The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-04-08 00:00:00

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dress, should confine himself to a few remarks. if
this were indeed the day to consider the Treaty—
that loose and unguarded 'l'reatyt whose negligent
stipulations hart %astral the advantages of the cows-
try. and produced the events which they all had now
to depinre—he should not be content with the few
observetione to which he-wes now inclined to restrain
itimielf. Re hoped that Treaty, however, would
soon come into discussion by which our pest state of
security was apparently ruined, and we were now
forced to the painful alternative described bythe No-
ble Lord—that of expensive armament or dangerous
and doubtful war. He would then ask why, to the
gallant °hirers commanding in the immediate vicinity
of the mint interesting point, no regular instruct- I
tiotts were given ; why to the officer at that point 1
there was no other guide than an understanding ?.
Those were but a part of the enquiries which- it was
impossible to avoid making, but • which he would
now reserve. Ile agreed that now there was a ne,
cessity fur prompt and manly eesolastiun ; that the
question was not now to be the niae"of the danger,
but the made of averting it. That it tOnuld not be
becoiniug them as men, and still lessee Englishmen,
to pause when the question was of general security.'
lie entirely approved of the temperate language of
the Message, and iii this no mil could suppose that
be was offering on opinion on the fitness of plunging
into hostilities. He confessed that he felt all those
events as they came crowding on each other with
great regret ; all knew how eagerly lie had atatici-
',fated the return of peace, the return to those re.
ttenchnients which peace brought, the return to the
principles of the liritish Constitution. Now, the
prospect was changed—other forms of policy were
necessary ; he gave his hearty concurrence to the
proposition of placing ourselves in a state of grilled
defence— [Hear, hearq—a painful and severe necese
sity, but still one front which we could not withdraw..
He approved of the Address in its ot!ser feature of
acting in concert with the. Allies. There was no
other rood to safety than a sincere, honourable, and
Cot concert with the Continental Powers. if his
voice was to be heard without the walls of the
liticce—if lie could hope that it might pass the li-
mits of the cour;try, he would wish it to be pro-
claimed as the sea se of the British Parliament, that
this concert wa, essential to all chance of success,
that it most be a concert strictly for the general in-
terests of all. that there should be no straying in
search of private objects. He would desire to im-
press it uprn Sovereigns and nations, that the cause
of the French successes was in the want of that con-
cert ; that those disunited and partial interests sent
the enemy to trample from one corner of Europe to.
another; and that they never knew safety or victory
till they had learned the misfortune of making war
on the true principles of national combination.—
[Hew !]-11... approved of the Address as directed
to those two points ; but lie was not pledged, the
lloese.must nut be pledged, to the support of war,
till the evidence was laid fairly before them. Till
then he must reserve Ms opinion. The Noble Lott/
haul called it au European cause. Move than Eng-
lish, it was in truth an European, but it was there.
fore an English cause.—[Grist of liar!)-8e
would again insist upon cancer: as the only hopes of
safely.
Marquis NV Ei.l.nfiLEY.—Whatever the regret of
the present moment, whatever the doubt for the fu-
ture, it mist he owned we cnu!d not look upon it
turning to the animating view of the past. That
view was indeed most cheering and exciting. The
country at length showed her resources, her native
viper, her noble resolution, her mighty and almost
inexhaustible means • she had saved heiself, she had
awakened Europe, she had secured for herself a new
and glorious triumph; all this. was done by Eng-
land, and he must hope that all this was not done in
vain. The events of that war had given us a new
courage. At this moment we were giving an evidence
of it. We were deliberating beore we plunged
again into that doubtful and stern extremity. We
were not berrying into it with the rash blindness
that betsiyrd cowardice, but prepared to calmly
weigh wild ,didolly 'sambas t! e wisdom and necessity
of proteetteg to the extremity of war. Here he
should stop the declaration of his opinions, but for
the extiaiienus sentiments into which, the Noble
Lord opposite (Liverpool) had wandered. That
Noble Lord had said, that after twenty. years of
change, of elm' moral revolution, it was scarce- !
ly to be expected that the world would quietly sub-1
side into peace ; but who could have supposed !1
that such a convulsion would have been so allowed,
that the great advantages put into the hands of
the Allies e oulcl have been so Mown away, that
the world, after having teen saved by our exam.
pie, should have been lust by our example ?---He
spoke of Congress ; it was a tissue of conduct lead.
lug to direct confusion. What man that looked I
upon it,. discussion could expect a propitious result.
Ile made no objection to the Treaty of Paris, it
might be quite right and expedient ; but from that,
all went astray. There were two great systems
adapted to the time, either of which might have been
1410%141 with a fortunate event. One was, to cir-
cuiestrilie France widths her ancient limits, but then
the same measure should be dealt to all. The other
was, to change the limits of the Allied Powers, but
then the same measure must be applied to France.—
Why was this left undone—why was neither system
adopted—why Ka, a meagre middle policy put in
act that only combined the bad of both ?—Why was
the scale of crime in States Ftl irregularly graduated
—why were some punished because they had se-
rrated fits., and others because they had seceded
last ?-- Why had we required Franca to retire within
her serietit limits, while we allowed others to ag-
grendize themselves, and moll the first ourselves ?
The consequence was natural—the French people
f.lt themselves degraded. Thera was not a man in
France who did not appeal to this degradation. It
was ono of the great arguments of Napoleon to the
reach, that they were thus degraded by Louis.—
t saying all this, he did not hesitate to say, that
as butt been sufficient contravention of the Trea-
ties of Paris and Ponlainbleau to authorize our
making war. Thus far coinciding with the Noble
Lord (Liverpool), here he must stop. lie was told
that the lien-payment of Napuleon's pension was no
breach of the contract, as it was only to be paid
by the year ' • but was it ititetidNl to be paid ? Didthe
Noble Lord say that,, while Napoleon bad not yet
received any provision for his support ?-13ut what i