claim to a provision from the
State. They had no more title than that branch of
the Church of Scotland established in !reboil, to
which such a provision hail been granted eitlo great
advantage, but 'wilier the Presbyterian nor the Ca-
tholic Clergy had any right or claim upon the State.
Under these circumstances, he trusted his Honourable
Friend would consent to leave the question in a state
of amicab:o repose, and nut press it for a division
at a time when he might divide some of the best
friends of the measure. If his Honourable Friend's
motion were agreed to at this time, it might be
considered as a sort of bribe held out to the Catholic
Clergy, and he (Lord C.) lowed it to that respectable
bode to declaro, that when he was authorised under
Lord Sidniouth's administration in ISOS, to comma-
' nicate to them that it was in the contemplation of Go-
vernment to make a similar proposition in their be-
half to Parliament, they stated in the most respectful,
and at the same time in the most disinterested and de-
licate manner, that they could not, consistently with
their feelings of dirty and honour, receive such a
mark of grace atol /scone at that moment. lie should
oppose the b.inging up of the clause upon the grounds
which he had stated to the House.
Mr. C. HUTCHINSON said he was not disposed
to enter upon this moot important and delicate sub.
jeet at that moment, and he deprecated the introduc-
tion of the measure at any time without a perfect un-
derstanding between the Catholic Clergy and the Do-
verement.
Mr. CHOKER said, drat the material port of his
object bad been accomplished, by the manner in which
Iris Noble Friend had received Iris proposition. He
begged the House to observe, that leis Majesty's Bo-
vernsuent concurred in the expediency of such a
measure as it was the object of his clause to effect ;
under these circumstances he had no hesitation in
withdrawing his motion.
Lord CASTLEREAGH hewed to observe, that he
had not rime down prepared to state the copinioso Of
his Majestv'shiorernment. He had stated his own
view of the subject, but he wished It to be understood
that he was not authorised to repress any 'plosion on
the part of his Majesty's tiovernereiß.
The motion was then withdrawn.
The Report of the Bill was brought up, and several
verbal amendments were agreed to.
Mr. CUFFS propose 4 as an Amendment the addi-
tion of the words " all other endowed schools and
colleges," after the word " foundations," in the clause
for excluding Catholic Professors, which, after some
conversation between Mr. Ember, Sir J. Newport, Mr.
Wynn. and Mr. C. Hutchinson was agreed to.
Upon the motion of Sir .1. NEWPORT, the Bill,
with the Amendments, was then ordered to be read a
third time on Monday, and to he printed.
TIMRER TRADE.
On the motion of Mr. WALLACE, the House re-
solved itself into a Committee on the Timber Duties

Acts.
Mr. WALLACE then rove and stated, that be had
some Resolutions to move, founded on the Special Re-
port relative to the Duties on Timber, made by the
Committee on Foreign Trade. The Right Hen. lien-
datum said, that report contained not only the sub-
stance of the Resolutions which he intended to move,
but nearly all the informitioo upon the subject which
be wished the Howe to take into its consideration.
Before the year 15119, the supply of Timber from the
Baltic had been very considerehie ; after that time, a
protection had been given to importation from our
North American Colonies, which had rapidly increased
since, and it was evident, that in the coarse of nn
very long time, if the present system continued, the
latter trade would become completely predominant, and
perhaps destroy the other altogether. Ile then en-
tered into a detailed calcula!i,m, on the authority of
the Report, to 'thew the respective increase and
duress* which had taken place in the quantities
of Timber imported front the Baltic and our
Colonies. the result of which established the fact
of the dispeoportionate decrease of the forcer. Thc
Right Honourable Weidman then proceeded to say.
that whatever protection was due to our Colonies, and
he was willing to grant that a great protection was du..
to them, yet to sacrifice the limit principles of coin
metes, and the most valuable Interests of the countrv.
in a way which could not fail to Inflamer prejtisfieiali)
our Continental relations, was neither essential to the
protection of our Colonies, nor justice with regard t.,
ear general interests, nor sonnd policy in reference to
the Northern Countries of Burope. This state 0.
things amid not but be injurious. nor could it be other
wins when the duties were exorbitant, and the proms-
dens 'menials. This gave rise to very considerabb
diesitistnetion in the Northern Countries, and material!)

