The Statesman.
London, England, 1812-05-22 00:00:00

TIIE STATESMAN.

EXPLANATORY LETTERS
REFERRED TO IN YESTERDAY'S PAPER,

TO THE lIARQUIS WELLESLEY.

MY DEAR I.oh F oe• hou.e, May 19, IBM
After the receipt of the paper which you sent to
n.e in the afternoon of yesterday, I should certainly
nave felt it to be unnecessary and fruitless to trouble
you with any farther correspondence, if I were not
desirous to correct the misapprehension, into which
you appear to have fallen respectinc, my opinions,
and those of my Colleagues, upon the'Roman Catho-
lic question.
In the communication which passed between us on
Sunda v, as well as that which 1 previously had with
Air. tanning, 1 certainly stated my opinions upon
the Roman Catholic question to remain unchanged,
and that l was not aware that those of my Colleagues
had undergone any change.
With n.spect to myself individually, I must pro-
test against its being inferred from any declaration
of mine, that it is, or ever has been, my opinion,
that under no circumstances it would be possible to
male any altericion in thelaws respecting the Roman
Catholics.

Upon the last occasion on which the subject was
il:.:•-t.ssed in Parliament, I expressly stated that cir-
co:r.tatices might arise, in which, in -my judgment,
some alteration in those laws would be advisable.-
1 have always been desirous of haring the specific
proposition which should explain, distinctly, what
part of the existing securities it nas intended to re-
peal—what part it was intended to preset —and
what were the new securities which it has been so
often declared mtif,t be substituted in the place of
some of those which are at present in force.
I have never hoard any satisfactory explanation on
this point.
I will fairly own, that in the present state of the
opinions and the feeliKgs of the Roman Catholics,
do not believe such a project to be practicable, con-
sistently with the attainment of the avowed objects
of really satisfying the Roman Catholics, and of af-
fording an adequate security to the Established
Church and Constitution.

Entertaining this opinion, I have kit it to be my
dety to continue to resist a Parliamentary enquiry
on that subject; in my judgment, could be
productive of no other circa than that of alarming
the Protestants on the one hand, aod of deluding
and deceiving the Roman Catholics on the other.
With respect to the opinions of my Colleagues,
there are some who entirely agree with me in the
view whichl have taken of this question ; but I am
sure it must be known to you from discussions at
which you have been present, that there are others
who have always entertained and avowed different
opinions from those professed by toe, upon some
parts of this subject.
You niust recollect that considerations of a very
high importance, but which might be only temporary
in their nature, induced us all, up to a very late pe-
riod, to be decidedly of opinion that it was not pro-
per, that under such circumstances the measure should
be entertained.

You may be of opinion, that since the month
of February last these considerations have ceased
to be in force : bet they are still regarded by others as
s►ot having lost their weight. Besides the considera-
tions to which I have referred, the conduct and tem-
per which the Roman Catholics have been induced
to manifest,—the principle upon which the ques-
tion has been brought forward,—the circumstances
of Europe at this time, give rise to objections
which are felt in a greater or less degree by different
persons.
I have thought this explanation due to my Colleagues
and to myself.
In one point we are all agreed, that this is not the
moment at which the question ought to be entertain-
ed, with a view to any immediate practical conse-
quence. lam aware, that in this sense of our duty,
tr,r opinions may be at variance with your's ; but it
is materi iI that these opinions should not be misun-
derstood, or subject to the interpretation to which my
silence might render them liable, if I had not return-
ed some answer to that part of your paper.
Upon t! ,c subject of the manner in which the war
in the Peni-.sula has been managed, I forbear enter-
ing into any particulars at present; but I think it
material to observe, with res!.ect to my declaration,
that since your resignation it had been found practi-
cable to make some extension of the mili!ary efforts
in the Peninsula—that this has not :nisei' from any
means which were in existence at the time when you
were in office, and which there had been then any
indisposition or objection to direct to that object,
but it has growl► out of events which have subse-
quently occurred, and I% hich may place at the dis-
posal of Government means which were at that time
unavoidably applied to another service.
As this letter is merely explanatory, I will not
give you the trouble of returning any answer to it;
but I am sure you will see the justice and propriety
of considering It as a part of the correspondence
which has passed between us on the subject to which
it relays. 1 am, &c.
Marquis Wellesley, K. G. (Signed) LIVERPOOL.

• No. VI.
Copy of Lord Wellesley's Reply to Lord Liverpool's Explana-
tory Letter of the 19th of May, 142.
MY DEAR LORD, A pslfy-house, May 21.

