The Statesman.
London, England, 1810-12-22 00:00:00

's .

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, Dec.2l.

The House met yesterday at the usual hour, when
Mr. LUSIIINGTON brought up the Report of the
Committee on the Stale of the Nation.
On the reading of the Resolutions, Sir F. Butt-
beTT ruse. 'The Seems tat spoke to a point. of Or-
tier, and the Hon. Bart. resumed his seat. On the
second reading.of the Resolutions—
Lord w..nessELL observed, that though he
differed iu many points from the Hon. Bart. yet
when the doctrities he mentioned were such as
might benefit the country, he would nut find a
more determined partisan. Ile had Opposed the
proceeding by Bill in 1788. Ills opinions were
the same now as they were then, and he should again
oppose the principle. The Resolutions then pro.
posed were proposed not so much from an opinion
of their being necessary in the first. instance, as
froln'the circumstances which arose out of their de-
bate. An assertion of the Prince's right to the
Royal Authority hail been then set up, and it was
• in opposition to that assertion that the Minister of
that day moved them. No such claims had' now
been advanced, and consequently Ministers had
not the s nue excuse as their predecessors to urge in
justification of their conduct. M concluded by
moving the previous question.
Sir FRANCIS BUItDETT rose to support the
Amendment which had been just moved 'by the No.
Me Lord. The Noble Lord had stated his reasons
in opposition Its the Resolutions to which, they were
now asked to agree. lie (Sir Francis) rose to add
a few in addition to those of the Noble Lord. He
thought, in the first place, that the ground taken by
the Noble Lord in his opposition to that Resole.
tins was such as imperiously to require an answer
from those Gentlemen, who relied so much upon
the argument of necessity ; it became those Gentle..
men to stiew in what this necessity consisted ; in his
opinion the necessity had not been as yet math; out.;
it appeared to be but a false prereuce to do that
which nothing but extreme necessity could justify.
Why was there the discussion, the contrariety of
opinion which they had already heard ; if, indeed,
it was a OM of necessity, necessity admitted of no
alternative; but here there was an alternative, there.
fore there could be no necessity ; we might do ei-
ther of two things, consequently we were put im.
mediately compelled to do but one of them : it was
not necessity, Gentlemen might call it expediency,
convenieveir, or by any other pliable and indeliiiite
term., but necessity they could not call it. The
Noble Lord had stated, and had stated strongly,
' that the bare assertion of an ahstract•proposition by
that House could have no influence on a question
like the present, and was its most cases' to be' depre-
cated. Of this there could be little doubt ; an as-
sembly reinstituted as that was, made up of parti.
Iles so fleeting and so changeable, could not he
thought to bind either others or themselves at diffe-
rent periods. The mischief arising from this fully
had been but too obvious, hence was it that as every
House of Commons had a rigid to an opinion, and
the expression of it,.that the Journals of that House
exhibited such a motley specimen of repugnant opi-
nions and contradictisiy .resolutions ; therefore, had
be been always hostile to that llouse, •or any As.
Sembly so composed, teking upon itself the province
O' laying dowwabstract propositions, alternately
confirming and contradicting each other. The No-
ble Lord had all* adverted to. the great difference
whiclisexisted between the cjrcumstences that at.
tended the introduction of the second Resolution go
the House, in 1788, end at present —then, it ap-
peared, that in the course of the discussion, the
question of right had been advanced, it rested
upou the opinion of an individual, an opinion
which the Prince of Wake did not sanction ; now,
this opinion iu favour of the question of right did
appear to him (Sir Fraucis) nut to be well founded,
for where there is right there must be law—right is,
• in fact, law ; and where there is no law there is nu!
*right. Ho therefore hit-erred, that the Prince's sue.
cession to the office of Regent was not absolutely
matter of right. But he • would here ask, if thistle
cuuld be right only where there was law, by what
right could that House assume to itself the power
of providing the.means of supplying the defect in
the Executive Government ? Where was the law
which warranted the right of such assumption ?
And if the law could nut be found, he would ask,
how came they by the right ? There was, 'how-
ever, this difference between the supposed right of
the Prince to the Regency, and the supposed right
of that house to nominate the Regent, that in
the former case there could be no doubt of the fit-
ness and expediency of the Pi ince being the Re-
gent, though there must be doubts as to the expe-
dience of that Homes usurping the power 'of ap..
waiting any person Regent. The [heir Apparent
ought ter succeed * the Sovereign Power, its every_
cure of the demise of the Crown. The present
ease was isalensise of the Crown.[lleue,'heor i] This
supposition was in no way inconsistent with the
actual and existing integrity of the Kingly Power.
',tall other cases of demise, the Heir Apparent to
• the Throne was designed to succeed to the Govern.
silent 'the Country. In former periods of our
history, in the event of the imprisonment of the
ioigaing Monarch, of his being driven out of his
i.iiigtlunt, and in being abient frorn his dominions,
es in the case of Edward the Fourthe-in all such
eases, the expediency and fitness Of the next heir
succeeding to the Pzecutive Power 'during such des
nose cuuld not have been queitinited. He thought
this, indeed, to rest upon. a vital principle of the
Cetistituttou, which regarded time parts of the Cone
ritutivii as distinct of themselves, however united
or mingled in their joint. co-operation. 'L'his, he
Lad tin doubt, smolt' be providing fur the defect
in the Executive, in a way . more consonant to
the swami painciples of the Constitution. And he
saw no tt.,,,0n why the Minister should not tall for
a (em titer delay tii pass his onono measure, *heti the,
same ;wisest: could be 1140 q: coustitutimially
seered without any delay, or at least witho'st more
titan the delay of two or three days. They had now
been six weeks without a Government, and he saw
no reason for•adelieg to that delay by preferring tine'
anode of proceeding tq another, which was not only
envie constitutionaf, but. would be productive ofl
comparatilely no vela), to say nothing of the

