The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-05-03 00:00:00

abrogated

New Scale of Duties. Old Scale.

£s. d. Ls. d.
Wheat under 51s. per quarter 1. 0 0 1 16 8
51s. and. under 523. .. 0 19 0 1 15 8
525. .... 555... 0 18 0 1 12 8
555. .... 565... 0 17 0 1 11 8
565. .... 575... 0 16 0 1 10 8
575. .... 585... 0 15 0 1 9 8
58s. .... 595... 0 14 0 1 8 8
595. .... 605... 0 13 0..
60s. .... 61s. .. 0 12 0 1 6 8
61s. •• .. 625. .. 011 0 1 5 8
625. .• .. 635. .. 010 0 1 4 8
635. .... 645... 0 9 0..
645. •• .. 655. .. 08 0 ..•. 1 2 8
655. .... 665. .. 07 0 ll 8
665, .... 695. .. 6 6 0....
695. .... 705... 0 5 0..
70s. .... 715... 04 0 OlO 8
71s. .... 725... 0 3 0..
725. ... 735... 0 2 0..
735. and upwards .. 01 0 01 0

POPECRAFT.—We understand that letters have been re-
ceived in this 't
do delegate leg a te
superstitioni
bishop to the ci y, announcing that the Pope has appointed a
of Babylon see of Jerusalem, under the title of the Bishop
An ominous sobriquet, undoubtedly ! The
Policy of the nomination is worthy of the Man of Sin, whose
at Jerusalem
have taken up their snow to reside in the holy city, and retain the hold
over the Roman Catholic devotees who re-
sideconvents and
also who
hmoownearsetern'es connected with their church. The
abode permanently in the local
jealousy of the work
main cause
and England, in theg
however, the movement we suspect to be
up by the combined efforts of Prus-
siabishop of our reformed appointment of Mr% Alexander as a
and countermine. t
like that of the Lorettieneursihst.erhTololids inis Cchlseelaorl
labourstytua, n
toaottfthepwmuurprett
the success of truth,
christianity in every direction Dublin Statesman.
A GOWN TO FIT ANY
Ad-
ministration,PAßT—
the Hon. Henry PARTY.—During the Coalition
Advocate of Scotland. He succeed
Erskine held the office of Lord
after-
wards Lord Melville. On the morning Henry Dundas,
he had an interview with Dundas in tnhgeof the apppointment
observing that the latter gentleman had outer,jre house, when,
ordinary stuff gown which Advocates areied9 resumed the
wearing, he said gaily, that " he must leaveooft.he custom of
a
and order his silk gown, the official costume tolfking to go
Advocate and Solicitor General. "It is hardly wortltihe Lord
said Mr. Dundas drily, " for all the time you'll want' while,"
said
had better borrow mine." Erskine's reply was exceedingly"
" From the readiness with which you make the
happy:— e
offer, Mr. Dundas, I have no doubt that the gown is a gown
made to fit any party; ;but however short my time in office
may be, it shall ne'er be said of Henry Erskine that he put
on the abandoned habits of his predecessor."

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the mo-
tion, on the ground that all taxes were unequal.
Mr. WARD thought the amendment would in a great de-
gree be the means of mitigating the injustice of the income
tax, and was of opinion that the argument used by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer of the general inequality of taxation
was not a reply to a case such as the present, which ought
to receive the greatest attention from the house.
Mr. STUART WORTLEY contended that the rent-roll of a
landed proprietor ought not to be taken as his actual income,
as property in land would often turn out to be as uncertain
a source of income as that obtained by commerce. Enter-
taining this opinion, he could not agree to the amendment.
Mr. HAWES supported the amendment.

Mr. P. BORTHWICK was of opinion that,instead of recti-
fying it, it wou►d have the effect of committing injustice, and
should, therefore, vote against the amendment.
Mr. LABOUCHERE could not support the amendment, for
if it was necessary to impose such a tax it ought to be uni-
versal, for to admit exceptions would afford dangerous pre-
cedents. According to the amendment of the hon. member
for Bath, if it was carried, a clerk with a small salary would
be taxed, while the thriving merchant would escape.
Sir R. INGLrs was of opinion that the tax ought to be le-
vied only on those who were in possession of £l5O per annum
and upwards, and thus it would be a great relief to persons
moving in a respectable sphere of life, and diminish the un-
popularity of the measure.