Although you have had the goodness to dispense
with my returning any answer to your letter of the
19th inst. some farther observations on my part may,
perhaps, contribute to promote the professed object
of that letter, by explaining and correcting whatever
may appear doubtful or erroneous in the course of
our recent correspondence.
When you informed me, that your opinion upon
the claims of the Roman Catholics remained un-
changed, and that you were not aware of any change
in the opinion of your Colleagues on that subject, I
cer'ainly concluded, that the policy, which has been
pursued, during the present Session of Parliament,
would be continued by the new Cabinet. Subse-
quent reflection satisfies me, that such a conclusion
vas just and reasonable; nor can I admit, that I
have fallen into any misapprehension of that system
of policy, when I have described it as consisting,
not only in the denial of any present relief to the
Roman Catholics, but evon a peremptory refusal to
consider the state of the law which ailed* their civil
condition.

Whatever may be the different character or com-
plexion of the opinions of the several Members of

the present Cabinet, the practical result has been to
pursue the course which 1 have described, during the
present Session of Parliament; and your explanation
on this point closes with an aalmission, that you are
all agreed to continue the same policy in the present
moment.
No suggestion is made of the time or circum-
stances, in which any alteration of this system of
policy can be expected; ne prospect is afforded of
any conciliatory proceeding, which might tend to
open the way to an amicable settlement; and, while
a desire of hearing specific propositions of.security is
professed, the very consideration of the question is
denied to Parliament, and is not pursued by any
other authority.
This statement is no misapprehension of the tenor
of your explanatory letter ; and in such a state of
the practical consequences of the united councils of
the present Cabinet, it may be deemed superfluous to
analyze individual sentiment.
This task (however useless with regard to present
practice) is required from me, by the strong protest
which you have made against any inference to be
drawn from any declaration of your's, 44 that it is,
44 or ever has been your opinion, that under no
46 circumstances, it would be.possible to make any
44 alteration iii the laws respecting the Roman Ca-
" tholics." To this protest, you have added an as-
surance, 44 That upon the last occasion, on which
the sulject• was discussed in Parliament, you ex-
" pressly stated th:it circumstances 'night arise, in
whicit, in your judgment, sonic alteration in those
" laws would he advisable."

I confess freely to you, that I had always under-
stood your recorded opinion on this subject in a very
diiferent sence : I had supposed, that you considered
the disabilities inipm2ll by statute upon the Ro.
man Catholics, not as temporary and occasional se-
cui iti-es, agaii:st a temporary and occasional danger,
but as an integral and pernianeA
~art of the Con-
stitution in Cnurch and State, estabitshed at the Re.
volution.

In this opinion, I had always understood, that
several of the priti.-.ipal Mewbers of the present Ca-
blunt concurred with you ; and that you felt, in com-
mon, an apprehension, that the removal of any im-
portant part of this s) stem of restraint would en-
danger the foundations of the Establishment of our
Laws, Liberties, and Religion.
Viewing in this light your sentiments, and those
of the respectable persons to whom I refer, I am
persuaded that I shall not be suspected of i;.tending
to cast any reflection upon the honour or honesty
of those principles, or of the persons who maintain
them.

I have ever considered those principles to be pure
and honest in the minds in whit ;1 I supposed them to
reside ; and, u bile I gave full credit to their sinceri-
ty, I lamented their erroneous foundation and dan-
gerous tendency.
I must farther declare, that from some accident, I
did not hear the statement in Parliament to which
your refer, as having been made by you, on the last
occasion, in the House of Lords.
I now, however, understand your opinion to I,;',
that circumstances ;nag arise, in which, in your
judgment, some alteration would be advisable in the
Laws affecting the Roman Catholics.
I should be desirous of urging the same enrol re-
specting circumstances, which you have re-
specting sf,curities; and I should be anxitic3 ',I hear
the specific statement of ALL, on ANY CF THOsE Cla-
CUMSTANCES, under which you would advise any al-
teration in the laws respecting the Roman Catholics.
The explanation which you require respecting se-
curities, is attainable only by a full congideration and
discussion of the whole• ; and I :nen•G•r,
view the declared intention of resislng the first step
towards such a discussion, as an effectual barrier
against that explanation, which you consider to he
the necessary preliminary, to any alteration of the
existing statutes.
The details of your reasoning on this part of the
question render the prospect of any settlement ut-
terly hopeless. You require a cliangtt in the state of
the opinions, feelings, conduct, and temper of the
Roman Catholics, as a preliminary, even to the con-
sideration of the causes of their complaints. But is
it possible to expect effectual change iu the temper or
the Roman Catholic Body, while you refuse even to
enquire into the nature of f heir ,-;rinvances