• • ••

House being called Upon to exercise a right which
did not belong to • it. A Learned Gentleman had
last night asked, if, because the King was to be in-
capacitated, the House of Commons was to be ascii-,
pacitattd also ? - In times inure pure, and-with re.
tweet to the conformation of that House, .infinitely
more perfect, no such -right was claimed, and the
want of it was not thoughtan incapacitation. But
howwas the louse incapacitated by not ossuinieg Oat;
province which the Constitution has not given to'
it ? The way of its ditty in the present case is clear
and plain—in addressing the Pinta, and offering
him in that Address an opinion, and grounding
upon that opinion a request, we do not usurp a
disputed power, but exercise an undoubted right—
we adhere to the good old sound principles of the
Constitution, by keeping within the sphere of their
own rights and duties. The perfection of the Con.
ititution was its. simplicity—which course was more
analogous to that simplicity—the doubtful, indirect,
confused, and inefficient proceeding by E.ll, or the
sfmple; easy, direct course of Address ? rllcar !]
And yet we' are now, after spenolieg six weeks in
doing nothing, to give rise to still greater delay, by
preferring the former course to the latter. r The
Honourable !brunet then proceeded to animadvert
upon the observations, which his remark,
relative to the Corporation of the City of London,
had called forth from a Right Honourable Gentle-
' man (Mr. Canning). He- congratulated the Right
Honourable. Gentleman upon his restoration to
those powers of pkasantry, which, unfortunately
for the entertaitiment of the House, had so long
beets clouded. lie (Sir Francis Bordett) was not
surprised, that the national calamity, which that
Right ilonoitrable Gentleman had been so lustre.
mental in producing, had eclipsed fur so long a time
his chatacteristie gaiety ; it was not to be wonder-
ed at, that the Right honourable Gentleman should
grow somewhat grave,. in conteinplatiug the dread-
ful marks of death, which the Walcheren Expedi-
tion hail inflicted upon his country. He thought
that while the country was labauring undei the mi.
series of that disgraceful expedition, the merriment
of one of the authors of those miseries would hate
been better spared, more particularly of him who
stood before the public, self-cotivicted of having
acted in concert with a cUlteague whom he liati
avowed and denounced as 10.10, unwortby, and
iti-
efficient—here, indeed, there ryas-more than enough
to suspend any unseasonable ollerica, conscious
as that Right Honourable Gentleman must has been
that if, ever there was a Minister of this country
nhu•dcserved impeachment, it was that Right Hu-
nourable Gentleman, for his conduct in that trans.
action. No wonder then that the sense hf his sans.
tion had depressed those -light and airy _sallies of
pleasantry in which that Right Hon. Gent. so much
delighted, and which, however deficient in instruc.
tion, could not be said to be wholly destitute of
amusement. Now, howtver, that the Right Holt.
Gentleman has happily been. restored to the exer.
else of his suspended powers, 'he (Sir •Francia)
would advise him to he more select its to the sub-
jects of his jukes. kTite Lord Mayor, Aldermen,
and Common Cooncil'of the City of London ate to
be found in the best parts of our history, taking a
zealous and active part in defeoce,of the rights and
