The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-06-14 00:00:00

THE STATtSMAN.

the moral and religious instruction of the' Negroes;
ordd thus to endeavour to make them some amends
for their sufferings in this world, by opening to them
brighter prospects of a future existence. Above all
other circumstances, he had looked to the encou.
rgement of marriage among the Slaves, as a neces.
,any and most beneficial consequence of the trade.
In Africa, it appeared from Parke's account that
mirri..ges were very prevalent, and very rarely yin.
Io St. Domingo, after the slaves had vindi.
rand their rights, marriages became universally pre.
',dent. and were much elicitor tged by rendering tin-
mardiod men incap Ode of admission to high offices
is the time. ti!tg to the Atiolition of the Slave
I'rade in Fridley.. ho observed that the character of
Bonaparte justified the suspicion that he would en-
deavour to tamper with our Islands, and thus the
expediency was conlirmeirof attaching to ourselves
2, much as possible the Negroes as well as the free
coloured race; the recent admission of the last of
which to the right of giving evidence on criminal
trials, he had been very happy to learn. Another
stimulus to a due attention to the interests of the
Negro population, arose front the contemplation of
the numbers of our brave soldiers who had fallen
victims to their efforts. How desirable would it be
to convert the slaves into a free and happy peasantry
capable of defending the Islands which they iitlia.
bited, instead of endangering them by their presence.
The Legislature of Antigua had done themselves im-
mortal honour by their resolution, expressive of their
willingness to accede to any plan of rational and
practicable reform ; and he trusted, that, on cool
consideration, all the rest of our Colonies would see
the advantage of imitating so liberal an example. Ile
should be most happy to have them for his co-adju-
tors in this great %ork. In conclusion, he moved
for leave to bring in a Bill for the better prevention
of the illicit importation of slaves into the British
Colonies. _ _ _

Mr. A. BROWNE felt the difficulty of making
any impression on the House, after the elogeent
speech which they had just beard. Ile appealed to
them, however, whether, considering the advanced
period of the Session, and considering that the question
affected the Constitutional rights of the Colonies, as
well as the private interests of individuals, it would
not be wise to postpone the discussion of it until
those who were materially interested in the decision
should have the means of knowing the character and
extent of the proposed measure. When the Honour-
able Gentleman had give', notice of his motion, he
(Mr. Browne) was by no means aware that his ob-
jeer was to strike at the very existence of colonial au-
thority He assured the House there was no person
a _venter friend to the abolition than he, though he
could not hope to eseap' suspicion ; but if the Noble
Lord who had used such great efforts for the great
object could not escape, be must he content to bear
his part. Ile had not disagreed to the Bill which
passed this year to render it penal to lend money to
carry on the Slave Trade, stud therefore be thought
he had a right to claim that he should be considered
as friendly as any person to the object of abolition.
The object of the Honourable Gentlenete's measure,
however, was not to resider more penal that against
which the law had already sufficiently provided, but
In destroy colonial authority, and to risk the tenure
by which all West lndi property was held. The
Honourable Gentleman had been very eloquent and
pathetic on the abuses existing in the colonies. These
abuses were not the question before the House; which
was simply whether a sufficient Parliamentary ground
had been laid for a further Legislative enactment to
prevent the clandestine importation of slaves. He
disbelieved the statement, that a clandestine im-
portation had taken place. The Honourable Gentle-
man had admitted that no such importation had taken
place in Jamaica, hut to Jamaica he had confined
that admission. The honourable Gentleman might
kiss. taoled it to iota hieh island he
(Mr. Browne) betiestai in his cotisM-11,.e that not a
single negro had been clatidestinmy imported. In
the absence of all proof that such a clandestine im-
portation had taken place in any other island,
would the House consent to provide further
against a supposed crime %%bids was already fe-
ttle): by law ? He could assure the Honourable
Gentleman that if it should turn out tout the
existence of clandestine importation rendered further
measures necessary, no mail o °old support such
measures more heartily One himself. But in the
t1,..0r0 of all knowledge of the fact, be entreated
the house to pause before they legislated, when the
only ground of their legislation must be the supposi-
tion dint the importation was connived at by those
who, he was sore, felt it their duty (whatever might
be their interest) to give effect to the nwasore of aho-
Minn. The establishment of a registry, in order to
carry that measure into effect, would be a direct
attack on the ronatitutional rights and privileges of
the Assemblies of the different Islands. He would
not contend that Pal 'lament bad not a right to do
this. But a right, and the exercise of a right, were
two distinct things. While they maintained the right
I:self, the exercise of that right right justly become
a gip stion of discretion; not to he adopted without
a strong rise of necessity, and then with a due regard
to the feelings of the parties interested, and to the
preservation of that property over which the laws
bad thrown the impenetrable shield of their protec-
tion. If on the representation to them by the
Secretary of State, the Assemblies of the differ-
ent Islands shonld evince a reluctance to carry
into execution the well digested plan that had
been formed for giving effect to the abolition
of the trade, then, and then only, would a case
be made nut demanding legislative interference.
He was aware of the extreme unpopularity which at-
tended any uppearance of a disposition to check an
effort in behalf of duos, whom the views of our poli-
tical system had placed in a state of servitude. But
he could not forget the moral duly which imposed
upon him the necessity of caution, lest while he en-
deavoured to bcoefit oho class he should materially
injure another. He could not overtook the rights of
distant and unrepresented communities—rights es-
tablished for two centuries by Parliamentary provi-
sion. Bot the question of right was not before
the House. All he now wished was to impress upon
them the justice and necessity of suspeedieg their
jt,dgment on the Bill proposed by the Honourable
Gentleman, until it should be ascertained by evidence
tlmt the evil complained of existed in a degree to call
fur Pas liamentary interference. As that evidence

could be obtained only in a Committee, he would
move as an amendment, to leave out till the words in
the original motion after the word " that," for the
purpose of inserting the following : " a Committee
be appointed to inquire, whether any clandestine im-
portation of Negroes in the British Colonies had
taken place since the passing of the Act for the Abo-
lition of the Slave Trade."

Mr. PROTHEROE was not only desirous of pro.
tooting by every means the great object of the entire;
abolition of the Slave Trade, but he was even de-
sirous of lending his support to the plan which his
Hole' Friend had now brought forward. But while
he said this, he owned he WAS also R good deal struck
ith what had fallen from an Hon. Gentleman be-
hind him (Mr. A. Browne). It became the House in
a business of this consequence not to proceed with
any undue haste. Did his Hon. Friend think that it
• would he possible to proceed through the Bill in the
present Session, and that an affair of so great interest
to the Colonies should be decided on without afford.
ing them an opportunity of expressing their senti-
ments ? He was not very sanguine, howe'ver, in his
expectations that the Colonial Legislations would
adopt this measure, and it was the less likely that
the measure was brought forward here, as they would 11
consider it as an infraction of their rights. He was ,
willing to allow that the Legislature of the parent
country had a permanent right to legislate for the
Colonies, but the exercise of this right ought to be
determined by the combined consideration of the
importance of the object, and the possibility
of its being effected. He hoped his Honourable
Friend would follow the example of an lion. Baronet
(Sir George Clerk), and move for the appointment
of a Committee, that the result of their labours
might be laid before the House in the next Session.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, if the lateness of
the Session was prejudicial to the consideration of
the Bill, it was equally unfavourable to the forma.
lion of a Committee. What would the Committee
do? They would prepare a Bill, which would lie
over from next Session to the following. Ile depre-
cated the proposed delay, and thought that this bless-
ing ought to be conferred on these unfortunate indi-
viduals at as early a period of time as possible. Lit
all the Colonial Legislations the Members must be
guided by the feelings of the people whom they re-
present, and the Imperial Legislation ought to inter-
pose its authority in a case of this consequence.
Mr. PROTH EROE explained.
Mr. MARRYAT thought in justice to themselves
and the colonies, the House ought to have a legisla-
tive foundation to act on. Ile considered the Com-
mittee from which this measure proceeded, as by no
means the safest guides for the House. By their
construction of the Abolition Act and our Treaties
with Spain and Portugal, which had been sent to all
commanders of vessels, numerous captures had been
made of vessels belonging to those countries ; and
our Government had been obliged to pay Portugal
300,0001. for vessels unjustly captured, and Spain
was claiming two millions of dollars on the same ac-
count, which he had no doubt we should be obliged
to pay. This was brought on the country by the
Abolitionists taking on themselves official authority
without being in official situations. It was not only
a loss of money, but a loss of national honour, and
we owed it to the African Institution. He thought
the African Institution had not dealt with candour
by the public—they bad published -only the docu-
ments iu their own favour, but withheld other
documents which were of a contrary description. lie
would instance the unfairness of suppressing a letter
from the Governor of Sierra Leone, for eight years,
which had lately come out. In the publication of
the late mission of the late unfortunate Mungo Parke,
they had given statements with a view of establishing
the increase of the domestic industry of the natives of
the country round Sierra Leone, which when pro-
perly explained would bear no such construction.
They had obtained reports from all the Governors
on the coast of Africa iu answer to questions respect-
ing the progress of agriculture and domestic industry
among the natives since the abolition, stating that
there had been none whatever. But all these reports
were suppressed. This was hardly fair. He did not
impute any unfair motives to the body of the African
Institution ; but lie contended that they had not
sufficient time themselves for the consideration of ill
the subjects before them, and that they had entrusted
these matters to individuals who had not dealt with
crito:our towards the public. The arguments in fa-
Tout of clandestine importation, derived from the
comparison of returns in the island of Trinadad, were
by no means conclusive, as the old returns were ex-
tremely defective. Ile could say that no less than
lifty-one estates had been abandoned in Trinadad for
want of negroes to cultivate them. Time negroes had
decreased in number in that country. In Grenada
the same thing had taken place. A poll tax was
laid on the Negroes of that island ; and from that
tax it appeared that the number in 1808 amount.
ed to 26,109, and in 1813 only to, 22565.
It had been contended that no amelioration had taken
place in the condition of the slaves since the aboli-
tion ; but he could say, that a great amelioration had
taken place in the island of Grenada, the Colony
with which he was best acquainted, when before the
abolition the slaves worked day and night, and were
divided into gangs, as on board of ships, but this
practice had been abolished. The expence of the re-
turns in Trinidad had been enormous, and the pro-
prietors of slaves had been put to a deal of unnecessary
trouble. It had been said, that without such a
registry as that proposed, no man could prove his
freedom ; but every man who resided in the West
Indies could have no difficulty in proving his free-
dom. It was no uncommon thing for slaves to run
from one Island to another, where they gave them.
selves out as free men: this description of peo-
ple would be protected by the proposed mea-
sure. A man who was really free, took out
a passport when he left a place, and it was im-
possible then to molest him. Registers of the sort
proposed would be of use to criminals and runaway
slaves, but of no use to innocent people. A good
deal had been said shout colonial rights—he was not
now disposed to deliver an opinion on the subject,
but he knew what opinions had been delivered on the
subject during the American war. The Act of 18th
Geo. ill. renounced the right of raising money in
any of his Majesty's Colonies, without the consent
of the Assemblies of these Colonies. This Bill was
in effect a Money Bill; for • it would operate as a

tax on the people. We ought to recollect, that by
persisting in the question of right we lost America.
We ought to recollect, also, that the same object
might be attained another way. If we did as the
Honourable Gentleman wished us, we should only
be raising ap a stone wall to !steak our own heads
on. IVe had only to prohibit the lending any money
to any Colony which did not agree to such a register
as that now wanted. If we acted as the Honourable
Gentleman recommended, we might, psrhepe, light
op a flame between the Mother Country and the Co-
lonies, which would one day be deeply deplored.—
Ile hoped the Hon. Member would withdraw his mo-
tion for the present.
Mr. DOUGLAS argued, that after what we had
billed upon all Europe to sacrifice, it was folly to '
talk of delicacy to the colonies. Nothing on this
subject could he more impolitic than half measures.
Sir S. ROM LILY thought that the measure ought
speedily to be passed without the delay of enquiries
before a Committee. The object of the Committee
could only be to prove that no illicit traffic in slaves
was carried on ; if that were the fact, the Bill could
at le,:st do injury, not producing any effect. The
great benefit of this measure would be to improve
the situation of the neiroes, which the Bill for the
Abolition of the Stave 'I rade had little accomplished.
Ile lamented that in most of the West India Islands
the burden of proof still laid upon the negro to esta-
blish that he was free, and that was done by the do-
' cement of his manumission, which might be stolen
' from him, and e►en then his evidence was only al-
' lowed in one fif the colonies. With regard to what
had beds said by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Browne),
that Oil measure attacked most harshly the right of
West lldia planters, he would only observe that it
I only aimed at illicit traffic, and if the rights of the
planter's depended upon that, it was most fit that it
should be attacked. No man could deny, not even
the opponents of this measure, the right of Parlia-
ment to interpose; Dud if any notion prevailed in the
West Indies that the Legislature here could not itt-
terfere with the management of the slaves by the
planters, it was high time that such an opinion were
refuted. Without meaning to speak wits► disrespect
of the Colonial Assemblies, he was not disposed to
trust too much to their measures after the experience
had of their disposition. He referred to the cases of
Mr. Huggins and Mr. Hodge to prove what might be
in future expected.
Mr. BARHAM was strongly in favour of the:
measure, but he thought that the more effects*,
mode would be to put the Bill into such a shape as
to render it capable of the consent of the Colonial
Legielatures. Without that the object would not be
effected, and by fraud and deception the provisions
would-be avoided. He was in favour of treating the
Assemblies with respect, and to suppose that they
were disposed to assist the House in that object. He
was in favour of the Committee.
. Lord CASTLEREAGH would have supported
the .motion for a Committee as a separate proposi-
tion, but not when it was brought forward in direct
opposition to the Bill of Mr. Wilberforce. He was
not prepared to state any decided opinion upon the
particular measure, or its policy, but he nas in-
cliiied to allow it to be brought in that it might be
known and circulated. Every thing ought to he
dole to reconcile the Colonies to the law, in order
to'aveid even prisitive danger; or at least the defeat
otttbsholtject.. He believed that the Bill would he
.•
mach more effect the feelings of the Colonies
were consulted ; and he should not be disposed to
support this Bill in its future stages, if the Honoura-
ble Member intended to press it through during the
present Session. if the feeling in the West Indies
were strongly against such a law, he thought it
would be impolitic by absolute compulsion, in the
first instance, to inflict it upon the Colonies.
Mr. W. SMITH supported the original motion,
and thought there was not much to be expected from
the voluntary efforts of the West Indian Legislatures,
and that the recommendation of the Government
would have no effort. If the Registry Bill were
passed, he did not donht but that it would be
submitted to, and executed, as the Abolitiou Law
had been.
' Mr. WILBERFORCE shortly replied. He ac-
knowledged that the Session was so far advanced
that it might net he advisable to press forward a
measure which might meet with opposition In all its
stages. He should therefore yield to the general wish
of the House.
• Mr. A. BROWNE withdrew his Amendment, af-
ter which leave was given to bring in the Bill.
Mr. MARTI N postponed his motion respecting
the Pension to Col. Bloomfield, to Tuesday:
On the the Report of Supply,
Mr. PONSONBI" wished to remind the House,
. that among his objections to the Swedish Treaty was
this, that when any peace was made with France we
Should be obliged to restore Guadeloupe, and indem-
say Sweden for the tom
Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he had sup-
ported the Treaty at the time alluded to, on the cor►-
sideration of the whole of the question, especially the
favourable torn given to the campaign by the aid of
Sweden. It was then desirable to give Sweden a t
French possession, arid thus an interest in opposition
to that Power.
Mr. W. SNIITH asked wily this country should
be called on to pay for that which was advantageous I
to the whole Confederacy? 'As to the cession of
Norway, which teas connected with the present sub-
ject, he vi as happy to be able to state, from informs. !
t ion he had received, that the people of that country
were not so dissatisfied as there had been reason to'
expect.
After a few words from Mr. BANK ES, the Re-
Tort was agreed to.

The Report of the Committee on the Subsidiary ,
Treaties waQ brought up,
Mr. PONONRY cbserved, that in Om Treaties
in question there was no object either of British or
Itt:oropean interest stated in which the money now
repaid to Russia was expended, neither did it appear ;
that id August, 18111, when the Treaties were signed,
there was any object to induce us to sign the Treaty.
This money, too, Was to be paid at i time when
economy was so desirable; for he bvtleved it would
be found that the addition to be mad,• to the princi-
pal of the debt this year would he 100,000,0001.,
equal to half the debt contracted from the Revolu-
tion to the breaking out of the French war. He
disapproyecrof the eipenditnie of bums on the for-1

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