The Statesman.
London, England, 1812-06-23 00:00:00

doctrine now held forth. Ile said, that after full and
mature discussions' repeated majorities of this House
'had sanctioned the claims, and the opinions of the
most considerable Lawyers of the time were in fa-
vour of the claims. The opinions he alluded to, were
those of Lord Erskine, Chief Justice Mansfield, and
Mr. Adam.
Sir M. WOOD supported the claims.
Mr. ROSE opposed them for the reasons, before
statvd. After some further observations, the Bill
was read a second time, and committed for to-
morrow.
'On demotion of Lord A LTHORPE, an Account
of the various articles of Leather used in the Navy,
Army, and the Ordnance, was ordered to be laid be-
fore the House.
WAYS AND MEANS. •
Os bringing up the deport .of the Committee of
Warp and Means,
t ,Ma. IMIOUGMAM. Statile a/way Ms ebiectioa to
tbsprepOoed additional duties upon Leather, upon
Mantes used ha Agriculture, and Servants of an in-
ferior description, as tending eventually to affect the,
lower orders eL society. The several Resolutions
were read and agreed to.
SOUTH SEA STOCK.
Mr. FULLER gave notice of a motion for Mon.
day next, respecting the unclaimed dividends of the
South Sea Company Stock.
__
__ROMAN CATHOLICS. _ _ _

general rule that ill classes of the subjects--ell de:
scriptions of the citizens of a state, *ere equally enz •-
titled to the possession of the same Cita rights and
political privileges which were enjoyed by any One
class. lie was aware that there might be exceptions
just and necessary ; but this 'was the general rule,
and the onus prebandi lay upon those, whO con:
tended for the exceptions to prove them to be tie.
cessary. The second principle he should lay down
was this, that as it was at all times the duty of a.
government to unite the hearts, to combine the fa.:
culties, and to concentrate and consolidate the affec-
tions and energies of all descriptions of its subjects
—so it was more especially its peculiar and para.
mountduty, under the existing circumstances of the
country, when a force, greater than any which, in
the history of the world, had been marshalled
against any nation, was collected and arrayed for
its destruction, ander that great conqueror, who
bad alreasly proceeded so far in the subjugation of
Europe—to take measures for the establishment of a
firm and cordial union of all classes—to eladicate
every germ of dissension and discontent—to leave no
crack or flaw through which disunion or dissatisfac-
tion could gain admission ; and to connect in one
indissoluble bond of union and common feeling, the
whole population of the kingdom. This principle
he laid down as fixed and immutable, though he was
perfectly aware that objection may be made to it, on
the ground of its practicability. All he should say