lihertioa of Flioilishmen—they sal together with the
first orders at the State, and in that convention
they did not prove themselves unworthy, of co-ope.
rating with the highest of the Nubility in the work
awhich was then accompikheil. They have been in
the most trying times of our history ii.great weight
in the scale, and therefore, had they been a party
in addressing the Prince, it did not appear to
hint (Sir Francis). that such a proceitling would be
a subject worthy of a jest, and However the Right
Hon. Gentleman may appear to despise the City of
London, he had not thought it beneath his dignity,
When Secretary of State, to meet at dinner a set of
jobbers and contractors at a tavern, and even to
condescend to vary their conviviality by sage
speeches. The Honourable Baronet proceeded
next to observe upon the speech of a. Learned and
Honourable Gentieman, who spoke from the
'Bench' behind hint (alluding, we believe, to Mr.
'fouler), that.speech, considered as a whole, he
thought very candid and intelligent, but there was
one part of it from which he must dissent ; it was
that part where the !olarnad Gentleman seemed .to
argue, as if there was a law beyond the law ; a
constitutional something to
.be found only in the
practice of Parliament to this he could not assent
or if there was such a law, he confessed his under-
Standing to be too narrow to comprehend it ; he
could only take, as law, what was to be found in
the Statutes, enacted by the Legislature, and not
the variable ptescriptions, or contradictory• usages
of the different parts of that Legislature. What
was called the practice of Parliament, was but ano-
ther name for a ii ass of inconsistency ; practice
may be inconsistent, but law cannot be contradic-
tory. Whist is a Constitution, but certain things
established ? But to-talk of alaw, 'which was be.
yond the law, was to talk of a Constitution in the,
air. With respect to the assertion contained in the
words of the present Resolution, he objected to
the'assumptiun of a right'which did not belong to
them, and he objected to the proceeding intended
to be founded upon it, because he thoughtahat such
proceeding, went to wake the House a part of the
Crown, and that too, after the defect its the Execo.,
tivc had been supplied. He thought it absurd to
contend that it was doing the same thing as to the
exercise of legislation to proceed by Address and to
proceed by .Bill ; itt the former, the will of the
Executive, or •Of the intended Regent, was pre.
served independent of the act of that House,
and thus the Constitution was not violated by
'one past of the Legislature usurping the time.
Lions of another. [Hem. ! hear I.] But the Great
Seat had been brooglit forward in the debate, as if
the very name Was to operate as some magic spell
uponlheir understandings, as if the Great Seal had
.been a sort of talisman—it-was even to alter recce-
dentsi At the-Revolution there was no Great
'fore
; present there was a Great Seal, and there-
'fore it: was absurdly urged that the cases were not
I-analogous. • BUt what was the principle which gave
life to the Great Seal, and all the other fortes of the
Reiolution—it was that the people had a share in
the Government, and that there was a coutruct he.
tweets the people and the Crown ; this was the prin.
civic then established, and which would not be

TkIE STATESMAN.

