The Statesman.
London, England, 1824-02-05 00:00:00

FOREIGN RELATIONS.'

Mr. HILL was about to bring up the It..port on the Ad-
dress, when _ _ _

Mr. HORHOUSE rose. He said that he was probably
correct in supposing that the Report about to be made, re-
lated to the discussion of last night. Ile was unwilling
to waste five misdates of the time of the House upon the
general question of the Address, as other opportunities
would occur of considering its contents in detail. There
were, however, one or two points which he felt himself
called upon to say a few words. On the very important
part of the Speech which related to our foreign pollcy,
he joined in the protest which had been ni tile by his
Learned Friend (Mr. Brougham), and other Members on
the same side of the house against all concurrence in the
sentiments of the Address. it he gave any such concur-
rence, he should disgrace himself—lie should falsify his
duty to the country and his constituents—hr s It on LI lie
totally unmindful of the character of their forefathers and
the renown of Englsnd. Two questions tie would venture
to put to the Right Hon. Secretary opposite, and he boated
they would not be regarded as unimportant or improve.
He attended with the greatest anxiety to every word which
fell last nicht from the Itizlit Hon. Gentleman. All Eu-
rope, indeed, would look n ith ,treat interest to his speech;
not a syllable could drop from his lips on the question of
our foreign policy by which the fate of Europe would not
be affected. He trusted, therefore' -that on the points to
, 'which he alluded. tlax...Kiglit Hon. Gentleman would sup- '
ply the tit teiencies of his last night's speech, anti ratisty
the expectations of the country. The first point related
1 to the Provinces of South America. Upon that question
the Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken, but in a tube so
light as to be unsatisfactory to any one but his colleagues,
who were supposed to possess the same informa'ioa with
himself. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that it would
be graceful and just that Old Spain should have an oppor-
tunity afforded her of recovering the possession of her
former Colonies. Certainly flouting could he more gra-
cious and just. He perfectly agreed with the Right Hon.'
Gentleman, that if the King of Spain were this inomentsui
jutie—if his country were his own—if his capital were his
own—if his resources were his own—if his crown were his
loom (and neither of them were so), then might lie he per-
mitted to a.tempt the recovery of his Trans-atlantic pos-
sessions. But he would ask the Right lion. Liectlem in
whether he meant to tell that house, the country, and
Europe, that whilst Spain was in possession of 70,01)0
French troops—whilst every place of sire ngth, from Bar-
celona to Cadiz, was garrisoned by French forces, and was
under the dominion of the French Crown—that this great
and once respectable Empire would suffer Spain to engage
in the effort to recover her Trans-atlantic possessions
Would he as a Minister permit this? Did he think, that
because the constitutional spirit of Spain had been forcibly
put down—because there was no re-action in favour of
freedom—that the King of Spain was therefore to he ac-
counted free? If formerly he was regarded as the prisoner
of the Constitutionalists, what was he now to he called when
hedged in by the bayonets of France ? Suppose the French
troops were to retire to-morrow, the consequence would be
that the Spanish Monarch niust the next day quit the
throne. The house and the country had on this subject a
right to a categorical answer. He (Mr. Hobhovs.) was not
so foolishly jealous, as to wish to extract from the Govern-
ment any of its secrets; but he might at least inquire,
whether, whilst completely in the power of the French
troops. Spain was to be allowed to recover. her Tra s-
atlantic possessions ? There was another omission in the
Speech of the Right Han. Gent. last night. It had been
said last Session, and frequently repeated on the posilve
guarantee of the French Minister to the French King,
that there was to be no permanent occupation of Spain
by France. The Right lion. Gentleman had told tile
house this more than once on former occasions, but did
he come forward now and tell the house how mach longer
the occupation was to continue? Did lie even say that he
had ever asked the question of the French Government?
The hoose of Commons had a right to know this, and
they had likewise a right to know the answer. The
house, however, was in possession of an answer. One
hundred and twenty thousand men had iuvaded Spain,
and between 60 and 70 thousand men were left behind.
There was-not a position of any consequence in Spain
which was not now in possession of the French troops.
Surely the Right Hon. Gentleman would tell the house
something on this head. He did not ask him to tell the
hottuse say thing on the guarantee of the French King—
for thewords of Kiags were no gurautees-7still less of a
King who had pledged his honour that the Army of
Observation was never intended to be one of invasion.—
(Cheers.) After this most shameful falsehood, which if it
bad been told by a private wan, would have disqualified
him from all respectable association, it did not becuina the
Right lion. Gentleman to rely upen the operations of dr:
French Monarch, or his shallow-minded Minister, Chateau-
Inland. There was likewise a question which lie wished
to put to the Colonial Secretary. It was, whether he was
' acquainted with the facts and the causes which,l induced the
issuing of a Proclamation respecting the lonian Islands, the
original of which be held in his hands.—(Hear, bear.) It
had been his fate to meet with many curious documents,
but this !as the most extraordinary of all, The titles of

