The Statesman.
London, England, 1823-04-17 00:00:00

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templating the possibility of British Conkers espoesirg dif-
ferent sides, he could not conceive a more painful spectacle
than to see them armed against each other. The Great
Unknown,' the author of the popular Scotch novels, had de-
scribed, in the character of Daigatty, a mercenary adven-
turer, who made a trade of arms, and eared not what cause
he espoused. He never desired to see a British Officer be•

come such a character.
Sir F. BLAKE was of opinion, that if our Government
had assumed a higher tone throughout the recent negocia-
Bops, Spain would Geyer have been invaded.
The cries of " Question l" " Question !" now became

eery general, and Lord Althorpe appeared to be about to re-
ply. when
Mr. CANNING rose, and observed that those Gentle-
then who had not been present at the commencement of the
debate, could ha►dly imagine what a restraint he placed him-
self under, by strictly confining himself to the question be-
fore the House. Those who were not present could not per
ceive that, from the first, there was a set-off to the tessella-
tion which an Hon. and Learned Member had last night
ascribed to the Bench on which he (Mr. C.) sat. The repeal
of the Bill was moved for with that moderation and good
tense which uniformly characterized the speeches of the
Noble Lord who had introduced the subject; and the mo-
tion was seconded in a speech of which he should say no-
thing, but that it formed a perfect contrast to the opening.—
(Hear, hear.) War, open war, was the language of the No-
ble seconder, whom he (Mr. C.) would not attempt to fol-
low through all his details. The Lacedernonians were in the
habit of deterring their young people from intoxic.tion, by
presenting the Helots to them in that state. There was a
moral as well as a physical Intoxication, and the Noble Se-
condor appeared to be under the influence of it, exhibiting
the Contortions of the Sybil without the inspiration.—(Hear,
hear.) Such was the character of a speeee to which he (Mr.
Canning) would make no reply, for this was not the proper
time to discuss the allegations it contained. At the same
time. he begged that Noble Lord to believe, that however
It. might tritalt to France, he would never truckle to him.—
(Loud and repeated cheers from the Opposition benches.)—
Gentlemen might cheer, but he as•tired them lie would be
perfectly reedy to meet the whole case in due time, and be
waited only for the opportunity that was promised him from
the other side. At present the question must be discussed
on the assumption that neutrality was the policy of this
country, and he was gene sure it was the safest policy we
could adopt, if it Could be sustained without any sacrifice of
national honour or national interest. He wished that Gen-
tlemen would abstain from Throwing out imputations at
random, and mixing them up with every debate
io that House. Let them watt until the policy of
the country was &seer ained —until it should appear
that there was a general concurrence in that House,
and a corresponding concurrence in the country—and
then let such measures be adopted as might be found
consistent with oar general policy. He now rested his
opposition to the motion of the Noble Lord on the
strictest principle of neutrality. The Bill, or rather the
Act of Parliament, now proposed to be repealed, was
parsed about four er five years ago, partly in mitigation
of a statute already existing, and partly in support of
the common law of the land. The statute then In force,
inflicted a severe penalty on those who should supply
any one Belligerent with the means of carrying on war;
and the COMO/04 law went to prohibit any assistance
from being gives. When in the year 1811, a treaty was
entered into between Great Britaia and Spain, it was
stipulated by that treaty that we should not give any suc-
cour to the revolted provinces i f South America. In the
course of time, when those colonies became more power-
ful, questions of a very different nature arose, with regard
to their " de jure" relations with Spain, and their "de
facto" independence. On this account it was doubtful
whether the statute law of the country applied to those
doubtful relations, and it became necessary to pass a
law on the same principle as if the colonies were " de
facto" independent. This law was passed in the year
1818, and continued in force until the present day. In
order to give full effect to the treaty with Spain, that law
prohibited the transport of arms or ammunition from
this country to the South American colonies. When it
became probable that a war would take place between
France and Spain, it ma: necessary to review our rela-
tions with those countries, and to act with a strict equal-
ity towards both. The existing law would have this et-
feet ; and so far from its operating unfavourably towards
Spain, it would operate the contrary way ; for if the law
were now repealed, more materials for carrying on wee'
would be conveyed to France through the ISletherlandsa
than would be sent direct to Spain. If there was nq
ground for repealing the present law, there surely was
nothing in it so contrary to the law of nations as to
make it unfit to be continued. The law first prohibited
British subjects from giving assistance by military ser-
vice, and, secondly, from supplying either party with
arms or ammunition, or fitting out armaments in any
port of this kingdom, for either of the Belligerents.—
With regard to personal service, that was a point of the
least importance to the present question ; because al-
though he had no doubt but that all British subjects
wishing to embark in such an undertaking, would be in
favour of one Belligerent, yet lie did not think
that their personal service could be afforded to
any great extent. There might, indeed, be a disposition
on the part of the authorities in Spain, to avail themselves
of Lie services of some distinguished individual; but it
should be known that there was a positive law in Spain
against the admission of foreigners into the armies of that
country. By a late proclamation it was declared that those
foreigners who bad already served in their armies might be
admitted again, but that none of them should hold a higher
rank thanthat of a serjeant.—(Hear, hear.) And that other
foreigners-who Wished to join them might be at liberty to
enter as common soldiers. While such regulations as those
existed In Spain, there was no great reason to suppose that
the repeal of our law would lead to any great exportation
of millitsry ardour from Great Britain. At the time when
our armies were in Spain. they and the Spaniards were strug-
gling against one common foe; but as there were divisions
already in that country, he should not wish to see English-
men going to Spain with their bayonets directed against
Spanish bosoms, Indeed, he was nut very sanguine even
with regard to Spanish gratitude ; for when the late war
was at an end, a proclamation was sent forth expressive of
satisfaction that the soil of Spain was once more free from
the presence of heretics. This did not arise exclusively
from a bigotted Government, but was the act of the nation,
in its common spirit of aversion to all foreigners. This
was a trait of national character which tie did not blame,
and which might serve to unite them more closely together.
From all this, it must appear that it would not be a very
desirable thing for Englishmen to go and join the troops of
Spain. Ile wished to know if the position should now be
laid dowp, that this country was never to be in a state of
neutrality. Some gentleman had said that we must enter
into the war sooner or later. Then let it be later.—(llear,
hear.) If we were to be involved in war, let us go Into it
upon just and on British grounds. lie was ready to prove
that, with a ♦iew to ultimate settlement, the position
we had now chosen was one of much more probanle eM-
cacy, than if we were allowed to be drawn into a war. If we
went into war now, we should he obliged to take the whole
management of the Peninsula into our own hands. lie who
would undertake that task with no better na'a than the
prey-nt state of things in Spain, must indeed possess an
extraordinary degree of hardihood. Ile had already
adopted a system of strict neutrality; and it was ne-
cessary that every thing should he done in order to
maiutain it, so that neither of the Powers at war should
,have a pretence to charge us with violating it. Of this
sort of policy he would state to the House an example.
taken from the history of the United States of America;
a country with which no man more anxiously wished
than himself that we shoal I always continue to live in
ties of amity, as its inhabitants and Englishmen were
descended from one common origin, and might be consi-
dered as belonging to the same family.—(lmad cries of
hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) The fact be matt
about to state occurred in the days of Washington.—
Just after the war broke out between this country and
France in the year 1793, the British Minister complained
to the Government of the United States that several ves-
sels were fitting out in their ports, and were intended to