. ,

pretended 'ought not to be allowed even at this time
its due intinence. For these reasons he should vote
for the previous question ; but had he no other reason
for resisting that Resotutitm of the Committee, new
before them, than Ida conviction of how unwise and
unnecessary it was fur that House to pass Resolutions
laying down abstract propositions, he should oppose
that Resolution. lie concluded by declaring that
the House had no right:to supply the defect of the
itoyal Authority, not being &lull and true repre-
sentation of the people. The proceeding was sub.
eersive of the principle of the Revolution, and he
would certainly take the sense of the House upon
it; or ratter he would divide the House in order to
have the objection recorded on the Journals, for as
to the sense of the House that would be according
to the sense of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
pronounced from that tripod where.his delivered las
oracles. .
Mr. LAMB censured the delay Which had taken
place, but had no doubt of the right of thefflouse
to remedy the defect in the 'Coustitution, A Ueda-
ration had been made iii the Leong Parliament
(which the pattiots of the present day thought ought
to furnish a precedent) to that effect. In 1612 it
was resolved, that it 'was the distinct and 'ancient
law of England, that in the incapacity of the per.
sell holding .the Executive Power, the natiett,could
nothe lert without the means of preservation, and
it'was therefore for the two Houses to take such
measures as might appear, expedient. This he con.
tendeil was sound doctrine, though the conclusion
they Caine to in consequence was erroneous.. He
was of opinion that the representation of the peo..
pie was imperfect, and that it might be changed for
the better, but her by no• means agreed with the
lion. Bart. (Sir F. Burdett) generally. Of what
anarchy might not that Hun. Bart. (who was so.
anxious to guard agaiust anarchy) be-the cause,
&weeping away sa many' Acts of Parliament, and
referring all to the decision of popular assemblies.
What could be more incousistent than the conduct
of that Hun. Baronet in speaking thus and acting as
he had dune ? It was but a Session or two ago that
he moved for a Committee. to inquire into the slate
I of the representatioq of, the people, intending, as
i
I he (Mr. 1, ) presutned,te gip:hole Bill thereon fur
the amendment of the same. If thus were nut a
legal House of Commons, in .his opinion, why did
he act thus ? Why did be seek -a- remedy which
must be illegal if they *were such is he descrilnal
them to be ? The lion. Gesst. then .proceeded to
censure the delay which had :occurred. He
thought it could not be coostitutionelfor the House'
so to adjouttcfrom time to time, leaving-the Execu-
tive Power in the hands of whoever might chance
to be Ministers. It was impossible not, to sympl.
thize in his Majesty's
,afffctien. The precedenrof
17881 he maintained, was not. applical:lc to the
present case. Ale then proceeded to ipeai•cif the
mode of authorizing a Regent to exercise the func.
tions of Royalty.. The mode of proceeding by
Address was most expedient as well as most con.
stitutional, and the same provisions could be metre
proceeding in that way.as by Bill. They ought
ever to view the Executive Power with suspicion—
not with any feeling of. attimosity, but with a pro.
per view to the welfare of 'the nation. He then sr-
gued on the improbability of the Regent's being
supported by the People in opposition to their own
interest*, and in opposition to Parliament, adverted
to the conduct of King William shortly after the
Revolicicio, and .conctuded, hoping the House
would reconsider the subject. •
Mr. STEPHEN thdhght the House had a • dif.
knit part to perform. He contended their. con.
duct ought to be regulated by great constitutional
p rac i ieds and not by the proceedings in the Courts
of Law. A great constitutional principle could be
established by a single precedent, which they were
not.merely eetitled,..but absolutely bound to fol-
low. It was the pravices• of the Constitution
which made the Constitution,. and it ,was difficult
to find more than one precedent fur some of its
most sacred principles. . The Crown, for instance,
was hereditary, but the succession differed mirth.:
from the succession to an' ordinary estate. The
precedent by e hich thit was established, was by
that ;furnished on the death of . Edward VI. That
Monarch dying, loft his two sisters,
.Mary and Eli.
zabeth, behind. In ordinary cases, the two siters
would have been declared to be coheiresses to their
deceased brother, and as such, would hitve been
entitled to equal •sharet of his property: In the
case of the succession to the Crown, the Constitu-
tion decided. that Mary, being the eldest, should as-
cend the Thrane. That was the only precedent to
be found. After Some further ebservatioos on the
rules of the succession to the Ciown, he adverted
to the precedent of 1788, which he regarded not as
being less than a precedent, orsof less authority
than a pr'oceediug in a Court of Lew, but as he:.
iug more. Ile looked upon it as having establish-
'cd a new canon of law. The power could he con.
stitutionally given by Bill, and ;legit not to be
given hy Address. The Regency Bill did not pass
in 1789 because of the happy recovery of his Ma-
jesty. The proccudiogs of that day furnished a full
and complete precedent as they had been ratified by
the King. It was with great surprise that he heard
that mode of proceeding censured as it had'beem
An Act, he contended, would be amore effectual
restraint on an improper exert-he of authority than
the declaration proposed to be made with Andress.
With respect to the Great Seal, it hiellteenrwell ob.
sensed, that there was this distinction between the
Revolution and the present state of things, That a
King was then wanting us well as a Great Seal.
Any silversmith, had a seal been all that was want-
ing, could have supplied them with one, but they
only wanteil a seal to give the assent of the King,
• and they had at that time no Keig. The two
cases were very di.similar, as, in the present in-
stance, we have a King, and whaterei may be done
must be dune in the name of George the Third.
The present, he would' not say was analogous to
-to that of 178 S, unfortunately it was the same.
With respect to the alleged delay, he maintained
it, so far from deserving censure, was entitled to
approbation. ,It had been stated that the Report
of the Physicians afforded no hope. of 'the recovery
of his Majesty: He had read the Report a second
time, and saw nn cause for making so melancholyj
a statement. On reading it, he found.(blessed be
. God !) abundant reason to hope his Majesty would