Mr. V. SMITH was opposed to the tax, as it was obviously
unjust to levy the same amount from uncertain and fluctua-
ting as from permanent incomes.
Sir R. PEEL said that some inequality applied to all kinds
of taxes, while the income tax had this advantage—that if
the wealthy man went abroad he would not be exempted
from this tax as he would from others by remaining there.
The present measure was proposed in connection with others
which would have the effect of enabling persons of all classes
to live at a much cheaper rate. The tax was to be levied on
all farmers holding at the will of the landlords, and whose
incomes, depending on the vicissitudes of the seasons, were
more precarious than those of the surgeon and the commer-
cial man. For instance, if the wealthy physician, the thri-
ving lawyer, or the prosperous banker, were taxed at a lower
rate than a clergyman, whose income though permanent was
still variable, or the clerk in a public house, the naval or
military man, or the widow with a small jointure, then he
(Sir R. Peel) should say that a great injustice would be com-
mitted. If he was to have an income-tax at all, it would be
absolutely necessary that all descriptions of incomes should
be taxed alike. He therefore supported the government
measure, undeterred by any fear of responsibility.
Lord HOWICK thought that all that had fallen from the
right hon. baronet only went to show that the tax was a bad
one. He (Lord Howick) agreed with Sir Robt. Peel that it
was a most vexatious impost to levy for so small an amount,
and most unfortunate when the present intense competition
in every trade and profession was taken into consideration.
He should therefore vote for the amendment.

Mr. EDWARD BULLER opposed the amendment

Mr. WALLACE supported the amendment.
Mr. JAMES thought the members of the late government
wished this tax to go forth to the country with all its odious
defects, in order to help them to regain the reigns of govern-
ment, but not having himself any such object in view he
should vote for the amendment of the honourable member
for Bath.

Mr. LEADER had listened attentively to the arguments
during the evening from both sides of the house, and he must
say that though the majority would be against the amend.
ment, yet not one speaker had met or answered the argu-
ments of the hon. member for Bath.
Lord J. ROSSELL was opposed to the adoption of the
amendment, as, for instance, where a rich banker would
only have to pay 34d. in the pound, a person only having a
life interest would have to pay sevenpence. It would be no
justification to say that they belonged to different classes and
various schedules. He should therefore, without any inten-
tion of rendering the present measure more unpopular, vote
with the hon. baronet opposite against the amendment.
Mr. MITCHELL supported the amendment.
Mr. ROEBUCK replied; and on a division the amendment
was lost by 258 against 112.

Mr. S. tnawioßn then proposed his amendment, which
was lost by 259 to 50.

Schedule D was then agreed to, and on schedule E being
proposed,

Sir C. NAPIER called the attention of the house to the si-
tuation it would place all naval and military officers under
the rank of general and flag officers, if such a tax was im-
posed upon them. The gallant officer then concluded by
moving that all officers under the rank of general and flag
officers be exempted. _

After a short discussion the house divided, when the mo-
tion was lost by 205 to 32.

Schedule E was then agreed to, and the house resumed.
Mr. Gibbons, who had been committed by the Great Mar-
low election committee, was brought up to the bar of the
house, severely reprimanded, and discharged.
Sir R. PEEL moved that the reprimand of the Speaker be
entered upon the journals of the house.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE made some observations respecting the
severity of the reprimand, and stated that he did not believe
Mr. Gibbons had been guilty of perjury.
Sir R. PEEL was of opinion that the speaker had discharged
the duty laid upon himm a fit and proper manner.
After a short discussion the motion was agreed to.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
house adjourned.

