The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-06-28 00:00:00

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I Varliniint,

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TiquitsDAY,
Mr. H. J. BAILLIE moved for copies of the correspon-
dence of Sir Alexander Burnes with the Governor-General
of India during his mission to Cabool in the years 1837 and
1838. Also, copies of the correspondence of the Governor-
General of India with the President of the Board of Control,
and with the secret committee of.the East India Company,
_ _

from the Ist day of September, 1837, to the Ist day of Octo-
ber, 1839, relative to the expedition to Affghanistan. Ilis

object was to obtain such information for-the house as to
enable it to form a judgment whether the occupation of Aff-

ghanistan was the result of due and mature consideration.
Sir A. Burnes had condemned the projected war as both im-
politic and unjust, and had warned the Governor-General of
the probable consequences of sending an army into a country
so remote from all the resources of the Indian empire. That
the occupation of Affghanistan was a great political mistake,
was, he believed, now universally admitted, and it would be
also admitted that it would be a fortunate occurrence if we
could now withdraw our troops from that country without
any stain upon our national honour, and without lowering
our military character throughout our Indian empire. He
referred to the proclamation of the Governor-General decry-
ing Dost Mohammed and stating the necessity of upholding
Shah Soojah, who was so very popular throughout Affghanis-
tan, and said that this proclamation was so contrary to fact
that it must have been issued for some peculiar purpose, the
real state of the case being that Dost Mohammed was be-
loved, owing to his strict dispensation of justice, while Shah
Soojah was universally unpopular. The hon. member then
gave a narrative of the negotiations held with Dost Moham-
med, who had evinced the best disposition towards the Bri-
tish nation, and had offered to break off all negotiations with
Persia and other countries if he could be assured of the sup-
port of the British Government. It was clear, therefore, he
contended, that the Governor-General of India might have
made a most advantageous treaty with Dost Mohammed, and
might have acquired all that was desirable without any ne-
cessity of going to war. He did not dispute the course which
it was now deemed necessary to pursue—on the contrary,
whatever might have been the cause of the war—however
impolitic in its origin and deplorable in its results hitherto,
there could now be but one opinion as to the necessity of
maintaining our character, if we would maintain our glorious
empire in India.
Mr. D'lsßAum seconded the motion, and adverted to the
important fact, that the chairman of the East India Com-
pany had intimated at a recent meeting of the company that
he expected that the British Government would pay all the
expenses incurred in consequence of the occupation of Aff-
ghanistan. He commented in terms of strong disapproval
upon the course pursued by Sir J. C. Hobhouse and Lord
Palmerston in these unfortunate transactions, and who had,
strangely enough. alleged as a reason for invading Affghanis-
tan, that the territories of the company were threatened at
the side of Nepaul and Burmah. Thus because there was
apprehension as to the safety of the empire on the one side,
all the troops that could be collected were instantly sent
3,000 miles in another direction for the purpose of invading
another country. He did not think that our recent losses
would lead to any disastrous results to our Indian empire.
At the present day, Burke's declaration, that our Govern-
ment in India was a government of opinion, was not exactly
true; for our empire there comprised about thirty different
nations, many, if not most of them, were scarcely known to
each other; so that, in point of fact, we had a strong power
beyond that of public opinion—a power more than ordinarily
great, owing to the isolation of those states, and the impos-
sibility of the native princes communicating with each other ;
and also owing to the segregation of religious sects, which
prevented anything like combination. But there was a dan-
ger to our Indian empire from this war, arising from the very
efficiency of our civil and military system in India, the dan-
ger that a revenue could never be derived from the country
adequate to maintain it in its efficiency, and therefore it was
that unnecessary wars were to be most strenuously depre-
cated. In another point of view also they were productive
of much mischief by interfering with commerce to an extent
scarcely credible to those who had not turned their attention