Mr. CANNING rose and said, that when the was, that the principle appeared to him to be sound
Haase reflected upon the extent and magnitude of ;. and unexceptionable, and that the burden bf
the subject which he had undertaken that day to must necessarily lie upon those who may contend that
press upon its attention—when it bore in mind the it was impracticable. The third principle he
hopes that had been excited that he might succeed i should lay down, was one, which, equally with the
is recommending this important question to its early two former, be was convinced would by concurred
and favourable consideration—when it recollected ;in by the House—that whenever, by chance, or the
the various and anxious discussions and debates Which ; force of events beyond human cent rou I, a great ques-
ithad undergone, as well within the walls of that tion had, in any country, been a long time agitated,
House as in other places—when it regarded the anx- without possessing within itself any tendency to a
kty prevalent throughout the Empire upon this sub-; settlement- by mutual concession or compromise; it
ject, but more particularly in another part of the became the duty of the Supreme Power of the state
United Kingdom (Ireland), an anxiety heightened, to take up the consideration of it—that it could not,
if possible, by the intelligence which, he was sorry with safety, be left afloat—it was lie umbent upon
to say, had been that day received from that coun- the Government to enter upon the investigation of it
try—the House may, perhaps, suppose that it should in all its bearings, with a view to a full, satisfactory,
occupy a considerable portion of its time and atten. and final settlement of it, by the wisdom and
pro-
tion with the speech with which lie meant to intro- vidence of the Legislative Authority of the State.—
duce his motion. But if any such expectation ex- Ile }vas not Retire of any objection that could be
isted, he could assure the House that he should dis. made to this position and principle, because he was
appoint it. For however complicated the question persuaded that it must be the wish of every one
may ln in its details, the view which lie took of who heard him, as well as the great interest of the,
it, was founded upon a few fair, simple, and State, that such a question should be so settled.
just principles, which required no elaborate ar- —These principles• then, were the grounds upon,
gument to establish, because they were not liable which he brought forward his motion; and as tot
to any solid or serious objection. If be were these he could anticipate no solid objection, he
to have brought forward this question ass partisan, looked forward with confidence to the concurrence
or had taken it up with reference to any narrow of the Hobe. But looking to this, as he should
consideration of its nature or bearings, he should to all other political questions which had a ten-
indeed, in discharging the task which he had dency to operate a change, he could easily conceive
that day undertaken, feel all the difficulties, the that two considerations would flannelly present
intelligence received in the course of the morn- themselves to the mind on the first suggestion of
ing from another part of the kingdom, must ne- such a proposition : the first, the dreadof all inn°.
cessarily have created but in the view which vatioo and change ; the other, the necessity of
,
he had of the subject, he could not feel any em- timely and seasonable concession. These were the
barrassment in the performance of Ms2duty ou that considerations which would, on either side, promi-
occasion. lie came to his task with a full sense of ; nently present themselves ; and it was in reconciling
every difficulty attending it—mitti a fixed deter's& these extremes that political wisdom consisted.--
nation to perform it notwithstanding any diffiCulties The great question, then, to be, in the fist place,
Which the-intelligence to which he bad alluded. might , considered, was, %hat was the concession demanded,
attach to it. So far faem being discouraged from ; and whether the Legislature could or could not
persevering, he looked upon the circumstance to ; grant, ought or ought not withhold, what was so
which he referred, as one of those considerations, demanded ? When they should have taken this
which, in the present state of the Empire, ought to question into their nicst serious and mitured di iibe-
weigh most in influencing him to press the subject ration—when they had, if they should have, made
upon the attention of Parliament, as the only way up their minds to concede, then it would be their
to secure the conciliation of all classes in the State. ; duty to consider how the concession should be regu.
So far was he, therefore, from referring as a parti- . lated so as that they should reap most of the fruits
san to the past, that he was determined, notwith- expected from the grant, and incur the smallest two
standing what had transpired that morning, to keep i tion of the danger apprehended from the change.—
all inflammatory topics wholly out of the question. Those who argued against concession, ou the ground
In the discussions which had already taken place, t of the danger of innovation, appeared to him to
too much matter of that description had been intro- ! labour under greater difficulties than they seemed
duced. He had therefore thought it possible to , theMselves to be aware of. This argument, founded
state the question, encompassed as it was with diffi- upon the dangers of innovation, proceeded upon ts
culties, coolly and dispassionately, without reference supposition that the state of things sought to be al-
to the measure of increase or diminution, which . tered, rested upon .certain fixed, permanent, and
these difficulties may undergo. For whether the I settled principles, immutably established, and essen-
difficulties were, or were not, actually increased or.i tial to the British Constitution—sanctioned by long
diminished, that circumstance In itself could form experience—sealed by the wisdom of sucalsive ge-
no reason for the rejection of the .question—could i nerations-and uniformly and cheerfully acquiesced
be no ground for that House to turn aside from en- ; in by those whose interests and rights were or may
tertaining it—but on the contrary, would bold out ! have been affected by it. But he should be glad to
an additional incitement to Parliament to take into ! ask any of those who entertained mull opinions
its early consideration a subject of such vast import- Iwhat were those principles which had been so firmly
once, in every point of view, iu order finally to set- ; eetablished,et any time, as that experiments repect-
tle it, so as to ensure the peace and tranquillity, and ing them were unknown ? He should be glad to
happiness of the United Empire. Under this feeling know from . them, at what period of our history it
and conviction, it was his wish to steer clear of all the ; was whin this blasted system of perfection, that
adverse matter which bad been.introduced into for- could admit no improvement, and endure no
mer discussions.- The llouse, too, he hoped, would ! change, had been completed—when it was thet .tide
lay out of its consideration all the debates to which , great consummation had taken place—whew the
this question had heretofore given rise—he only be- finishing hand had been pat to this system, which
sought Gentlemen to consider it• impartially, and . was now helcr to be so incorporated with oer
Cifit
to look upon it, as it were, With a fresh eye, and iii and Political Institutions; as not to admit of modi.:
that case, he was not without a coufident expects. ' fication, and, by virtue of its unchangeable natute,
Bon that be should offer such arguments to the • made a part of a blameless% perfect, and perms.
House, as would induce it to acquiesce in the mo- neat establishment ? Would these Gentlerriew look
lion he bad to propose-- The proposition he had to back for the origin of this system to that period
submit, rested upon a few great principles, whiel, when the corruptions and disorders of the Church
as it seemed to him, were such as would tot admit provoked those dissensions and religious divisions,
of dispute, Ile apprehended that, on that occastbn, w's'cli split the Christian World into so many cons
iti urging those principles, he should not incur any tending sectsf Would they tiaee it heck to the pe.
suspicion of having been a convert to, or becoming nod of the Reformation, which, Whatever may bo
an advocate for those wild notions of rights, Which, the blessings it bed conferred upon mankind, by
under the name of the Right, of Man, had for the bestowing upon us a pure and perfect religion, in-
last twenty years occupied sd much of the public stead of the corruptioe of faith, and the superstei
attention throughout Europe. The principles lie tion which it superseded and sucdeeded; could Ger.:.
meant to lay down were essentially foanded in the taiely not be said to present guy example! of
.tiegis-
Constitution of all fegitintate governments The latiou to which one could look for the Origin of st
Ara principle ;shish he dimmed wisp that it was a system of boasted Iterteationi He was not dirpoied