•
the person (Sir Thomas Maitland) who ismed it, were so
numerous and so singular, that he could not. read them
without sailing ; and if he did not know the fact, he shoniml
doubt whether it was his prodoction. Whatever might I e
the private excellence of. Sir 'lliornas Maitland, still that
house had a right to know the reasons why he had put-
te o of the lonian Islands under quarantine for thirty days,
more particularly as he himself was a lamentable instance
of a breach of quarantine. The house had a right to ask
for proofs at its bar. His Excellency thought proper, in
consequence of what occurred in the island of Ithaca, to
put two of the islands under quarantine for thirty days, and
still more, at the end of the Proclamation, to thunder out
his &nit:beau against the unhappy Greeks for lighting in
the defence of a cause, which he thought even Sir Thomas
Maitland might have pardoned. When a high public
oificer putforth Proclamations of this kind, it was usual to
state the origin and cause of them ; but this Sir TI bitras
Alaitiand had failed to do. He said that a person, calling
himself Prince Mavrocordsto, had .violated the nentislitruf
the lonian Islands; and, therefore, two-of the islands he
puts in qnarantine, and adds that this was done in order
that the British Government might not appear as a
participator . in the dreadful slaughter and atrocities
mschickna .tkis and other occasions bad marked the con-
Fract-olllttwpartiewaviatliwa • Ills was wttribating the fault
not to the Turk', but to the Greeks. He (Mr. liobliouse)
should like to learn from the lion. Secretary whether he
knetv what these dreadful slaughters and atrocities were.
He (Mr. H.) did know, and he held in his hand a letter
which contained a full statement of them. Ithaca was
said to be t4me scene of these violvions, but instead of its
having horn committed by the Gm m eks, it was tne act of the
Turks ; instead of 11;:vi rig been committed by Prince May-
racordato, lie had done all lie could to prevent the infringe-
ment of time neutrality of the Islands—lie hid prevented,
to time extent of his piece, the men front landing, and he
was afterwards, together with his Government, ready to
make time most ample apology for the offence. What that
(Welter was he should now state. A small Greek squadron
had attacked a squadron of the Turks, near the Island of
Ithaca, and captured one of the vessels. The crew escaped
to land, and whilst the Greeks were taking possession of
the vessel, they were fired upon from the shore in the most
murderous manner. The Greeks immediately landed, and
put to death some of the Turks. It was clear, therefore,
that the Turks had b:en the first to violate the neutrality;
and if any inquiry took place, which it was proper there
should, the facts ought to have been fairly stated by Sir
Thomas Maitland in his Proclamation, and the Turks as
well as the Greeks should have been censured. Instead of
that, he says that he is sorry that those who pretend to be
fighting fur liberty should commit such. atrocities. For
the sake of an epigraustnatic turn, he launches forth his in-
vectives against the Greek cause, to the serious injury of
that cause. Indeed the greatest alarm had been caused by
the Proclamation, and the Greek Government, together
with Prince Mavrocordato, were prepared to send the most
humble apology to this Government, in order to deprecate
the effect of the statement of time Proclamation. It was a
singular fact, that Prince Mavrocordato was the very man
under whose government every species of atrocity had dis-
appeared from the Greek charact, r. lie (Mr. II.) did not
lay any of the blame in this matter to the doors of our Go-
eemeemema. lie did not cite how Government could inter-
fere in behalf of the Greeks agaiast the Turks, when they
had refusA ta assist Italy against Austria, an-I Spain
against France. The uniformity of the system would not
allow it. That system he did not urach admire. but since
.it was the policy of the country, he would nut ask the Go-
vernment to break through it in this sol.tary instance,
Tine he disliked the Turks: but he disliked the Austrians
still amore; and he knew them both well. Against the
Govern:l cut, at home, therefore, he dung no imputation,
for they hail dune noticing. Against the language of Sir
'l'. Maitland he iniamt obj tct ; he had called the tear between
the Turks and Greeks an " unfortunate strug.gle !"
What right had he to call that an " unfortunate
struggle ?" lie repeated that it was not an un-
fortunate s:rugglc, alai did not deserve to be so cha-
racterized. lam common justice, Sir Thomas Maitland ought
to have shown what lock place on bolt sides ; and lie hoped
that time Right Hon. Secretary would he able to give a more
satisfactory exalenation of Vie cause %chick induced the Go-
vernor of the lonian Islands to issue such a Proclamation.—
Perhaps the itight;Hon. Secretary was not in possession of the
original ; if not, he could furnish him with one, which had
come to has bands, for the copy which appeared in the news-
papers was a bad one. Ile would be glad to hear from the
Right lion. Gentleman a declaration that the Government at
home did eat participate its the sentiments of Sir Timomae
Maitland, with regard to time war which was now waging be-
tween the Turks an I Greeks, and that t•ley would not allow
such a denunciation against the Greeks as tins Proclamation
contained to go abroad without explanation or remonstrance.
The HAL Member concluded by hoping the house would ex-
cuse him for having occupied their attention so lone, but the
subjects to which he alaided were too important to pass over
without receiving some further explanation ou them from the
Right Hon. screwy.

