The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-11-01 00:00:00

not even to the CHURCH OF ENGLAND SCHOOL SOCIETY

" It is needless to state that, hitherto, the Candidates for
the representation of Pitt-street Ward have been among the
foremost supporters of the Local Charities—Mr. Fawcett's
name is an addition to the honourable list.
" Let it not be said that this is an uncharitable Personali-
ty. It is a statement of Public reasons for the refusal of
Public Honours, and, if acted upon by the Electors, will
convince our Men of Wealth and `Ancient Family' that, in
Liverpool at least, the PERSONAL AMBITION of the would
be great cannot be gratified, unless by contributing to the
Public Good and to the alleviation of the PERSONAL MI-
SERY of the really unfortunate.

" LET PITT-STREET WARD HAVE THE HO-
NOUR OF TEACHING THIS LESSON TO WEALTHY
AND AMBITIOUS MEN OF ALL PARTIES
" DAVID M'CLELLAN,
" Chairman of Mr. Fawcett's Committee."

Now for the reply to this farrago of MEANNESS and MA-
LIGNITY. Read it, electors, in the following circular, just
issued by Mr. Taylor's committee. MARK IT WELL,
Electors,"and show that you do so, by placing the slandered
Conservative abovethe candidate who has permitted this man
thus to slander a man of sterling worth, and a gentleman :

" TO THE ELECTORS OF PITT-STREET WARD.

" The Committee for conducting the ELECTION of JOHN
TAYLOR, Esq. beg leave to call your attention to the an-
nexed extract from a SCURRILOUS circular, distributed
among the Electors this morning, and of which you have, no
doubt, received a copy :
" He (Mr. Taylor) tells us, in his address, that 'he and
his ancestors' have been making money in this town `for the
last fifty years.' On looking, however, through the reports
of no less than Fifteen of the Liverpool Benevolent Institu-
tions, it will be found that HE only subscribes to THREE ! ;
Three Guineas being the Grand Total of his Charitable Con
tributions "

" The committee regret that they have not had time
afforded them to refute, in a proper manner, this evidently
most laboured production ;' but, in answer thereto, submit
to your consideration the following List of the `'Pt:blic In-
stitutions of the Town," which have benefitted by Mr. TAY-
LOR'S liberality :
Liverpool Auxiliary Bible Society £1 1 0 Annual Sub
~ Strangers' Friend Society 1 1 0
Southern orToxtethHosnital 1 1 0
„ Botanic Gardens 1 11 6
„ Infirmary..
„ Blue Coat Hospital
„ Northern Hospital 1 1 0
„ Female Orphan Asylum
Edge Hill and Windsor Mechanics'
_ _

n

~

School.
„ National Schools
Liverpool Wesleyan Day and Sunday
Schools 1 1 0 „
„ District Provident Society . 5 0 0 Donation.
„ Strangers' Friend Society .. 5 0 0 „
ALL LAST YEAR !

So that, instead of the Three Charities, and Three Guineas,
we have here a List of FOURTEEN DIFFERENT IN-
STITUTIONS to which Mr. TAYLOR ANNUALLY
SUBSCRIBES, to the amount of TWENTY-THREE
POUNDS ONE SHILLING and SIXPENCE!!!
" The Radical Committee have taken care to inform you
what Mr. Taylor HAS NOT DONE, but they have also taken
care to keep back what Mr. Fawcett HAS DONE for the Pub-
lic Charities. _

" In fairness and justice to both parties, they should set
before you an impartial statement of what our opponent has
done in this particular.
" Former contests in this Ward have generally been con-
ducted on FAIR and HONOURABLE GROUNDS, and until the
present instance, the different parties in this Ward have
avoided personal scurrility.
"To what to attribute the present most atrocious and
LYING attack, the committee are at a loss,—unless, indeed,
it be to the well-known personal SPLEEN and DISAPPOINTED
AMBITION of a person who has lately been put forward as
Chairman (par excellence) of the Radical committee.
" LET PITT-STREET NV ARD HAVE Tli E HONOUR
OF TEACHING THIS LESSON TO MEN OF ALL
PARTIES, that UNFOUNDED ABUSE and PERSO-
NAL SCURRILITY will not prevail with HONEST
ELECTORS !! !

WATKIN 'WILLIAMS,
Chairman of Mr. Taylor's Committee.
We may make an observation which will in all probability
strike most of our readers, that of course Mr. Taylor's com-
mittee have only been able to ascertain the amount of his
annual subscriptions to the various charities—his casual
benevolence is not of course touched upon.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

In consequence of an accident occurring at the moment of
going to press, we have been compelled to miss the first
post.
We are sorry to decline the communication of our intelligent
correspondent, " S. K.," but for reasons which we need
not enter into are compelled to do so. The manuscript is
at his service.
The " infidel placard" of which our correspondent complains
is not a socialist production, but proceeds from a forge
which " Indignans" would not suspect, but which the size
and colour of the placards fully prove to us—Verbrzni sat.
The Albion of yesterday expresses its surprise that " Mr.
Stone, the superintendent of the Corporation Schools, at
tended, and spoke at the meeting of Mr. Houghton's
friends in Scotland Ward last week." Perhaps our con-
temporary's surprise will be diminished when he learns
that the gentleman referred to did no such thing. It was
Mr. Stone, of Everton, and not "Mr. Stone, the superin-
tendent," &c., who attended the meeting in question.