disATURDAY.
considerSb a motion made
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—SATURDAY.
of Mr. Mab-
b y Ther
.HTobuessei g
eorf,
with Corn ma ovni
es
wmteot to
house on the
son. This witness had been committed b
warrant tefo r
report of the Southampton election comrynitt forw not pro-
beye
which
bdiuscainttgencedratnacine c(lioncutbmeennatsturreequoirredsuobfpcehinmo,
issued in the preceding session; and the question now was,en
whether with the termination of the session the obligation
of the process terminated likewise.
Mr. THESIGER contended that the force of the warrant
had wholly ceased, and that therefore the witness could not
lawfully be detained for not having obeyed it.
In this opinion he was seconded by Mr. C. W. WYNN.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL concurred, to the extent of
considering the legality of the warrant to be at all events too
questionable to allow the further imprisonment of the wit-
ness.
Sir GEORGE GREY, without admitting the warrant to be
illegal, was content that under the circumstances the witness
should be discharged; but as the question was one affecting
also the process under which other witnesses were attending
unon other committees, he notified his intention of moving
on Monday for a select committee to inquire into the general
question of legality.
Sir T. WILDE coincided in that view, declaring in favour
of the witness's discharge, who, he thought, could not pro-
perly be detained pending the inquiry.
A good deal of time was consumed in certain effervescences
of Mr. Hutt, which were at length got under by the Speaker's
authority ; and the house, without dividing, directed the dis-
charge of the witness.

The voluntary contributions to fever hospitals and dispen
varies in Ireland average 41,000 a year.

This terrible contumacy was reported to the House ; Mr.
Fleming was " had up ;" and, after a discussion, the Speaker
informed the honourable member that he must answer the
question as to the " how he came by" the cash.
The termination of the farce is worth recording, if only to
show the " lame and impotent conclusion" which may at-
tend even House of Commons' anger. We quote from the
report of last wednesday's proceedings before the commit-
tee :

6 6 Mr. Fleming, M.P., was called in. The hon. member
stated that he certainly raised £5OO towards the subscription
for the Conservative candidate, but upon his honour that
sum was raised by him for the express purpose of defraying
the legal and necessary expenses of the election. He did not
receive the money from the Carlton Club.
" Mr. Cockburn said, as the hon. member had stated that
he paid over the subscription for defraying the legal ex-
penses of the election, he would not press for an answer to
the question he put yesterday.
1' The hon. member then left the committee room."

On the same day another damper was put upon the inqui-
sitorial curiosity of the petitioning party. It is amusing
enont,,ii to justify us in laying it before our readers :
" Mr. Baring called in and examined.—My name is Henry
Bingham Baring.
" Mr. Serjeant Shee.-1 believe you subscribed £lOO to-
wards the expensps of the late election at Southampton.
" Mr. Baring.—No I did not.
" Mr. Serjeant Shee.—How much did you subscribe?
" Mr. Baring.—Not one single farthing. (Laughter.)
" Mr. Serjeant Shee.—l think, Sir, we have summoned
the wrong gentleman. (Laughter.) It is Mr. Francis Bar-
ing that we want. (Laughter.)
" Mr. Talbot.—Why Mr. Francis Baring is the ex-Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. (Laughter.)
" Mr. Cockburn.—lt is not very likely that he would sub-
scribe to a subscription of the kind we are inquiring into.
(Laughter.)
" Mr. Serjeant Shee.—ls there not a gentleman named
Frederick Baring?
" Mr. Baring.—Yes ; and he resides near the seat of Lord
Ashburton, in the neighbourhood of Southampton. Neither
I nor any branch of my family that 1 am aware contributed
one shilling towards the expenses of the last election at
Southampton.

" Mr..Serjeant Shee.—l shall ask the gentleman no further
questions, and am sorry he should have had the trouble to
attend.

" Mr. Baring (smiling).—Oh, Sir, it has been no trouble.
(A laugh.)"

STATE OF TRADE

LEEDS.—The past has been an extremely dull week as re-
gards trade, though the weather has during the last ten days
been truly splendid for the season. The transactions in the
cloth halls have scarcely equalled those of the previous week,
and there has, if anything, been rather less activity in the
warehouses. Indeed, the general opinion seems to be that
nothing of any moment will be done until the new tariff has
come into operation; and many persons are disposed severely
to censure those members of the opposition in parliament
who have interposed to delay the passing of the ministerial
budget.—Leeds Intelligeneer, of Saturday.
BRADFORD MARKET,—The demand for manufactured
goods at this market, on Thursday, was extremely dull. Both
buyers and sellers seemed to anticipate an early improve-
ment, and therefore pi ices Underwent little change. In the
yarn market purchases were about the same as last week, and
at similar rates ; but the wool market was flat, except as to
the demand for good super and fine qualities, and there was
little doing in noils and shorts.—Mid.
HOSIERY AND LACE TRADES.—The Derby turn-out has
' not yet ended. The Nottingham workmen are more zealous
than ever in the matter, and the amount of subscriptions
sent to Derby last week was increased considerably. We
have cherished the hope that the plain silk hose branch,
once the main support of Nottingham, would further retro-
grade in demand ; this, we are sorry to say, is not the case,
as many of the hands who have hitherto had full work have
got notice that they shall be stinted in their employment.
We are glad to perceive that two very important new manu-
factures have arisen in Nottingham withi❑ the few last
months, which, if properly attended to, will have the most
important results. One is to make figured netting's from
both the bobbin and warp machines, in imitation of the net-
work made by the skewers on the principle of fish nets. By
the other new manufacture, laces are made upon an entire
new principle, having the main ground composed of close
linen work and the flower of open work. All hands and all
heads ought to be directed to this new manufacture, which
offers a fresh and important field to the mechanic and mann-
factu re r.
_ _

MANCHESTER.—LittIe or no alteration has taken place in
the goods market since our last report. A fair amount of
businessis doing, and prices stationary, as the manufactu-
rers appear determined not to submit to any further reduc-
tion ; and the buyers are equally firm, and refuse to give
even the slightest advance upon the extremely low prices
that have been current for too long a period. The Yarn
market is rather more brisk, and prices are without change.
Some few of the country houses have been very busy,
although the drapers buy with great caution, but confess
that stocks in the country are very light. Power-loom prin-
ters may be quoted, 66's, 27-inch, 4s. 3d. to 4s. 9d. ; and 72's
4s. 74d. to ss. 3d.—Advertiser, of Saturday.
OLDHAM.—The power-loom weavers of three or more of
the largest cotton manufactories are entirely without work,
solely owing to the depressed state of the trade. At one
large mill the spinners have struck work, to resist an increase
in labour, unaccompanied by an increase of wages. The
earnings of the spinners at several of the cotton mills have
been reduced to the extent of 6d. per 1,000 banks. The
operative hatters are seriously distressed, owing to the short-
ness of work, and the
abatements of wages, &c.—lbid.
Y have been partially subjected to

There are calculated to be 18.000,00° barrels of oats in
merchants' stores in this city.—Limerick Chronicle.
ORIGIN OF THE WORD " BOTHER."—The word bother
was first used by a sergeant who, being exposed to the volu-
bility of two Irishmen, one'at each ear, cried, " Dou't both
ear me." Hence the verb, to bother.
DEATH OF BUNGAREE, THE PI) GlLlST.—lntelligence was
received in London on Saturday at the various. sporting
'
houses, that Bungaree, the Australian pugilist, who con-
tended in a pugilistic encounter on Wednesday last at New-
market, with John Broome for £3OO aside, expired at ten
c'clock on Friday night, at a,public-house six miles from the
place of contest, from the effects of the dreadful punishment
he received.

IRON WIRE BRIDGE.—It is strange that the plan of
making bridges of iron wire, so successfully adopted in Swit-
zerland, France, and elsewhere abroad, should not yet have
found favour enough in England to be fairly tried on the
large scale. The noble bridge at Freyburg, in Switzerland, is
301 feet wider than the Menai Bridge, and though it consists
of one span, it is at least equally strong, and cost only a fifth
part of the money. The wire bridge of Freyhurg is 870
English feet span ; that of Menai 569. The 'Menai Bridge
cost £120,000, that of Freybur £2s,ooo.—Patchwork, by
Capt. Basil Hall. g,

We have little hope certainly that any merely legis-
lative measures will ever put down effectually the prac-
tice into which it will be the duty of this committee to
inquire. The utmost that we look for from it is the
prevention of the offence when openly practised, and a
full authoritative exposure of its extent and operation.
Dishonest masters will always be able to evade an en-
actment for the prevention of an evil which is alike
injurious to the fair trader and the industrious work-
man ; and the only effectual remedy, we are satisfied,
is to be found in the determination of respectable mas-
ters and their workmen to expose the practice in every
case where it comes before their notice. The British
public, however enamoured it may be of puffing traders
and cheap goods, is at heart a just public, and will not
bestow its patronage upon those whose gains are wrung
by fraud from the pocket and from the scat..l!). sup-
plied table of the industrious workman.

When we expressed last week the mingled pain and
amazement with which we had learned the decision of
the board of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway to
adopt the junction with the Leeds Company at Hunt's
Bank, we were confident that no defensible grounds
could be urged for the course which they had taken.
Certainly, at the meeting of shareholders no such
grounds were expressed—nothing to warrant the sud-
den and, to the public, unaccountable change in the
determination of the majority of the directors; and all
the enquiries which we have since made have thrown
not one ray of light upon the matter.
It is, we have no doubt, perfectly true, as was urged
by the chairman and Mr. Moss, that the Liverpool
Board experienced too little support from the other
railways in Manchester:to enable them to carry out the
proposition for a southern junction; that the Man-
chester and Birmingham Board were hostile to the
project, or, if not hostile, at least, too deeply pledged
to the Leeds Company to allow them to move in the
direction required. The snug family party who con-
stitute the Leeds Board are, we dare say, perfectly
ready, and perhaps able, at present, to drag the Bir-
mingham Company in subjection at their heels ; but
that is surely no reason why Liverpool, also, should
succumb to their insolent dictation. Grant, that the
southern junction was unattainable under existing cir-
cumstances, such a fact would be a sufficient reason
for not pressing it at the present moment ; but it is
surely none for the hot haste in which the Liverpool
board have:embraced the counter project.
The duty of that board was perfectly simple, and
their course perfectly clear. By the admission of the
Deputy Chairman, "a junction of the different rail-
ways in Manchester" with the Liverpool line, "so as
to effect one continuous line of railway communication
between the towns and coasts of Lancashire and York-
shire," was " amongst the public necessities of the
present day." We have no doubt that the legislature
would have been precisely of this opinion, and would
have supported the Liverpool company in any effort to
advance a consummation, so desirable, against any pos-
sible amount of opposition. But when that company
comes down from its lofty position, shuts out of view
the " public necessities" of uniting itself with these
railways, and throws the facilities, which should be
afforded to all, into the grasp of one only, it abandons
the direct line of duty, and the public have a perfect
right to suspect that the ground of action is ill-judged
and indefensible.

It cannot he maintained that any unfavourable change
of circumstances, with respect to this question, have
taken place since the arrogant demands of the Leeds
Company were at first rejected, to warrant the present
course of the Liverpool Board. On the contrary, the
demand for, and the prospect of, a Southern Junction,
to accommodate all the railways in Manchester, is
greater now than it has ever been previously. When
the first stand was made by the Liverpool Board, they
possessed but one ally—the Sheffield Company—and
that one apparently in a state of hopeless embarrass-
ment. But how stand the facts now ? The Sheffield
line has emerged.. from its state of difficulty; its shares
have a market value ; it is now able to take up its Igor-
rowed capital ; and, by the approaching formation of
the branch to the North Midland Railway, it has be-
come one of the most important trunk lines in the king-
dom ! Such a change is surely not a reason why the
directors of the Liverpool line should give up the pros-
pect of a connection with Sheffield and the east coast
of Yorkshire, however excellent a reason it may be for
the increased bitterness of tone in which the Leeds and
Manchester gentlemen have urged on their exclusive
project.

It may be said, however, that the threat of a com-
peting line between Manchester and Liverpool was a
circumstance which ought to have been taken into ac-
count; that the fear of this project being pressed on,
justifies the Liverpool board in conceding to their late
opponents. Why—does any one believe that, with all
their loud professions, the shareholders of the Leeds
and Manchester company would throw away their
money in such a mad attempt ? Have these gentlemen,
regardless as they may be of money, so plentiful a
supply of that commodity that they can afford to
squander it after so wanton a fashion ? No, no. Pas-
sionate men may talk, in lofty strain enough, of deepen-
ing rivers, and making competing lines of railway;
hut their tone is a little lowered when they are called
upon to put their hands into their pockets, and to carry
their threats into execution. The people of Manchester
have had a little experience in such matters within the
past few years, and are not nearly so reckless of the
price which they pay for their whistle as the Liverpool
board appear to have thought them. The threat of a
north line to Liverpool, our readers may depend, is, in

that the same threats of a north line will not be re-
peated, and even be attempted to be carried out ?
Have they any security that the rival water convey-
ances—the deepening of the river irwell—will not still
be held over their heads ? Can they urge, in opposi-
tion to these or any similar schemes, that they have
endeavoured to supply to the public all the facilities
within their reach ? Undoubtedly not. We are con-
fident that concession, here is the most injudicious step
which the Liverpool board could have adopted; that it

. -
will be the fertile source of many similar attempts at
dictation ; and we lament it the more, because it places
for the first time the direction of one of the best con-

ducted undertakings in the kingdom in an obviou
false and humiliating position.