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be employed as privateers ander French colours. Mr.
Jeffersen immediately communicated the subject of the
complaint to the French Minister, and at the same time
sent orders to all the States of the Ueion to prohibit the
fitting out of any such vessels ;.• and one vess-1 was seized.
It was at the same time declared incompatible with the
sovereignty of the States to allow such a breach of u^u-
trality. Such were the America') notions of neutrality ;
and he could not nroduee a better document to
.prove
that it would be a breach of our neutrality at this time to
repeal a law so as to allow vessels to be fitted out in any
of oar ports, whole oject might be to give assistence to
Spain. If unfdrtuna ely, we «houl 1. after ail, be en-
gaged in a tear, he wished it should be anderetnori by
the whole world, that we had discritninated within a
line of demarkation the precise limits we IM fixed for
acting on a system of equality towards each lielligere;it.
Then, when war did com-, it should he kept up with
every possible degree of vigour. If we shoel.l
obliged to go to war, let the war come in the form of
an aggression against us; and let us not provoke it by
any tittle petty togging act done with a view to our own
cam. Our honoar would then he preserved, and we
should have all the benefit of public opinion on our side.
—(Hear. hear )
Mr. DENMAN warmlv and ably suNserted the motion.
He hopel and expected that the House would not be de-
terred from doing what Vol thought right by any threat
on the part of Foreign Pawers, who wodld presume td
interfere with their freedom of action.
Lord A LTHORP briefly replied in a tone that was not
audible in the Gallery.
The House then divided, when there appeared—For
the Motion, 110--Apinst it,.216 —Majority. 106.
The other Order, of the Day were then disposed or,
the House adjourned at twelve o'clock.

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