THE MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS.

In a second edition of the STANDARD, which will be
published at half-past four, we purpose giving the
result of the municipal contests which, to-day, will
agitate the town. We have made arrangements for
giving all the occurrences of interest in every ward
up to the close of the poll, and, for this purpose, have
engaged an extra force of reporters ; and, as great
interest is naturally attached to the proceedings, we
have determined to devote to them much more than
the space usually allotted.

rI3 Elbtrpoot &tanban.

TUESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 1, 1842.

The near approach of the period at which the chair
of the mayoralty is vacated affords us an opportunity,
which we embrace with pleasure, of recording our
thanks to the gentleman by whom it has this year
been occupied, for the services which he has on all
occasions freely rendered. It was a distinguishing
mark of the confidence reposed by his fellow-townsmen
in the sincerity with which he entertained the sound
and constitutional principles of Conservatism and, we
may add, Protestantism, which placed Mr. Leigh in
the enviable position of the first Conservative Mayor
since the passing of the Municipal Reform Bill.
During the whole of his year of office we cannot point
to one act or one vote by which that confidence has
been shaken. In all the stormy discussions over
which he has presided, we cannot point to one decision
or one expression which can have pained any member
of the Council, however opposed to him in opinions ;
or left an unkindly feeling towards him in the breasts
of any section of his fellow-townsmen out of doors.
Surely it is worthy of no light praise thus to have
acquitted himself—thus to have earned respect from
men of every party, whilst adhering, with a firmness
almost unequalled, to the maintenance of his own

convictions as to the course which he ;t•as hound to..
pursue upon public questions. No trimming in
politics—no hesitation between the right path and the
expedient path—no balancing between principle and
popular approbation—have marked the mayoralty of
Mr. Leigh. Upon all the important topics which

have been agitated in the Council during the past
year, he has shewn himself the staunch and fearless
supporter of the principles for the maintenance of

which in the local legislature the voices of the burgesses
of our town have been so energetically lifted up; and
he will retire from his onerous station the same
consistent and unflinching Conservative whom his
fellow-townsmen esteemed worthy of receiving the first
mark of honour in their power to bestow.
We cannot conclude this brief tribute without
noticing the kindly feeling with which Mr. Leigh has
exercised the magisterial powers conferred upon him
by his office. These powers, or at least some of them
which were acquired under the recent Improvement
Act, are of a most stringent nature, and might, in the
hands of a man of tyrannical disposition, be made
productive of great oppression. In no case, however,

. .• _ _
has the present Mayor, whilst applying them to their
legitimate intent—the preservation of public morality
and order in the borough—allowed them to trench
severely upon individual rights or convenience; and
for the performance of this portion of his duties, the

public, and individuals as well, have abundant reason
to be satisfied with his rule.

• `,l

•,boC

•
We have never concealed our impression, not a lightly '1
formed one, that of all men in the British House of 11'J
Commons, Doctor Polyglot Bowring, M.P. for Bolton,
is the greatest charlatan. There are weak men in
abundance in that house--men politically dishonest—
men ready to gorge and fatten upon a misled people ;
but the man in whom all these qualities are concentrated
is this very peripatetic tool of Whig Radicalism—Dr.
I3owring himself !
But what of the Doctor now ? our readers will ask.
'We wish, must be our answer, to bring before you the
latest sample of the Doctor's conduct; and to found
upon his cunningly glossed inventions a few re-
marks of our own.
At a meeting, then, of that incendiary body—the
Anti-Corn-Law League, held in Manchester on Friday
morning last, the Doctor is reported to have indulged
in the following statement. We quote from the Lon-

don Times of Saturday :
" 1 dare say that many of those mound me have read an
exceedingly interesting book unich has been lately published
by Charles Dickens, whose tact is 3o exquisite, and whose
benevolence and whose sympathies are thrown over so wide
a field of thought and action. llave you read his account of
the factories at Lowell—(hear. hear,)—of the manner in
which they are dressed, associated even with elegance,—of
the piano on which they play--ot• the libraries which circu-
late among them—of the periodical in which they write?
(Applause.) I wish the working people of England would
study that affecting picture, and ask themselves whether this
state of felicity is owing to any impediment put upon the im-
provement of machinery—to any " ten hours'-factory bill"—
to any interference in the question of wages. Nothing of
the sort is there required. It is perfectly anr, therefore,