to the subject. fhe hon. member then contended that it
was altogether unnecessary to raise a barrier against Russia
for the protection of our Indian territories, and said that, if
Russia menaced those territories, our course should be, not
to confine the war to Asia, but to make Europe its theatre
also. The whole foreign policy of Lord Palmerston he
described as characteristic of fatal inertness, or of more ter-
rible energy. He always began by neglect of his duties, and
terminated by the violation of the rights of other countries.
Sir J. C. nowtousE said, that without meaning any of-
fence to either the hon. mover or seconder of this motion,
he must say, that unless Indian affairs were more fairly dealt
with, more deeply understood, and more impartially dis-
cussed than they had been, by either of those two hon.
members, the time of the house would be perfectly wasted
by referring to them at all. The charge made by Mr.
Baillie against the Governor-General of India was of the
most serious description, and such as ought to draw down
lupon e
nt that a
couldoffi inflict.cer the
B severestuttn punishment,
Governor-General if tr ue
w, tahaaat pmaarn-
incapable of issuing any document with a sinister motive—
he was a man of the most singular integrity, and would never
be followed in his government by any person more estimable
as a man of honour. When the proclamation referred to
reached England her Majesty communicated to parliament
the fact that a British army had commenced operations be-
yond the Indus. Upon that occasion Mr. D'lsraeli had not
attempted to condemn the proceedings, nor had a single
member in either house of parliament attempted to do so.
The Duke of Wellington alone expressed a wish for informa-
tion, adding, that he would not condemn the Governor-
General of India, but that he looked at the whole proceed-
ings with the deepest anxiety. The right hon. gentleman
then adverted to other instances in which the measure might
have been condemned had honourable gentlemen thought
proper to do so, and said the only observation made in the
House of Lords was by Lord Brougham, who said that he
would wait for events, as it appeared the two hon. gentlemen
had done who had just addressed the house. Even when the
late powerful opposition had attacked the late government
with the want of confidence motion, they had not thought pro-
per to make the Affghanistan war one of the points cf attack,
which they would have doneif the statements of the hon. mover
were to be reliedupon. The right hon gentleman then quoted the
authority of the East India Company and of Mr. Hogg,
than whom he thought there could not be a better authority,
in support of the sagacity of the policy respecting the occu-
pation of Affghanistan. The war was undertaken on the
fullest consideration, and the proper authorities were con-
sulted, but whether the war was just was a matter for the
consideration of the house. In justification of the policy
pursued by the government, the right hon. gentleman read
some communications from Mr. Ellis, our minister at the
court of Persia, to the effect that the Persian government
regarded a great portion of Affghanistan as part of the terri-
tory of that empire, and that Affghanistan, therefore, could
be considered as little better than the first parallel from
whence an attack on India might be made. Russia also was
by her agents at the time advising the attack on Herat, and
it was said that the Russian minister had even assisted at
the siege. He then entered into a statement of various in-
trigues carried on by Russia, which led to communications
between Lord Palmerston and Count Nesselrode' and these
intrigues were the immediate cause which led Lord Auckland
to take the decisive stop of sending an army beyond the
Indus, believing the time had come when it was requisite to
prove to the Shah of Persia that Britain was as resolute in
its actions as Russia was in its promises. He next quoted
a letter from Sir Alexander Burnes, insisting upon the ne-
cessity, now that the policy of Russia was apparent, to warn
the court of Persia not to interfere with Affghanistan, and
also by implication, pointing out the necessity of sending a
British force to Affghanistan, declaring that Dost Moham-
med, by going over to the Persians, had lost his popularity,
and that two regiments of British troops would be sufficient
to place Shah Soojah on the throne for ever. He did not
imagine that any government would dare to materially
change the policy of Lord Auckland, which, if followed up,
would enable us to repair our late disasters, and secure our
Indian empire.
Lord JOCELYN was of opinion that his country should
pause before it attempted to reconquer Affghanistan. Lord
Auckland was, no doubt, an able an enterprising man, as
Governor-General of India ; but he thought, notwithstand-
ing, that the interference in the concerns of Central India
was mistaken policy. He contended that this country had
fallen into the trap laid by Russia, and had played the game
of that empire both politically and financially.
Mr. HOGG said, than an erroneous interpretation bad
been placed upon what he had said on a former occasion,
and also upon the resolution agreed to by the Court of Di-
rectors when returning thanks to Lord Auckland. At the
time the resolution was proposed he had objected to the
word " sagacity," as implying forethought, and conveying
the impression that they were approving, not only of the
means of carrying on the war, but that they also approved of
the war itself. The majority of the meeting held, however,
that the word did not convey such a meaning, and it was,
therefore, suffered to remain. With respect to the motion
before the house, he wholly disapproved of it. Although he
was opposed to the policy of invading Affghanistan, still
there was but one course now to be pursued—perfidy must
be punished—murder the most shocking must be avenged,
and the honour of the country must be upheld. He wanted
no more information. The papers already on the table proved
most amply the extent of Russian intrigues, and also proved
that our Indian government was placed by these intrigues in
an embarrassing position. While, therefore, he condemned
the war as unjust and impolitic, he still thought the Govern-
ment of India was placed in a position in which the wisest
might err, and in which none should be condemned. He
did not complain of one chief being preferred to another for
the throne of Affghanistan, but he complained that we had
interfered at all. We should have confined ourselves to
commercial intercourse, and if it was necessary to check the
designs of Russia, why not do so by a fleet in the Baltic rather