S

he di.) not look not;
mfferaestutle whichthat
he quarterhad t our
opoe° , • 1 1
in inertia. relations.
poundsiw rted
°nloraslini
of so much actual importance to either Russia mph
sin in the value of timber exported, as poliesofttP
voice
ee than price
oonfe
wh:niulredanlithtuloullsvanedx
of
those countries to (treat Britain, would not" e 1
lemet
hed re
gird it has having a very important result up tat; il
of our manufactures ; but lie considered it o the ftthe
greatest
moment, as being the first step in receding from a sea
tent detrimental to one commercial relations,
and the
first step towards conciliating those fo • reign Powers,
without whose feelings being in one favour. the aria.
lions of mercantile intercourse which we had with,
them could never be securely and permanently
Wished. lie then went on to remarkrata.
upon the .e4if
rate of duty upon the Baltic timbes, which he
to be tionble the prime cost, anti equal to a laxbstated
of
million sterling. In his subsequent iservati
I • u .uns he
expressed himself in so low a tone of 'nice,
that %f•
could only at intervals catch his meaning. He
peatel, that this enormous duty was injurious to use
general and extensive interests, while the system leas
calculated only for the sole and ratios'
• ute besest of
those connected with the Colonies,the or SI' op.owerr.
who conveyed the Timber f.oue our American depen.
den ies. lie then tonehed upon the history and
progress
of the Ditties, and said they commenced in ls
itt, torn,
from the line of policy pursued II France, it appeared
probable that we should be prevented from weir,
iug supplies from the North of Eamps. The
protectiog duty the. put on was 21. IL veld% "
addition of 25 per cent. in the Cocoas. le
eras said this thsty ought to continue, betas* it
pledged the faith of Parliateent, in order to Mime the
colonist to vest his capital i is the trade, but he theeekt the
faithof Parliament had been redeemed by the protection
hitherto given to the capitalist, who teeter that is lace-
ment engaged in the trade originally. lint, hemeeer
that anions,' of duty was not laid on fur the purpose of pm
fiction, part of it was for revenue; now he did sat mesa
to interfere with the former part of the duty ;it eels
only so smelt of it as was laid on for the sake nt errant,
that hie measure nteant to effect, amyl that part, he we-
stward, Varliatuent haul the power to alter or tepee'. He
hal beard a curious orpiment on this subject, whirl'
wesst to say that Parliausent had no power, even ever this,
hecanse the Act of 1816 had math it perpetual ; belie
Parliamentary language, the making an Act perpeote,
only meant that it was not to expire as a given time ssi
no nem whit, was acquainted with that hemp! ;este
suppose that it implied any thing like theabseace of thst
discretionary power which Parliament bad to slier w
repeal its own acts The question then wss,whether the
existing duties should be altered, and to what teem?
The effect of the duty on Baltic timber was to introdwe
from the colonies animunense excess ; he believed that so
rem exceeded the annual consumption by 101,111.10 leads.
i'he merchant who would regulate his proceedingsbythe
real demand, was thereby driven out of the anwhetueet
the trade was in consetetence carried on by colsoissand
shipowners. It then became a question ofint=
and the ship-owners Weft' the only class of
persons who gave determined opposition to ma=
to repeal or modify the duties. flie Right' I
tientleman then peoreeilea to answer the
gronnded upon the employment necessarily civialrila
trade with thee Colonies to our shipping atul sailers. Iv
to the shipping, it was the worst in the whole merchant
service I in fact, ships that were good fur nothing el.*
were employed there awl it was said, that any thief
that could swim would do for it ; and with respect Is
the sailors, they were not the only perste* which tio
' change from peace to war had put out of resploymear.
ire
If our ships were be sail in large fleets, merely to g
ensployment to sailors without any 'salami obiert is
view, it would he as soutul policy to agree to a "'ora-
