The Statesman.
London, England, 1823-02-06 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN

stances allowed him, taken a corresponding slice. The
case of Austria would have been one which would have
borne to be retorted with the greatest force. Austria
has not only followed like the others, but had in many
instances been an accomplice. In the noted one, fur
example, of Venice, Austria had been the ultimate re-
Myer ; a character which, by the laws of this country,
is held, if not worse. to he at least as bad as the thief.
While he was in his power, Austria had not only fol-
lowed him, and derived territory from her set vility ;
hut she had accepted, if not courted his alliance ;—an
when yet she had taken an active part in driving him
into exile. Her conduct had, in short, been a series of
alternate truckling and bullying. After the genius
of Bonaparte had yielded to his own restlessness, to
the desertion and disagreement of his Allies, to the
rigours of the northern winter, and to that, with•
out which even the winter would `welt have been
sufficient,—the arms, skill and gallantry' of Eng-
lish forces, these Monarchs did not abandon the symein
of him against whom they had been warring'. They
wanted some of the splendours of his government,. but
they imitated all its worst features, as was amply proved
from the cases of Norway, Saxony, Genoa and Ragusa.
nit very men wire had submitted to beg an alliance
with the man they now reviled, were now following the
very worst part of his policy. If such were the only
enemies against whom the people had to contend he
would rejoice. It would be matter of joy to see freedom
attacked by only such men as these. No doubt there
was a di&rence between the militia and tensible forces
of a country and the niercenaries of their invaders, but
still that would not be touch against the spirit of liberty,
He was truly sorry to find among the• enemies, of the
Spanish people a potentate of another description.—
Loris, the respectable Monarch of France, had even
gone beyond the manifestoes of this junto. He (Mr.
14.) hoped that this wis the result only of a casual
alienation of the Royal mind, or rather, a production of
that small and illiberal party by which the King of
France is at present sarronniled, and which he hoped
would be speedily ejected. This Monarch had in one
respect been so far acted upon by these parasites, as to
say in effect that a Constitution c in e m orate only front
a tyrant. How different was this from one of the
greatest scholars and philosophers of antiquity ? That
philosopher lived in times of the greatest national diffi-
culty, and had to contend with a conspiracy of the most
serious and alarming nature. But still, amid all this,
he threw himself upon his country ; he never thought of
calling in the Allobroaes, the Teotones, or the Seythi-
ans: and, if Louis hell call in the modern Scythian,—
if he shall permit them once to cross the Rhine, judg.
went shall have gone forth against his throne and the
dynasty, and the prosperity of Gaul shall have ceased.
—(Near, heart.) Why should they find fault with the
•Constitution of Spain ? Why should
Revolution which was merely an attempt to preserve
that Government which had been fought fur and obtain.
ed, and which wee disturbed by the mutiny of the sol-
diers of Ferdinand himself To call it a rebellion is
an abuse of words. It is not, however, this or that par-
ticular country whirls these Sovereigns dislike; they
do not hate the Spaniards or the Portuguese as such—
' they war not with freedom en the Ebro or the Minho.—
No ; they war against freedom generally and in the
abstract, by whatever nation, or ander whatever form it
may be professed. Freedom is the object of their haired.
'nary dread its power,they detest its spirit,• hey are in alarm
on account of the vigour ahick it inspires, and therefore
theygo about to wage war with all ira institutions, and
seek the destruction of all its monuments. They fear—
they quiver at its very name ; and while England boasts
and p •es the freedom which she enjoys, they cannot
but be her enemies. Hr (Mr. B.) was as ready as any
man to admit her faults—to call for the correction of her
abuses, and to seek the improvement oilier institutions;
but still, notwithstanding all these, we Ik4eeo mach in-
dependence left for e:t!ter bowing or submitting to tyrants.
No doubt we should be the object of their machinations.
Indeed, no land was safe from them. The arms of these
crusaders were not directed to one particular place or
people, provided that the ultimate object were to be a
favourite one. Suppose, for instance, that Turkey should
be so peculiarly suited to the views of the Emperor of
Russia, as that lie should feel a wish that it were his,
would there be any secnrity for the family of the Sultan,
even in the pleas I.f the antiquity, the perfection, and
the legitimacy of their dynasty? If he should once raise
a doubt upon the subject, and require the Ulema to send
to his Consistory of Kings a Deputation of Mufti, in vain
would he their pleadings that their form of Government
was of the most venerable antiquity—that it was per-
fectly legitimate, being founded upon the truths of the
Holy Koran—that it involved nothing dangerous to des-
potism, and that their interest was powerful in paradise.
In vain would they plead that they had no visionary
theories about individ,ial rights—that they were misled
by no speculations in philosophy, and that they had no
dreams of liberty. They would have to turn away
from the Three Gentlemen of Verona without the slight-
est hope that there was any hope there from their faith,
however legitimate, or from their practice, howeier des-
potic. In a few months the army of Russia would he at
Constantinople, or Morocco, or wherever it happened,
and Prussia might come in for whatever remains to us
on the Continent. It was plain, therefore, that there was
danger in this holy combination, not to free States only,
but also to Despots—to all Despots except the short
sighted Members of this Holy Junto.—(Near, hear,
hear.) Our coarse was plain—we should not rashly
interfere, but we should consider that there would be
in the success of the armies of the Junto dangers which
world one day fall upon ourselves. There was b possi-
bility that we, by virtue of the treaties by which we
were now bound, might he involved in it. If Spain
were overrun, would not Portugal be overrun also?—
He would ask if Portugal had any natural protecting
bonnelary ? No, her only defence was in the Pyrenees,
and these once passed by an overpowering army, she
was involved in a war for her existence, and we stand
bound for her defence. He did not say that we ought
to send an army to Portugal to .vetch the motions of
the French ; bitt surely it would nob, under all the
circumstances, be too much to equip and send a fleet.
Yes, he would sot, in the mean time, recommend send.
ing a land force to take part in the war; but lie would
certainly recommend a naval armament to watch its
progress. In the few observations which lie bad made,
lie hail not looked back at the blunders ;which we had
committed. Indeed be had no wish to look back to
blunders, but forward to that unanimity, which should
on such an occasion as this be undisturbed. We should
not waste our time in blame and recrimination against
each other, but turn our attention to those foreigners
whom we all hate and despise. lie hoped some servant
of the Crown, equally renowned for his talents and his
learning. wallet lie found at the present crisis to do his
duty to his King, to his country, to Europe, to mankind.
He trusted that some such servant of the Crown would
ebeifoefid, who world speak in the bold, manly, and ra-
tional language of a British subject ; who would advise
tb keep aloof from the plots, the meetings, and the ma-
chinations of despots, and who would inculcate the sane
and wholesome doctrine that free states alone can be our
safe allies ; that would endeavour to keep us from going
to war ; but when war, in the cause of freedom and jus-
tice, became unavoidable, who would prepare us for the
issue, in such a manner as to support alike the dignity
of the Cron n, the independence of the country, and those
principles which are considered as the most sacred by
all enlightened nations.—[The Honourable and Learned
Gentleman, who had been frequently interrupted by
cheering, sat down amid loud and continued cheering
from all pens of the House.]