recover. AU the Physicians
of his Majesty's malady to be
ed to„ have proceeded from tl
rOwto the Royal Family,
ject of so much regret to th,
Gentleman went on with gr
the afflicting circumstances
the Priucesslia.• Ile
which we cannot do josti4
Royal Nrcut when visitiu,
it was his to mourn her
'the parental feelings of his
ration, they held odt a
a constitution like his, uul
(rob], the effects of the
Every matt who could feel
patisize in the distress of Iris
him for his virtuous affect
Ills tears were h.tilowed—,
of a Poet, who *ell knew

4, Some feelings are to
4, With Iris (dearth to

" And if there be a banyan tear.
" F•unt passions (truss reen'd a,
" A tear so geode awls.) nieel
" It would not stain an Ai,tet's
" 'Tis that which pious father
" Upon a guiltless daughter':
It bud been his Majesty's lot to
weeks and months, the distressinj
child. He could not but feet mm
he read of the manner in which his
the Report of the Physician on
daughter; and when he'figured tr
rabbi form, approaching his chili
with his yet remaining sessees the
and fainting respiration of the am
wanted fortitude to repress the stv
Honourable Gentleman then paid
praise to the virtues of the So,
those who were so impatient at
gvric, and condemned that spirit
which unnecessarily impeded th(
ierviitg, ut the s.snie time, jhat th
very impatient of delay did not
ably quick not& of *proceelling,
that in the Irish Parliament fillet(
lost on a former occasion in debar

' Mr. C. W. WYNN g maintii
duty of the two Houses to supvl.
the Executive Power. He thetigt
ceetl by Address, though he had II
legality of giving the power '
merely a question of expedien,
way they inight give the power,
it would be equally valid and kil
spect to what had been said • on
ratified the proceedings of 1788,
served, that the Kiug's speech was
dered the speech of Ministers, ar
but their ratification of their owl
If no opposition was made to the
on that occasion, it was because
to disturb the harmony which prow
jesty's happy recovery. He c.
which had taken place, and descai
the inconveniences which might al
pension of the-Executive Power.
once assumed
.to itself- the privilege
Act independeot of.t he Royal san
uo knowing Where it would at.
proceed to the length of passing
ing the Royal Authority itself. ',
1788 having never beeo acted on,
considered as an opinion expressed
than a,measure adopted by it, ar
not be presumed to possess the
which proceedings actually *folio
titled.

Mr. WILBERFORCE said,
extremely sagacious its discovering
of his Right Honourable Friend,
pletely bitid to those of their Otte
!edged that there were objections
proceeding proposed, by his Ri
Friend, but this was a case of dir
there Was no way of escaping w
ject to some objection. Those'
posed the plan of his Right H 3
however, recommended the mods
it were free front all objection;
necessary to create a Ilegent, ei
WAS done.. Vet the very next mi
obliged to confessr that ' he woe
but, in consequence of a certal
standing, Would be bound to cot
strictions they might chase to int'
disclaimed restrictions in terms,
4sim the full Executive Power,
time, they imposed on him term
'cede. Teis seemed •to him to '
and fraud equal to that of whit
as-attaching to the plan of his RI
He could not think of the Ili'
the precedent in the year 1789 ,
was. impossibld IN say how far tbslk
high character of the Prince of W
son for investing him .with tiali.
might scree as a dangerous precede:as
Ills present conduct did him eter
like all good subjects of this real
lihment to provide for the dello
for their decision, before he
matter ; but still it was this duty,
recollect, that they were legislati
to come. tiowiar alterations mig,
the' limitations proposed by hie
• Friend in every other respect, c:
his Majesty, he was i,ut now
I.llear ! hear !
.fram Mr. Pert
Mr. STEWART sppported
Addresi. Ile had approved of
seeding in the year 1789, in the
and he did so from attachment U
the House of Brunswick. '
Mr. GRXTTA N. remarked,
might he eietsiUsited as it affected
the country, and as it might iur
of public atfaiis. We beheld I
a manner suspended, and it foils
duty of the Estates of the Real
was deicient in it, aptito rester
I gour. ' • This,however, he entice
by the .represen Wires s&( .the,kiSt'
' bled, and did not see the necesm
those Couveutions whleh were.