The repeated rejection of their tvi:;vett any other deli-
beration than drat which has arisen th: : ,cro question of tak-
ing the Petition into coniiilerttion, ii 1., t t clurse of proceeding
calculated to mitigate th:: ~rvcri•y of disa, ; •

Reason and modenttio n must appear in a tEideration of
their prayer, if we hope to infuse those qualitis their pro-
ceedings.
Yuu require, also, a change in the circumstances of .:ompe.—
Ignorant of the e, nts which may have furnished at. hope of st
such a change, since I had the honour of a s tare in bis Royal
Highness's Councils, I must consi ler the detertniention to delay
this interesting question, until Europe shall have assumed a new
aspect, as a virtual negative upon the substance of the claim;
and I feel this point wi+N a greater degree of pain, h 'cause I ant
convinced, that the continuance of Ireland in her i•resent condi-
tion, must protract, if not perpetuate, the present unhappy con-
dition of Europe.
But, until these preliminaries shall have been established,.yos
declare, that it will be your duty to resist Parliamentary eg-
quiry, wl.ich, in your judgment, could be productive of no other
effect, than " to alarm the Protestants, and to delude the Roman
Catholics." At the same time, you offer no hope, that the means
of relief will be opened by any other authority.
I cannot understand throngh what channel of reason, or pas-
sion, the Protestants should be alarmed, or the Catholics de-
hided, by a full and fair consideration of the state of the laws
affecting the latter body. Indeed, I cannot conceit e *any pro-
ceedings° likely to remove alarm, and prevent delusion, us that
which appears to you likely to create both.
On the other hand, I apprehend witch more danger, both of
alarm and of delusion, from any system of use:lams to be founded
on the general and indistinct terms, in which you state, that
" circumstances matt ar6e, in which sense alteration in the laws
would be advisable."
You refer to considerations of a" yen v RIGn tmeoaTassce,"
which, until a very late period of time, have precluded the Ex-
ecutive Government and Parliament from entertaining this mea-
sure ; and you suggest, that in the opinion of some persons,
these considerations have not lost their weight.
I presume, that you refer to the know n sentiments of the most
exalted and venerable authority in these realms, on the claims
of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects.
As your letter seems to hear some reference to the course of
my conduct in Parliament, and in his Majesty's Councils on this
subject, I avail myself of this opportunity to explain the motives,
both of my former silence, and of the recent declaration of my
sentiments.
At the remote period of the year 1797, upon the eve of my de-
parture for India, I stated to the late Mr. Pitt my solicitude,
that he should direct his attention to the settlement of Ireland ;
and I expressed to him my conviction, that Ireland could neither
be happily settled, nor firmly united to Great Britain, without
a concurrent settlement of the claims of his Majesty's Roman
Catholic subjects. The Opinions which I declared to Mr. Pitt,
at that time, respecting the substance of those claims, were pre-
cisely similar to those which I have stated in thellouse of Lords
during the present Session of Parliament.
It is not necessary to enter upon any review of' the transac-
tions which passed during my absence in Lodi*, with relation to
Ireland, or to the claims of the Item' Catholics.