ARR.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT prevent d himself to the
!louse, but was not heard for soutestime i ► consequence
of the cheering Which followed the speech of Mr.
Brougham, The sentences, which were not audible
in the gallery, appeared, however, from the strain of
what followed, to have been complimentary to Mr.
Brougham, whose speech the Hon. Baronet described
as being as able anti as independent in its principles
as was ever delivered in the House. It was, indeed,
one of the best that had ever been heard in the House,
and it went to support the true principles of national
honour and independence. With regard to the Go-
vernment of this country, they had certainly not done
their duty in many instances, but his hopes that they
would do so in this were so strong, that he would make
no allusion to any thing which could in the least tend
to di3turb that unanimity which he was glad to see
prevailing in the House. In the great work of pre-
' Reeving the liberties of mankind which they would have
to undertake, they would have to overlook all inferior
matters—to 'put aside the consideration of all agricul-
tural and other distress, and attend to that which was
of vital importance to man. With regard to the man-
ner in which the importance of the subject had been
enforced by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman
(Mr. Brougham), he would say, ".Tit *on lowland:lm
end :omit cut dizit." He had treated it fully, parti-
cularly, admirably ; and he (Sir F. B.) did not know
which most to admire; the wisdom, the reason, the
virtue, or the patriotism which it evinced. There was
no English heart, hut would fully understand the
Speech, and feel as the Honourable and Learned (len-
tletnen felt. He (Sir Francis) had also heard with sa-
tisfaction the opening Speech, and he trusted they
would not only have an unanimous vote, but also,
what had not appeared for a long time—an unanimous
detestation of the unwarranted interference of tyran-
ny, and love of the best interests of mankind.