tion to employ the arinottreas of itsiriniagham is metingi
muskets as in war, at a time of profound peace. Ast
the danger to be apprehended to our Navy, in cases(
the breaking out of a new war, its case of a diminutive
of the number of oor seamen, there was no grimed limit,
as we had 311,11610 more employed than in the year 1711.
which was the year preceding the timed* the greatest
exertion which we had ever made at sea. ite could so
ver believe that the country was to be served by 'seri.
tieing one interest to another ; our iint,y teems of revs
erring our commercial greatness was by the opeuing of
new channels fur trade, but these conlif not be most
unless we hid aside all narrow and restrictiverhel
with regard to our intercourse with foreign native%
and acted on the broad, the wise and liberal principle
of mutual encouragement, and reciprocal advantage• at
denied that there was any ground for the allegation, that
if the trade with the northern nations was increased, we
should not come in for our full share. He likerrie
sheered the decrease which bad taken place is the (s-
-ports of our tuannfactuures to the countries of the Baltic
since the imposition of the heavy duties oa dabs,
while the increase to the Colonies bad been very slight.
He then went on to say, that the proportion of weed
from the Colonies ought not to exeeel more thee tee
thirds. el the manor' coumunption, and referred hi, the
evidenee of various persons on the 'object allrtie
g
The
the protecting ditty, as contained in the Repot t
Honourable .Member proceeded to state the part.traaa
reasons upon which the Resolutions were growater
led;
but from the occasional falling of his voice, the gre
part of his observations were lust in the Winery. hear
not his intention that the plan now proposed shwa Is
viewed as a permanent measure, it was only a W. re'
wards • better sod more lasting system (HearilliV
M ii
The Hon. ember entered into a detail of the
duties; hut from the reasons already menti with
were totally unable to follow him. Ile concludsd
waving the following Resolution :—" That tile ?resell
Duties and Customs on Timber do cease, and that *
following Duties and Drawbacks be substtt • Med
thereof.
Tke Question having been so put—
Lord ALTHORP entered into a review of the C.*:
nada Trade, which be described as operating
is e
shape of an immense tax upon this country, kept aim_
no other purpose titan that of working ships that slerri
rotten anti unlit for any other service. We amdaf!r
him to suggest the propriety of imposing a dory el
on Baltic. and Ws. on Canada Timber, and of
the Duty upon Deals by cultic measurement, instead
by mere length as at present.
Mr. MARRYAT expressed hinwetf at a Nws
to
why the colonial and shipping interests slemslJ Dot on
the same protection which was afforded to the lean
and other interests of this Conntry. It was be
that without such protection they could eater ist
cessful competition with all the shipping inte.oe,
Europe.it
proper litre of policy for this L 72.1
•teuttre iii
to adopt towards other countries was that of j
reciprocity in trade, not liberality, for it was to.het
.1.";
that if they relied upon the latter systems slung. `7O
would be disappointed to the expectation of t
eouduct from other countries towards thews. He theats.e;
enagi
a duty of les. on American timber would
be be
lima leg
with the evidence, though beyond that ,
to. But if the Resolutions ;humid a 555100 tlar.;oer
if a Hill, he should most decidedly °more the redo
of the duty on Baltic timber.
CIYI
The CHANCELLOR of the ENCHFA
tie hope, that the saggestisstis of his Right most- nr;;;(•-si
tad of the Noble Lord, would lead to • 11_,,„1
Kstiev. lie recouttuended, as the.
seder
rert7 he,
.course, to agree to the Hatlolutions, us

*

THE STA - N.
per to a Clergy of the United "ingdo . in any oemmuniea- Pousilissioatr.s on
ts
inqui
1
rT. L.) dew which they Might make to him, to abstale frees eeelesiasdad that
sphit. al? temporal and political reflections. provision.
-* art,. A.... inserted in the Irish Act respecting the Lord CASTLERE.I
. .