Mr. CANNING rose.—lle said that he did not rise to
discuss the prudenre of giving information to the lion.
Gent., or any other Member, upon any questions they
thought proper to ask. lie only hoped that in rising to
answer the questions which had been just pot to him by
the Hon. Member, lie would not be precluded f.oin
deliver-
ing his sentiments more fully in any after discussion
that might arise. As to the first question, and he must
first observa that the uncertainty in which it was pot, must
have arisen from the Hon. Member's having confounded
his (Mr. Canning's) statement of principle nitia his state-
ment of fact. In his reply to that part of the H mutt.-
able and Learned Gentleman's speech last night, which
referred to the Speech of the President of the United
States, he sated both, and distinctly lai•l it down,
that in principle the mother country had a right,
if she had the power, to recover the Colonies,
and that any interference to intercept the bona 'de exet-
cise of that p.wer would be an act of hostiii•y to the
mother country, and on the other band, that no foreign
power should, under the mask of other object•, a.sst the
mother country; cr ender any pretence whatever aid her in
an attack on tile Colonies. This principle he la'd drivn as
the one on which the policy of this country stood. 111::
Hon. Member it was true, stated possible and imagi-
nary event., in tshich this principle might be violated,
and in which a third ;tower might interfere to assist in the
subjugation of the Cutunies; but these possible cases he was
not now bound to attend to—be would only state that
which was a fact, and ollich he did know, and this was
that while we admitted a right on the part of Spain to
recover her Colonies, we denied a right of interference
on the part of any foreign power.—(Hear, bear.) Now lie
conceived that this point nos intelligibly laid down. Witt►
regard to the next question, the occupation of Spain by
France, it was difficult to answer it, because as
to any thing future, tie had entirely to rely on the stat.-
went. we had received—on the pledges of confii:e ice and
assurance made to us, that there was no intention on the
part of France to permanently occupy Spain. Hut as the
Hon. Gentleman seemed determined not to beliese all fu-
tnre assurance, it would now be hardly necessary to van.,
for the sake of convincing him, the assurances tl'ey lad
received, and the grounds of confidence they bad rtason
to entertain. Howevi rbe cou:el not avoid adveit.ng to