I arrived from India in the month of January, ; and
after one short interview with Mr. Pitt, 1 assisted in performing
the last sad office of following his remains to the grave.
You arc aware, that long before that period of time, the
" 114;6 ronti,bratiwis" to which you refer, had been fixed in full
force; that no attempt to change those sentiments cold have
been made with any prospect of success; and that the result,
even if a sacciastil proceeding in Parliament, would have tended
only to produce the most dreadful extremity of coufusion.
You Lllllll. remember, that I have always lamented (as serious
national calamities, menacing the Constitution of the alonarrhy)
the reference, which has necessarily been made to the existence
of those personal sentiments, and the causes which have occe-
gamed that necessi.y.
With the warmest sentiments of personal veneration, attach-
ment, and tratitade, my opinion has always been, that the duty
of loyalty and affection towards a British Sovereign does not
consist in submissive obedience even t. the honest prejudices or
errors of the Itoyal mind, hut, rather, in respectful endeavours
to remove those prejudices and errors, by free advice is Coun-
cil, and by temaerate remonstrance is Parliament.
But the time for such endeavours had passed : and I submitted
reluctantly, not to my sense of the genuine duty. of a fiitlit'al
Counsellor towards his Sovereign, bat to the painful, and, by
me, irreversible necessity of the case.
This is a subject of the utmost, of the most perilous delicacy :
—your letter has opened it: —I will pursue it no farther than to
assure you, that when, on the 31st of January, I declared, in
the House of Lords, my sentiments respecting the Roman Ca-
tholic claims, the necessity which bad occasioned my silence ap-
peared to me to hay.. entirely ceased.
MT second point of your explanatory letter refers to the ma-
nagement of the war in the Peninsula.
Your sitagea ions ;we necessarily indistinct, with retard to the
additional means t whica have occurred since my resignation) of
extending our military efforts in that quarter: I think 1 can
collect even Irmo you. hiut,, that although those means arc ex-
trarieaus, the probability of their existence might ba, e been
foreseen, as the natural result of instructions which were in pro-
gre,s of execution previously to my resignation.
But my objection to the system pursued in the Peninsula, at
the time of my resignation, was applied to the whole frame and
fabric of onr pernion.,nt arrangements, Loth in Portugal and
Spain, which, to my judgment, must be corrected and extended,
not only with a vitas to Me advantageous use of such means as
we :taw p amass in the Peninsula, but even of such adventitious
:tad extraneous means as events in othiw uartery may place at
our disposal. Believe me, my dear Lord, always }}ours, must
sincerely, (Signed) Nat L LLS LILY.
The J.;arl of Liverpool, &c.

A tr. Mails. Due.
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0
• 3

O
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THE STATESMAN.

LONDON:
?RID tY, DltY 22, 1814.

The termiration cf the debate in the House of .
Commons last pi;ltt, on the motion of Mr. IVotur-
Lcv, is such as it ought to have been, and reflects the
high.,st honour on the independent Members of the
House of Commons, who votml against Ministers.—
We should have wishml the Address, which was car..
ried, to the Pat Nee ItElvsr, had been more compre..
vosive in its nature; hut as i• is we are satisfied. It is the
first of :natty triumphs which we anticipate over the
enemies of Liberty, lud may be regarded as the fu-
neral knell of the oppressors of the people. It now
remains for tha PRINCE REGENT to show that he has
no "predilections ;" that he holds his high office only
for the welfare of his subjects. The voice of the nation,
through its Representatives, has declared the pre-
sent Administration totally incapable of managing
the atiairs of the State. Thus relieved from all ties
or obligations which his Royal Highness may have
felt himself under, in reference to the PcaccvAt.
Party, it is now in his power to save our sinking
country. Nothing Moods in the way of his calling to
his Councils the early friends of his youth, to whom
he gave so many unreserved pledges of attachmeut
to the cause of the • people. If he pursues this
course, his Itoval Highness may yet avert the
danger that threatens us. But if, influenced by in-
terested Counsellors, subjected to the controul of
female influence, and falcinated by the allure-
ments of the Courier's 44 Guardian Angel,"
he shut his ears against the warning voice,
which cries aloud for a change of system,
he will then have himself alone to blame for the
consequences of his infatuation. What a glorious
day would it be to Britain, if she saw the helm of
the State put into the hands of those men who are
conrinbed that the restoration of peace is essential
to her salvation. What a sad reverse, if it is to be
again entrusted to those who have proclaimed' inter-
minable war, and whose interest it is to continue the
present system.

The fact, which we have so repeatedly stated, that
the Berlin and Milan Decrees had been repealed by
BONAPARTE, in so far as they respected American
commerce, has been officially announced to our Go-
vernment, as will be seen by the subjoined article,
which we copy from the Chronicle of this morning :-
66 We pledge curselves to the truth of the follow-
ing important fact :—•
" On Tuesday last the American Mission here
communicated to Ministers a dispatch which they
had received from the American Minister at Paris;
[ containing the formal renunciation, by the French
I Government, of the Milan and Berlin Decrees, as
• far as regards America; and which document of re-
nunciation is dated as far back as April, 1811. This
Official Notification was made by the French Go-
vernment to the American Minister, in consequence of
our Declaration, that whenever these Decrees should
be repealed, our Orders in Council should also cease.
This Paper, which probably did not exist, and was
perhaps antedated, now comes, however, substan-
tiated to our Government, and, therefore, the Or-
I.ders in Council must stand repealed as far as 6ncerus
America."

Mr. ItYhEtt announced last plain terms,
his resignation of tlio office of Secretary of State for
the Heine department.