The Statesman.
London, England, 1823-06-26 00:00:00

Sir C. LONG said, that he could not deny that suffi-
cient encouragement was not given to historical paint-
ing, unless when connected with portrait painting. Mr.
Haydon requested him to present the petition, to which
be had no objection ; bat he at the same time told that
gentleman that he was unwilling to raise hopes
must end in'dieappointment. The petition was then putl
into the hands of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and
he admitted that into none better could it be put. If the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman could point out to him any i
way in which he could encourage historical painting as
well as sculpture and architecture, lie was ready to adopt
it; but he confessed he could not see his way. He WIS
quite at a loss to discover bow this department of the arts
could be encouraged.
Mr. BROUGHAM, in explanation, said he did not
think the Apollo or the 'Venus equal to the Elgin mar-
-1 ides as works of art.
•
Mr. CROKER also bore testimony to the beauties of
the Elgin marbles, and expressed his hope that some ad-
vantage might result to the individual from the petition ;
bat he deprecated the principle adeaneed.in the petition
itself,-is preference that ought to be given to what
was technically termed among artists " historical paint-
ing." In his opinion, portrait painting was the only true
historical painting.
The petition was then brought up, and ordered to lie
on the table.
Lord G. CAVENDISH presented a petition from cer-
Isis inhabitants of the West Riding of Yorkshire,
lagainst any alteration in the Wool Duties.—Laid on
the table.
Mr. 8, WORTLEY presented a simliar petition from
Bury, in Lancashire.—Laid on the table.
Mr. S. RICE presented a petition from a manufacturer
of Drogheda, in Ireland, against the Union Ditties, so
far as related to foreign goods in an unfinished state.—
Laid on the table.
LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND.
Mr. HUME rose to submit to the House his motion
respecting the propriety of abolishing the office of Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, and the other offices immediately
connected with it. In calling the attention of the House
to the Government of.lreland, he disclaimed any idea of
casting the slightest imputation on the conduct of the
Marquess Wellesley, though he confessed that lie found
himself very much disappointed with respect to the re-
sults which were anticipated from his administraion.—
The Noble Marquess was placed in a situation of pecu-
liar difficulty. Having gone over to Ireland with the
best possible intentions, his great object was to place
the Catholics and Protestants on the same footing ; hat
all his efforts were marred and thwarted by the faction
that had so long distracted that country., It was ex-
pected that, on the Union bring carried, some measures
of conciliation would be adopted towards the Catholics ;
but subsequent events clearly showed that every thing
like conciliation or concession was completely lost sight
of. He held in his band a paper drawn up in the year
1822, which showed the relative situation of the two
great parties in Ireland, with respect to official employ-
ments. Loolaing at the Act of the 33d of the late King,
which gave to the Catholics eligibility to certain of-
fices, lie found that its operation had hitherto failed of
producing the desired results. All the public offices
were at present in the hands of the Orange faction, or
the Protestant Ascendency men; and it was (rite im-
possible for the Marquess Wellesley to alter the system
on a sudden. In the Post Office department there were
4d6 persons employed, of which number not more than
25 were Catholics. There were belonging to the
Royal Dublin Society, including Governors, Deputy-Go
veruors, Clerk, &c., 134 persons, not more than six of whom
were Catholics. There were 16 Commissioners of the
Paving Board in Dublin, ant only
i 2 Catholics. The Com-
missioners of the Port of Dublin included 35 persons. and
not one Catholic. There were 26 Commissioners of Wide
Streets, and not one Catholic. la the same manner, there
were 74 Commissioners of the Linen Board, and not one
Catholic. That Board had 71 officers in its pay, and only
3of them were Catholics. There were 61 Commissioners of
the Stamp Office, and not more than 2 of them were Catho-
lic . In the household of the Lord Lieutenant there was
nos a single Catholic. In the Court of Chancery there were
t°fel persons employed, not one of whom was a Catho-
lic 6A.
iThaelre were• 22 official persons attached to the Court of
King's Bench, and not one of them a Catholic. There were
fa Ireland 184 Coroners, and not more than 14 of that num-
ber Catholics. In the Excise department there were 265 Re-
venue officers, of whom only 6 were Catholics. In short, out
of 2,440 public officers, there were only 196 Catholics, show-
ing a disproportion which was altogether extraordinary is
a country where the great majority of the people were of
the Catholic persuasion. In the law department there were
160 official persons, and only a very small proportion of
that number Catholics. Ile made these statements to
show the great difficulty which the Marquess ‘Vellesley
must experience in his endeavours to alter a system
which bad grown up with the perverted institutions of the
country. If he could prove to the House that all the bust-
twos of the Lord Lieutenant might be as well transacted
in England as in Ireland, ,he thought it might be worth
while to consider whether an office should not be abolish-
ed which tended to keep up discontent and distraction,
and served only as a focus for party ?—(Hear, hear).—
He was sorry that there was not, last night, a more full
attendance in the House, when the Hon. Baronet, the
Member for the Queen's County (Sir Henry Parnell),
traced all the evils which afflicted Ireland to the
and not to the proximate cause. For his own part, he
could not see why the term " United Kingdom • should
be•applied to Great Britain and Ireland. The lion.
Member for Corfe Castle (Mr. Bankes, sen.) expected
that when the Union took place, Ireland would become
an English country to all intents and purposes, and be
governed in the sa:ne manner, enjoying all the blessi nr,s
which the English Constitution conferred. But bow,
very different was the situation of Ireland at this moment
and how much must that Hon. Member find hithself die_
appointed in his expectations ? The Union, so far from •
serving to tranquillize Ireland, tended rather to promote
dissension among the people. The situation of a Lord
Lieutenant, s'nce the Union, was one of the most irk-
some and vexatious that. could be imagined. Ile was on
one side surrounded by a party that monopolized all the
offices and employments in the State; and, on the other
side, he was perpetually called upon to listen to the com-
plaints of an oppressed and injured population. What-
ever measures he adopted for the good of the people were
sure to be attacked by the Orange faction, and the more
he showed himself inclined to discharge his duty with
justice and impartiality, the more obnoxious he became
to the party that arrogated to themselves an absolute con-
trol over the affairs of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He
would put it to the House whether Ireland was not oo.v
governed as a colony, in the same manner as Malta, or
any of the West India Islands. But was that such a Go-
vernment as Ireland bad a right to expect ? Was that a
system which ought to be allowed td continue ? To him,
it appeared that ne one solid reason could be adduced for
keeping op the office of Lord Lieutenant, and the other
expensive offices attached to it. At the ti.ue of the Uni-
on the whole military establishment of Ireland was dis-
tinct from that of England, and the Viceroy had the en-
tire control in all the several details, in the same manner
as the King had in this country. But from the time the
Union took place, the Lord -Lieutenant had nothing