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Vut *tatcoman.

L 0 N I) 0 N :
TIVINDAT 171CNI ?Ili. FIIIIIITART 6, 1823.

PROCE EDI NOS IN PARLIAMENT.

UOVSS OW LORDI.-.-1,11. 4.

in our commentary of yesterday we were obliged to
(unit what tool: place in the House of Lords with re-
gard to Agricultural Distress. Lord Stanhope, as we
observed yesterdayrinede a motion for an inquiry into
the State of the Agricultural community. But that
the motion was negatived by a very large majority. In
the course of his speech, we find the following passage,
which we insert, in order to show ►►hat are the real
sentiments of his Lordship upon this subject. When,
we have inserted it, we shall offer a comment or to o of

and Loan st EvibMir; Alrellug. to ye omit at a rataw..;
for he&ays, that mg to re;lner the intereit of the Alt,
and to continue to pay in goltLis more like a highteni
robbery than a legislative proceeding. flis•Lordship
denies that Parliament has a right to ',hinder one part
of the community, jitr the benefit gi another.
--We desire Loan SOPPIRLD to say what hr
thinks of the doctrines of LORD STANHoPE but, by
no means, to say it in a Barnt—Lo: D Livaitroci.
gave the go.6y to this part of Lord STANIIoPE's speech,
but, the Marquess of L.tysnowxn, hav'n; recou::
mended a standard of silver inst 'ad of gold, Lord L.

vsuPoot. said that it would be a parlial iautioaattemk-
- - - - - •

`rupley, and would throw the whole kingdom into eon_
fusion. Yet, let it he observed, this very measure is
recommended by Sir John Sinclair, and prayed for hi
the Sem]) Petitioners,as the most just,eritable, and
wise thing in the world. In the House of Connum,
on the same subject, a man by the name of WurruAN;
and whom we never heard of before, who seconded the
address, and who may, therefore, be supposed to know
something of the sentiments of our pretty gentlemen

at Whitehall, appears to havea curious kind of remedy
in his mind. Like the last paragraph in the Seamy,
he augurs an improvement in the affairS of Agriew.
tare, from the improvement which he asserta.to have
taken place in commerce and inanufactnres. The in.
comparable foolishness of this notice we demonstrated
so folly yesterday, that we need say nothing alum it
to-day. lint it is the remedy of this man to which we
wish to call the attention of our renders and particularly
of our readers uLa are engaged in Agricultuse.
•

Now mark Lim; "if tenants were to abandon
" the deatructive system of produring an enormous
" quail:oy of wheat in preference to other corn, it
" would teed to their bei4efit"!!! Reader! This
gentleman's name is WILDMAN. That is alt we know
of him. Another part of his remedy was. "It would
. _

" he also desirable; if tenants were to remur to those

" &Aire of economy, which theirfatAcetproctised is
" the management of their favours, with so beech cre•
" (lit" ! This was really said in the House' of Cow-
wow. These are Mr. WiLost N s ren►ediei. New,

one part of economy, practised by the fathers of the
present farmers was, the payinlr of very fill,: reht;
.

another branch of their econ,nny wag, very
little: taxes. If Mr. WILDMAN will tell the farmers

how to recur to these loedu of their fithers, they will
be very much obliged to him. Mr. Bum:on:Am time-
..

ged in, we do not very well know how, whether head
foremost or heels foremost, sonwthing about the Nos-