than through the medium and at the expense of the Indian
people? The Court of Directors of the East India Company
never knew anything of the hostilities in contemplation until
they read in the public papers that the army was actually on
the Indus. He of course excepted the secret committee,
who must have known it, but who were sworn to secrecy.
The general opinion in India was that the war was impolitic
and unjust ; and even in the India House he would find it
difficult to lay his hand upon a single individual who approved
of the policy of occupying Affghanistan. In thanking the
officers and soldiers engaged in the war, they avoided any
observations which could detract from the graciousness of
the vote ; but the general feeling was, " whatever we may
say or do, for God's sake let it not be assumed that we sanc-
tion or approve of this horrible war."
Mr. Hurr defended the policy pursued by the late Govern-
mented that in the present sir wßi.thpEretsfescatidtoheAwffhaagscnoinsvtainne.
po-
sition of Indian affairs it would not be for the interests of the
public to grant the papers moved for. With respect to the
fears of Russia, entertained by the late government, he was
willing to admit that owing to the conduct of some Russian
agents there was strong ground of suspicion of the intentions
of that power, and Lord Palmerston was justified in requir-
ing, as he had done, explanations from the Government of
Russia. Those explanations were frankly given, and were
so full and so explicit that the noble lord had himself de-
clared that he was perfectly satisfied with them. As far as
his (Sir R. Peel's) knowledge and experience went, he must
say that Russia had since acted up to the spirit of the decla-
rations then made, and had exhibited the most perfect and
friendly good faith both as regarded Persia and Affghanistan.
If then there was the most perfect good will now between
Russia and this country, would it be right to produce docu-
ments which might give evidence of a different feeling at
another time, and under different circumstances? It would
not be right or proper, and he would upon that ground refuse
the papers moved for. With respect to the hope expressed,
that the present Government would follow up the policy of
Lord Auckland, he would only say that at the distance we
were from the scene of operations it would be going too far
to give any pledge of any particular course of action, which
must in a great measure be governed by circumstances ; but
no
rrse should be pursued calculated to compromise the
of the British arms, nor did he think it right that the
perfidy and treachery which had taken place should go wholly
unpunished.
Lord PALMERSTON agreed that it was not expedient that
those papers should be produced, now that such a good un-
derstanding prevailed between Russia and England. He
was accused by Mr. D'lsraeli in of resting e
wh fatal supine-
n es
musts , and energy
member l;i h d been
hade
resting in fatal supineness on this subject, though
he
thatfo suddenlyrthrsetaertyienagrs
theo t
he ro b I
say
not at length exhibited any very terrible energy in returning
to action. The noble lord then contended that the whole
current of authority at the time was in support of the neces-
sity of our crossing the Indus if we meant to protect our
In-
dian empire. The fact was that for a series of years we had
regarded Persia as a frontier against any danger to our Indian
empire from that side ; but we subsequently ascertained that
Persia
seemed to have an altered feeling, and to wish to ex-
tend her frontier, so as to include Affghanistan ; and it