The debate in the House of Commons, on Frida)
evening, upon the motion of Mr. Roebuck, must, WE
think, have satisfied all reasonable men that, between
an adherence to the proposed income tax in something
like its present shape, and its abandonment altogether,
the government has no alternative. The member for
Bath proposed—and the same proposition has been
mooted in many quarters—that the tax upon income
derived from trades and professions should he 31c1. in-
stead of 7d. " Perfectly just and reasonable," exclaim,
perhaps, not a few of our readers. " The shopkeeper,
the merchant, or the professional man, whose income
is precarious, has no right to be taxed in the same pro-
portion as the landholder or the fundholder, whose in-
come is fixed and permanent." The plea is plausible
enough; and yet the exemption of this particular des-
cription of income from the full proportion of the tax
would involve, perhaps, as much injustice as it is pos-
sible to conceive.

For, is it a fact, in the first place, that income de-
rived from land is permanent ? A large portion of the
real property in Great Britain is only held for life, or
even for shorter periods. It is also burthened with
jointures, settlements, and other claims ; and yet, the
tax being collected from the tenants, the landowner has
no opportunity of setting off these abatements, but
must contribute upon his gross rental. What is more
precarious than mining property ? and yet the land-
owner must pay upon his total receipts from such pro-
perty, when any profit which lie may derive in one year
may be swept away the next. Again ; with what jus-
tice is the rich banker or merchant to pay on only half
his income, when the clergyman, the military or naval
officer, the widow, dependent upon
.a life annuity,
or the clerk in a mercantile establishment or a pub-
lic office, is to be taxed in full ? Is the capitalist
more an object of compassion than the holder of cot-
tage property upon a life interest, who may any
day be called upon to expend his entire rental in re-
pairs ? A hundred different cases might be put, all

tending to establish the same fact, that no modifi•
cation of the pressure of the tax, upon particular classes,
can take place without involving equally as great injus.
tice and inequality as it professes to remove.

The proposition of Mr. Roebuck was certainly as
plausible, and apparently reasonable, as any which
could have been selected. It was ably argued, too, by
that gentleman and several others of his party; and its
rejection by a triumphant majority ought really, we
think, to convince the endless talkers in the House of
Commons, and the grumblers out of doors, of the folly
and wickedness of attempting to impede the passing of
a measure upon which, confessedly, the interests and
safety of the empire now hang, by useless cavilling at
petty details. The principle of Sir Robert Peel's mea-
sure may now be regarded as accepted by parliament
and the country in its original form; and the attention
of all parties ought now to be directed solely to the for-
mation and correction of the machinery by which it is
to be worked.

We cannot leave the subject without noticing a sin-
gular inconsistency of argument which was yesterday
displayed by a London contemporary, the Morning
Herald, whilst advocating the propriety of acceding to
the supposed demands of the commercial public upon
this occasion. The commercial classes are told, ex-
claims our respected contemporary, that "the tariff
will relieve the severity of the new tax." But the re-'
lief in question, he argues, will only be in proportion
to the expenditure of each ; and as the landowner
consumes more of his income than the trader, the for-
mer will be the most benefitted, and this relief, there-
fore, "only increases the injustice of schedule D. It
may compensate the squire and the fundholder, who
live up to their well-paid revenues, but it will not
equally compensate the hardworking tradesman." A
more unfortunate argument than this it is scarcely
possible to conceive; for obviously the stimulus given
to commerce by the tariff is of itself no inconsiderable
benefit to the trader, whilst the reduction in the price
of consumable commodities—as beef, mutton, pork,
grain, fruit, &c.—is directly taken, along with the in-
come tax, out of the pocket of the landowner !

We are not disposed so far to underrate the wisdom
and foresight of the promoters of the Birkenhead Im-
provement Bill as to imagine that that measure is not
calculated to effect very considerable (and probably
to them highly advantageous) changes on the Cheshire