FOLK PETITION. He made itse of it 01 00, instance
to show that the Distresses of the Ag tiroltural
People had driven them somewhat out of their

senses. He viewed their " Errors" with kiwi-
" nest and fcr:"earance." Ah I a ki lid soul
he is, that we will be sworn for hi: ! And
so, this kind soul speaks of the Norfolk P. notion, in
particular, as proposing to break faith with the publ:c '
creditor, and of the " monstrous atten;pt to keep the
In,.dlord out of his rest fora year." lie the it goes on
to talk about monstrous Illreticus of yenta:acts, bat :.
says, that this was no mo than the Hover; mint did
in the case of Lord King, (Incept that the g• o:erninent
had sanctioned the cheating the creditor to t 1 st-amoitnt
of one third of his claim ; and the Norfolk. Matting
had extended the same principle to the 'Mee two
thirds. Mr. finoucnam, we have been Cr edibly in-
t...ruled, did not say this. We .can I teli upon
our informant. Otherwise, we should hay t charged '
him with the grossest of ignorance or the gros. •
seat of misrepresentation. The trading n e.vspapers
have put these words into his mouth, as the means of
hostility against the exposer of their infamy. fns tratF.ck.
We should like to hear Mr. BROUGHAM ea, r we
should like, for once, to have a little plain del ding front
hint upon this subject of the national Debt. SCE-should
like to hear him say, in plain English words, land with•
out any Scotch mistification, whether he be for been
for a reduction V the dell ands rectify), g of twit-
harts. We do not like this sort of suspentli. a 3. at say
rate. Let us have hint at 011 Ce, for us or age lion us.—
As to the monstrous attempts, as it is millet' 1, to cheat
the landlord out of his rent, MIS there ever a greater
falsehood uttered by human lips. The pro position is '
to suspend, for one year, the severe prom is a BM.
TRAIN'''. That is all; and a devil of a h. ryer Mr.
HAM must be, if he dues nut know that the land- -
lord has still left him the means of recoverin r his rent -
by law : aye, just as go.A. means as the b 'ocher or
the baker has to to recover a debt from the landlord!
It is only proposed to put the landlord upon the seem
finding as the farmers, other creditors, for one year.
And this is what Mr. BROUCUAM is, by the iatansons
London press, made to call cheating the las allord eta
of his rem ! Such foul misrepresentation's ; such da-
ring falsehoods, put into the mouths of Mi webers of
Parliament, do them very little credit ; and weepy Ito
means envy the feelings of the man that can 'Se proud
of the praises of the traditig wretches that deal its
these falsehoods. However, all was not false ; and we
have yet to learn how it can be decorous for airy Wm-
ber of Parliament to refer to, and to pretend to die-
cuss the- merits of any Poition which is not yet
before the House. We have yet to learn that the Fri-
vilege of any Member is ill !war him out in this ; and
we say plainly, as Mr. MENZIES said, in the case vf
Mr. Aokutnaoainte, if Mr. Baonausx did utter the
words attributed to him by the trading press, he has
foully misrepresented a docament, which it would bare
been his business to have discussed with impartiality
when it came before the Haase. Before we quit Mr.
Ittiouniiam, we must again express our decided dhap T
probation of his speech. A rattle-rousing, clap-trot
ping, it is : and will give, until Saturday night, or
thereabouts, exquisite delight to the pot-house polid-
chins : hut, dead as a door nail will it be by Motpdays
leaving- nothing- behind it but ..embarrassmeit to
the Speaker. One part of it calls for reduction of
tuxes, and the sercrest economy of expenditure. This
is for the farmers and landloidf. Another part of it.
seems to say, that Mr. Bum:Guam deprecates:4l tratch.
offil:th with the prelolic creditor : this is for the ha-
eaters and fund.,oldcro. Another part of it cells fur?.
Naval .le.,.ament : this is for all the goodie/Area ;. all
the true English hearts, that damn the F.tenithapii
the Holy Alliance! Another part of it cosaplituents •
Mr. CANNING, and trusts that a " servant the
" Crown, equally renow;sed for his talents and his
" learning, will be found at the present eriasto, to do
" his duty to his King, to his Country, t a lteciocw,
" and .1/ankiad"! This last, is for the o.d
devilish Anti-Jacob7ns : So that,
he has the ti
all in one universal clap and bravos. W: