The Statesman.
London, England, 1821-03-28 00:00:00

THE sTATEsMAN.

- -
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—Tussowv. MARCH V.

The Archbishop of Aanaun took the oaths and his

AGRICULTURE.
Lord ASHBURNHAM presented a Petition from
twenty-tive Parishes in the Eastern parts of the Coun-
ty of Sussex, complaining of Agricultural Distress.—
Laid on the table.
His Lordship then presented four other Pt titions of
the same nature from Occupiers of Land in the same
Cuunty.—Laiti on the table.
The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a Petition
from .the Owners and Occupiers of Land, in the Coun-
ty of Derby, complaining of Agricultural Distress.—
iJ on the table.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a similar
s,•tition from certain Occupiers of Land in the Conn-
sy of .Sitssex.—Laitl on the table.
The slarquesi of LANSDOWNE presented a Peti-
tion from the Freeholders and Owners of Land in the
County of Nairn, complaining of the manner in
which the Average was taken in that County.—Laid
on the table.

ROMAN C ITHOLICS.
'The Bishop of CHESTER presented a Petition front
lii:altort le ,floors, against the Roman Catholic Claims,
stated, that the sentiments which it contained es-
a:tly coincided with his own. For if, whilst the Ro-
man Catholic Church maintained the opinions which
it did. Catholic Emancipation were granted, hr. for
t,ne, :•Juld not think that we should have suLficient
pleJ:res for the security of the Protestant Establish-
rwnt. This opinion, however, he should express snore
at large when the question should come before the
1-1 L. ti se.
The Petition havingbeen read and laid on the table,
The Rev. Prelate presented another to the, smile
eTret from the Diocese of Chester, and added, that if
tl:e Protestant Ascendancy was not worthy of preserva-
tion, he knew nothing worth preserving.—This Peti-
tian was also read and laid on the table.
The Bill for indemnifying persons who had given
evidence on the Grampound case was read a second

t'7lC.
The Commercial Intercourse Bill also went throug
a second reading.
AUSTRIA AND NAPLEst.
The Order of the Day for surnmuniug the House I
having been read,
Lord ELLENBOROUGII rose to move an humble
Address to his Majesty, requesting that his Majesty
would he graciously pleased to offer his mediation hi
tie Emperor of Austria and the Governments of Naple,.
and Piedmont on terms consistent with the respective
:jests of those novernments as independent Powers.
When a Noble Marquis at the beginning of the pre-
sent month had made a similar proposal, he (Lord E.)
had expressed his conviction, that the operations
about to he taken by Austria, would produce enlist.-
cences highly dangerous to the tranquillity of Eu-
rope. Even then he would have afforded Austria an
opportunity of retiring front the contest, and preset v-
ing her honour. The dangers which he then antici-
rted, had now occurred. Ihe moment fur checking
their course appeared to him to be now arrived ; and
i.e called upon his Majesty's Government to make an
Fe r, which would at once raise It. to the proud situ-
ation of Mediators between the contending Power!,
and would prevent a war, which, according to a I
I.nman probabilities, woubl soon he eaten led throw:b-
yit the whole Continent. Ile now ailvised snett
tr,,tasure, because it was the first moment n hen the
v9ice of reason could be heard by Austria, anal the
last moment when it could be heard with effect.—
Whatever might hr the nature of the feelings wi•lt
which he had witnessed the conduct of Austria towards
Naples, or the opinion which he entertained with re-
spect to the principles on which she awl the Allied
Powers had acted, he should endeavour in the obser-
vations which he should snake, to preserve the greatest
moderation. Fur nothing could be more nowise at
Iwy time than to use galling expressions, and nothing
note improper than to apply insulting ones to Austria.
flowerer he disapproves, of. her conduct in the cast.
of Naples, it was impossilde nut to acknowledge the
coat services which she bad rendered to this country
and the world. It Was impossible to forget how, in
10.05, seeing. this country thre:ttened with invasion,l
.11e bad sprung up in all her might, and turned the
•
legions of our enemy from the vicinity of our shores..
It was impossible to forget how, in 1Z409, true to her
principles, she had seized the first moment of hope to
attack the e -mown enemy with all her forces, and recal
the invaders from Spain. It was impossible not to ae-
knowled:2„e the good faith, loyaltv, and ::allantry with
taliich, in 1613, she had enabled Europe to obtain
successes which had conducted her armies even
within the gates of Paris. However, therefore. he la-
mented the limited views which at the Congress of
Vienna and at the Congress of Paris hail finished by
establishing the present system, he was not prepared
to reco 11111 l end war. It was not in hostility to Austria,
hut in favour to that Power, on whose strength we
must depend for the security of Europe, that he called
un their Lordships to afford her an opportunity of re-
tiring with honour from the contest. It was now
three weeks since he had announced that in all pro-
bability the attempt of Austria to infringe the liberties
of Naples would lead to the revolution in the state of
things which hat since taken place. Let the Otiose
consider the relative situation in which Naples and
Austria now stood. Was not the plan of the latter en
tireiy altered ? It was no longer a simple march to
Naples, iu the midst of a friendly population. The
Austrian arms. found itself obliged to advance with all
caution as against a regular enemy. There was as
yet no account of desertions, of the taking of prisoners
to a great extent, nothing to prove that the N,•apoli-
tan army was incapable of contending with the army
of Austria. But even had the Neapolitan army
been beaten in a general action, if their Lordships
considered the nature of the country, the disposition
of the people, the spirit which animated all ranks, the
'Aileron oaths which bound together the inhabitants
cf the most distant provinces, the difficnlties of main-
taining a long line of operations, exposed to the desill-
tory but reiterated attacks of a brave population—if
Cie} recoßeeted the example of Spain, where, though
t re Spanish armies were repeatedly smitten and cloven
down by Ole roster valour and skill of the French.
they lb repeatedly some up and formed again—if their
korilehips took that extensive but correct view of the
saljectsit was impossible that they should nut see that

The present contest might teem with the same dangers
for the invaders. Rut this was not all, a revolution had
taken place in Piedmont ; there, the *My was not a
new formed body. According to all accounts it was
an army of veterans, one of the best and bravest in the
world, in possession of many strong places, and able,
if necessary, to fall back on Genoa. Austria had en.
tered into the war, with the idea that she could thrash
the Neapolitans at one blow, and could extinguish at
once the Catbonari spirit which she dreaded. But
what had been the first results of the war? She had
produced exactly the reverse of what she intended. It
was said that the blood of martyrs had become the
seeds of the Church ; so in the present instance
the blood of the Neapolitans might become the
seed of liberty throughout the world. Already
had the Italians risen in the parts nearest to the
Austrian power ; what therefore might not be expect-
ed in those less exposed to its influence? It had very
properly been laid down by some eminent writer, that
when a country was assailed by a danger which had
increased and was still increasing, it was much wiser
to temporise with that danger than to attack it in front.
The danger occasioned by the proceedings of Austria
had increased and was now increasing. She had to
contend, not only with the Carbonari of Naples. but
those of all Italy. And what was her condition for
encountering such perils c Tl:e struggle with Naples
alone bad compelled her to put her whole empire on
the war establishment, and to enter into inmiense ex-
pellees. when a system of stri t economy was vitally
essential to her welfare. What further efforts would
she be able to make whets dangers thickened round
her ? But 'eating that consideration aside, let their
Lordships look at the situation of the other powers,
by which Austria was surrounded, and whether they
would not themselves be anxious to escape from the
d.utzert into which they Is.t:l ess-r.te-ed. Let the Situ-
Ation in which they pia:T.l tl!eusselves in the hands of
Russia be cow:isles-v.l. Was it polSibie tII Austria
c.alld trust the .rood faith and loyaht- of that power.
Was it possible that she should fore•et the conduct
of Russia in Ps!);, when after inciting Prussia to
take up arms, and encouraging her to carry on an
hopeless contest, she had joined at its terns:nation with
the Conqueror to share the spoils of the conquered
Could she forget the conduct of the same Power in
Ittlo9, when instead of uniting with her to rescue
Spain from invasion, she had joined the enemy of Eu-
rope, in striking Austria herself down. and partaking
in the plunder? Could she forget the conduct of
Russia at the Congress of Vienna. and at the Congress
of Paris, when, through her mantruvree, Europe was
deprived of the greatest portion of the advantates
which she had gained, and reduced to the objection-
able system at present estalitisheil ? Could Austria
trust the good faith of Russia, when she saw her sur-
rounded with State! from which. in the life-tinte of
her present Emperor, she bail obtained accessions of
territory ?—when she saw Finland torn from Sweden,
even at the time when Sweden was striking with us
for the freedom of the world ?—when she saw pro-
vinces wrenched from Turkey, in contempt of the
boasted balance of power in Europe ? It was hopes-
'Rile that Russia coming down with a large army to
assist in the couquest of Naples, should not, at the
termination of the contest, strike for herself;
sib
by detnanliog cessions from Austria on the side of
Poland, or by insisting on her consent to cessions on
the part of Turkey, which wonid be equally fatal to
Austria, though not to the rest of Europe. But if,
Austria still continued to believe in the good faith of
this ambitious neighh air, could site contemplate the '
views of France with the same confilence ? The lat-
ter country now enjoyed a I ',ni,titutio.i, under which,
in the course of the last six years, she had attained a
degree of prosaerity she never ',Assessed before ; and
front which she derived most essential benefits. On
the other side, the inhabitants of the Netherlands were
hostile to the Gevernment under which they were
placed, and wished to be united with France. Then hr
wished their Lordships to consider what was the
situation of the Ihichy of the Rhine, where the
Prussians had acted in a manner most hostile to the
interests of the inhabitants. They should also bear
in mind the present situation of the Italians, who
would most anxiously look to the French for assist-
ance. His apprehensions were. that the entrance of
a Russian alloy into Italy, would lead to the entrance
of a French army into that country. anti, ultimately, to
the annexation of Piedmont to France. Was there
nothing to he feared in the north of Europe from this
invasion of the Austrians? The people of Prussia
expected to have had a Constitution given then, ; hut
their hopes were frustrated. And was it not well
known that the influence of the Carbonari extended
over the Prussian dominions as well as other parts of
Germany ; through which the people would be ready
to rise, in rase this war should be continued and car-
ried to any extent. Under all these circumstances, it
was natural to suppose that the Austrians would be
thankful to tireot Britain fur her mediation, by which
she would he enabled to withdraw from the difficulties
in which eke. was now involved. The Italians, who
must dread the idea of their country being made a
theatre of war, would also be thankful for .our inter
ference. The army of Piedmont was on the point of
attacking the Austrians; anti the best policy of the
latter would be, to withdraw froat the contest
as soon as possible. Ile o ished to ask, whether it
was fit that this country s ,unld witness a tsar carried
on between despotism on the one side, and freedom on
the other, and not to endeavour, as it had ever been
the practice as well as the duty of Englishmen, to
maintain those principles on which all free nations
ought to act. Ile wis indeed greatly mlstaken in his
countrymen, if they would not be ready to spring for-
ward with enthnsiasm in defence of the liberties of
Italy ; and in this s iew of the subject he twist dis-
approve of the conduct of our this-erns:sent in the
late order which they issued to prevent British
officers from t tking a part iu the present war.
It British subjects were restrained from joining
the Neapolitans, the French would join them,
in the !Lime manner as they took part with the
Americans, the time they revolted from the Mother
Country. It was well known that the Italians were
warmly attarlied to this country ; that they were
alienated front the French. and therefore Englishmen
ought not to he prevented from taking part with
them. There was not ao English Gentleman, who had
ever crossed the Alps, who did not feel as 'lie Italians
did respecting the present struggle in Naples. He
should n tw leave every thing in the Wills of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers; amid all he proposed was, 'that the

King should be requested to give such advice to the
Belligerent powers as would, if acted upon, be most
coudutive to the public interest. When he looked at
the conduct and situation of Austria; it win possible
that some security might be required from us in case
of any interference. Ile should not propose a per-
petual guaranty ; but, in order to prevent the cala-
mities with which Europe was threatened, he should
recommend that this country should guarantee the
arrangements that might be entered into for a limited
period ; say five or six years. A proceeding of this
kind would save the honour of Austria, and calm the
fears of the Italians. Now, suppose that Austria
should succeed in her attack, if the Carbonari were
such a set of men as they had been represented to be,
he was at a loss to know what Austria was likely to
gain by the possession of Naples; and if the prin-
ciples of the Carbonari extended amongst the great
body of the people, he did not see how Austria would
ever be able to establish any authority against the
mass of the people. Whether the mediation of this
country succeeded or not, we should place ourselves in
a most favourable situation. The object should be to
preserve the honour of Austria and the independence
of Italy. The Noble Lord concluded with moving
the Address, the object of which he had already stated.
The Earl of ABERDEEN asked if it could be a
a desirable thing for us to place ourselves in the situa-
tion of judges between Naples and the other powers.
It was not to be presumed that the authority of the
King of Naples was so entirely gone but that some part
of his subjects were opposed to the others; and
any attempt at negotiation on our part, might in such
case be deemed an interference in the internal concerns
of that kingdom ; a thing directly contrary to our
own professions. But suppose we did interfere, could
we offer our metliation on terms of equality to both
parties: and would it not be rather a remonstrance di-
reeled to Austria than a meditation between Powers on
a perfect riptality with each other ? Ilta suppose
I Au-aria accepted our mediation, by shat course were
we then to proceed? Were we sure that the Neapo-
• litani would accept it ? Ilefore we made any proposi-
tion we ouela to have reason to hope that it would be
attended nitli •necess ; we should have rood reason to
believe that both parties nished for tour interference.
j If this were not the ease, any thing witich we did
would lie in the na:;tre of a threat. Ile always con-
sidered Austria as the natural Ally of this eonntry:
and it nag impossible not to look at the attachment
%%hied, her inhabitants entertained for our country-
men: and be was sorry to have heard in this
~ovary, disreapectinl expressions uttered against
Austria by persons of neil:lst and consequence. This
`was a sort of lane.nage %Aid' autt•t produce feelings
of bitterness and hostility towards us by the Aus-
trians. and endanger the intm.-sts of our own country.
In %a ying thus mo,•11, he spoke the sentiments of one
of the wisest Statesmen who, after the fatal battle of
Austerlitz, declared that Austria was the country
which ne should then look up to under all its dan-
gers. And the subsequent conduct of Austria nobly
justified that remark. The Noble Earl then defended
the circular of Lord Castlereagh, in which was laid
down the wise prineiple that there should be no in-
terference on our part in the concerns of ally other
country. A time might come ashen our mediation
would be of use. lint under the present circum-
stances he could see no possiiile good that was likely
to arise from a mediation entered into, imperfect i:4-
norance of the circumstances attending the two coun-
tries at war with each other.
The Earl of DARNLEY spoke in disapprobation of
the State Paper issued from the Foreign Offic e. It
stated that there were cases in which interference
might be justifiable; and that the case of Naples
might be one of the.-e.
The Earl of AUERDEEN said the State Paper
spoke for itself.
The motion was then pat from the Woolsack and
negatived without a divi-ion.—Adjourned.

LONDON lIIRICIIiS, Miter" 27.