i►s had
knot'statend the eaoa taimi
i; it was slit, tit t
that fatal source er,„r. erds
Which had been a nh. 'hi' 6,
the nation. The Iftm. Or
;teat feeling to speak at their
attending the death gf 'fhei I
described, in terms 11
icr., the distress of
the soy
of PI
ug his beloredChil
att'it
I,,,peless state. Waal to'"1
Majesty culleddeo.
reasonable hope, litki otelit
)broken, world ramet To shock it had received, seri'
►
as a father mast sra. cede'
Nhiestx; and rererreeo a I
:don towards his chikt. the
—to use the lange.44 feet
how to affect the hew,
3 mot ints
17;31
fit them Ihan Iteav'n ; -

1)3111('.11:
Cm(
tee's heal;'
to
sing situation
, ref
his
receirnt
on
e of 4u
he
d to himself his reoe.
contemplate,
reitiigeelechtlaysw6AelttireYaltmillatrna tetbia:rttht:ylieto.fletr:i.'
mnctt affecteil the
ur
the
amiab
elia, I;e
startin
r. The
aid a
ibute of
Sihveearrelbgi hit c 6"
ci
rt
rptichittitof progress,troiraer2 rat :11.
•
glt t,t illasc:r7)hpeoWserheutan ir•senniebirl.e.tr,ll7 7i
tahsl at:bt,4trevitrrhe'll.dg daystiintl►
a to
►
ti: a:11.11171, t!„
ed
:tl,l,l4tir he
t the
better4efiiCietioltYpii•
d no doubts as to oy
:r by
.13:11. It if al tl
envy, and wilehtier
to
181
the Address
was
st u s
tshouldialliynbocepo
eon ti,:v to
the •act of gins,
hi V* With t, Of
sn the 'king's la
p at
revailed ";.invelinsaol,sll:lllerni"relocviceditahtsheliienwirs4efidstl Ir
al
encauted ar length.,
it arise from the sus
er. When thane r
ivilege of passing
I sanction, there w
stop; it
.00 Cu 1
,fug a Bill for oohs
f. The precedviii
on, was rather to
ressed by Pali=
, and as such, coo.
le same authority
'oilowed up were •
;aid, Gentlemen w
ling defects in •he pl
mil, but seemed co.
t own. He sets°
Lions to the mode
s Right llonoureh'
'difficulty, from eh'
IT which was not se
se Gentlemen who 0,
Honourable Frin,
mode or Address as
; that it was merci
and then every thi,
et moment they we
.vould haven° poser.
!errant private under
consent to *lnhere
impose on him. The
is, and sienksl to gir
r, while, at the sr
crms to which he wi •
to be a species 01)1.1'
rhich t hey . coin plained
s Right lion: Friend •
longs deviating Ira
89 ; as if they did.
r th.w. might go. Tb
of Wales was no r
snlimited power, AS
'eccdent in other m •
eternal honour.
real nT, looked to PA
.I.eficieney, and !lII' 1,1
t at- all interfcredm
t
lutr of the Ilovse
slating for generate'
is might not be nude
his Right Hoovers.
except the costal,
s
ow prepared to say.
'crceval.] '
the proceeding
of that mode of p
r' the Irish Parham
it to the King, and .
ced, that the gash'
:ted the Constitution
itifluence the situati..
Id that Constitution
ollowed that it wall
realm. to supply ab.
store it to. its former
tit-I-mind might he d '
,Estates already asse.
:cessity of resorting
crc accessory in r.
•