that their happiness is not attributable to those delusive pro-
tections which some of our working class are desirous to
possess, but that it grows out of circumstances more inti-
mately associated with the emancipation of trade than would

appear at first sight and on the surface of things."
We say nothing of the truth or falsehood of the
picture, as painted by Mr. Dickens, of the state of

working classes employed in the factories of Lowell—
of their dress, their piano-fortes, their circulating
libraries, or " the periodical in which they write." A
great portion of it may be true. We know that the

contrast between the condition of the factory classes
in America and in Great Britain is decidedly in favour
of the former. But we know as well that neither
Doctor Bowring nor any leading member of the league,
whom he addressed, believed any other than that Mr.
Charles Dickens had been outrageously humbugged
by the Yankee millowners, when he was induced to
credit all this rubbish which he has so innocently given
to the world. Why, we could shew Charles Dickens
English factories—which, if seen upon a show day,
when the ill-dressed, the dwarfed, the ragged, the pre-
maturely old, were huddled out of sight—when the
appliances of whitewash and chlorides had been used,
1 floors neatly swept, and everything unsightly removed
from before the eyes of the visitor—would be just
the kind of places over which a utilitarian philosopher
of the Bowring school would chuckle. Mr. Charles
Dickens is not the first philanthropist who has been
humbugged into a belief in the delights and comforts
of a factory life; and there was not a member present
on Friday who did not laugh in his sleeve at the
" smartness" of the Yankee who had gulled him into
the belief that Lowell was a second Arcadia.

Admitting, however, which we are ready to do, that
the working classes in these factories are infinitely
better circumstanced than in those of Great Britain,
how does that fact advance the arguments of
the Anti-Corn-Law League ? The Doctor says
that the British factory population " should ask them
whether this state of felicity" (!)-which consists
of piano playing and periodical writing—" is owing to
any impediment put upon machinery—to any ten
hours' factory bill'—to any interference in the question
of wages." Perhaps the Doctor would tell us how
the British factory girl or boy, tolling thirteen hours
per day, could find time for either of these felicitous
occupations !—how the broken-hearted and debased
adult could bend himself to the pursuits of polite
literature ! Oh, Doctor, Doctor ! what a forty-horse
power of assurance it must have required to even
touch upon such a subject in the presence of an
assembly of free-trade cotton lords !

" It is perfectly clear," proceeds this political quack,
" that their happiness"—the happiness of the Lowell
factory operatives—" is not attributable to those pro-
tections which some of our working classes are de-
sirous to possess, but that it grows out of circutn-
stances associated with the emancipation of trade."
What ! has the American manufacturer no protections?
Is it the principle of " emancipation of trade" which
protects the American cotton manufacture, by duties
of forty and fifty per cent. on British cottons ? INre
scarcely know whether the charlatan who, gave to the
world such statements is me re to be de-pied than the
body which listened to him %%ilim.. having the honesty
to kick him out of their yr( Fence !

The American factory popil'aion—no one knows
better than Dr. Bowring—is in possession of greater
comforts than the wretched ►laves of mir own land,
because the domestic labour of America is p• o ected,
whilst that of Great Britain 14 not. The former need
not the protection of a ten hour,' bill, because in the
United States, as yet, neither capital nor n achinery are
absolute lords over human labour. '1 he Arr.er:can fac-
tory operative is not, like his English brother, chained
down, by circumstances, to the loom or the spinning
frame. The field of labour in that land is a wide and
an open one; domestic industry is remunerative, and
manufacturing' capital must hold out the inducements
of high wages, comforts, and even luxuries, before the
operative will barter the free air of heaven, and the
enjoyment of health and liberty, for the slavish and
unwholesome drudgery of factory labour.
But, we ask, why has this picture been pressed
before the eyes of the manufacturing population of
Great Britain at the present moment ? The reason is
obvious. The sedition-mongers of the League are
busy in their vocation. They aim at inflaming the
passions of starving men by pointing to the condition
of the American operative ; and they will not succeed•
The factory population of Great Britain know too well
the character of the Bowrings, the Cobdens, and
other lights of the world of "liberalism," to be caught
by so palpable a trap. They can look back to years
of bloated prosperity and, say,—what did a " liberal'
millocracy do then for the comforts and the health
and welfare of the overtasked workman ? and the
answer of an observant world will be—NoTHING!
They folded themselves in their selfishness, and
scouted the claims, to the possession of a station in the
world, of the very class whom they now affect to
patronise and to pity !

We have been much amused at the subtlety, and at
the same time utterly disgusted with the hypocrisy, of
the Radicals setting themselves up as mentors in re-
ligious matters, and, more especially, on a subject on
which it has been their wont to bestow the most
unlimited abuse.
Our readers may perceive we allude to some remarks
which fell in Council from Mr. Alderman BramleY
Moore, respecting foreign missions, in the course of

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