The Statesman.
London, England, 1823-05-16 00:00:00

THE STATP.SMAN.

lean styled them. About thirty years ago Now York was
visited by some of those convulsions to which all slave
countries were subject. It was then determined to com-
mence a systeip 'similar to that which he was pronging,
and the conseruleacat was that slavery was extinguished,
went out of thkg goeket, and melted away. The same sys-
tem was applied tolhe state of New Jersey, to the state of
PrellUtyttenia, and thus It was that slavery to those states
hall gose'cint, and was entirely forgotten. He contended
that there tees no person connected with that part of the
world who did not say that the abolition of Slavery was
not more conducive to the happiness of the blacks, than
1: was useful in securing the prosperity of their late mas-
ters. White slavery was extinguished in some parts,
Slaves were still in other parts working in irons. It was
sail that the system that was adopted was working vio-
lently. He would ask those who said so, to show in
what part of the Bri,ish dominions the system so ore-
eamd. He contended that it operated quietly without vio
knee or turbulence, and unless his opponents showed
the contrary, he would take it for granted that hawse ad.
nutted' to be right. The principle of Ms propositions was
put into operation in Ceylon, in 1816, under Governor
Johnstone, and then it had the best effect. It was also
carried into effect at Bencoolen, where it produced simi-
lar results. Its operation in St. Helena also told in his
favour. The curiosity of the world was attracted to
St. Helena for the last six year.. Every thing that was
',said or done there under the government of Sir Hudson
Lowe was s;roken Ind published. One.fast, however, was
allowed to pass in silence, and %ISM not mentioned in any
of triose books or pamphlets which lie had seen. The fact
be meant was, that Sir Huils•n Lowe gave a death-blow to
.Sravery in the island of St. Helens. He then adverted to
the state of Colombia. where slavery did prevail to as enor-
mous extent. There it was completely extinguished by the
application of the system which he was proposing. Mr. Re-
venge authorized him to say, that the change wrought by
those measures was a perfect docility in the blacks, and a
arc' rily to the white population, both which kept the country
io a slate of quiet. lie would next come to the application
t•f the principle to ourselves. He showed, from the exam-
ple of other States, that Slavery could be abolished with
sdety. He now put it on the groan lof right, and he put it
to the Roast, what right had we to say that a child not yet
born was to eat the bitter bread of slavery Toe answer
of his opponent► might be, that the tether was the property
of' his master, so was the mother, therefore the child also.
There might be some excuse to continue a father a slave,
because he had but a small portion of his life to wear out ;
bat nothing could he more cruel than to doom the child to
slavery for its entire life. Was it a crime to rob a man, and
pot a child? Was It a crime to murder a man, and not to
murder a child? And was not the saute morality to be ex-
tended to slavery of men as the children of slaves? The ad-
vocates at his side did not ask the House to retrace it.
steps; they did not ask it to give redress for all thr wrong
the nation had committed but they only asked that
more wrong should not be committed, and that more
children should not, by inheritance, be deprived of their
inestimable rights. No nation could have a more dreadful
catalogue of crimes to account for than that with which
I'm Slate Trade had loaded the British name. He was
quite Blear that the people of this country—that very few
of the Honourable Gentlemen of the House—were acquaint-

ei with the greatness of the atrocity of the crime—Of that
national disgrace—the first part of which was the Slave
Trade, and the last part slavery Itself. Even at the day
wlien all should be disclosed, among the list of crimes, the
most prominent would be that of slavery. No nation
under Heaven had been guilty of that worst of crimes
more than the British nation; and when he and the
friends to homanity did not wish to visit it with re.
proacheo, or ask for a compensation to those who had
so long and so cruelly suffered, they were entitled to
demand some attention fur the future condition of the
oppressed. There was the point to which he called the
House. Commit no more crimes—let there be a ter-
mination to this state of misery and degradation, and
when the last slave then alive finds refuge in the grave,
let him say that they have done with slavery for ever—
(Hear, hear.) That was the point on which they were
agreed. His object was to look forward to some future
day for the eventual abolition of the degraded state of
slavery. He did not in the slightest degree attempt to
propose that the slave of today should become a
feeman on the morrow. No, he did not think that pos-
sible, for if he did—or if he thought it possible that
the slave could burst abruptly his bends asunder, and
start at once into life, vigour, and freedom, with safety to
the Colonies, he would not hesitate at once to propose
tbeir immediate emancipation. It was, however, impos-
sible that arch justice could be done. Unhappily the
afery censures which he cast upon slavery—the fact that
it degraded the slave to the level of the brute, was the
only protection to those who made him, and wished to
keep him still a slave. It was too true that a state of
mental degradation unfitted the wretched being for
the immediate condition of a freeman. Such was one
of the melancholy consequences of the system, and
which lie one of its strongest opponents was forced to
admit. •He was forced to admit the power of the
r -rimming thus drawn from a vicious circle. There
were some of the advocates of slavery who
said that the planters had an honest and sub-
stantial title to the body of the slave. That assertion lie I
wished to fathom—and, for illustration, he would say,
here is a valuable commodity to which a white man and
a tdark man lay equal claim—that commodity is the
body of a black man; the black man says the body is
his—the white man contends that he has the better right.
What then was the claim of the black man to his body.
Nettie gave it to hitn—it was the gift of the A tat loam ;
that at least was unquestionable. He begged pardon for
arguing the point, but he contended that the black man
limit a fair and free title. What was the claim of the
white nian? He eer:ved it from his father, who bought
it hem a planter, who bought it at a market from a
dealer in human Mesh —from a man-merchant. How did
that dialer come by it ? He stole it, so that the very
origin of the whi.e man's title began in the worst of
crimes. He felt extremely reluctant to enumerate and
eshirge upon the horrors of the Slave Trade, but lie could
not help saying, that the title of the planer amounted
exactly to nothing at all. That the planter would have
a claim for the remuneration of the House, in case the
service of the slave was taken from him, lie would not
deny, but that while it saved hiM from pecuniary 103', it
dissolved his degrading authority. With a view to give
the House the fullest explanation of his sentiments, he
would take the liberty of reading an extract from a letter
which he addressed to Earl Bathurst on the 15th of April
last. He said in it—
The subject divides itself into two—the condition of the
*existing slave, and the condition of their children.
With regard to the former, 1 wish the following improve-

atents : -
I. That the slave ssould he attached to the island, and un-
der modifications to the soil.
ft.—That they cesqe to be chatties in the eye of the law.
G.—That their testimony be received quantum vnleat.
4.—That when any One lays in lila claim to the services of
6 Negro. the onus should rest on the claimant.
6.--ThaGolistructiou to manumissionsshould be removed.
G.—That the provislcns of the Spanish law (being by com-
atent authority the value of the slave. and allowiug !dm to
pierehase a day.,at a time) shout l be introdared.
7.—That no Governor, Judge, or A ttorney-General,should
be a slave owner.
& That an effectual provisioa shall be made for the tell•
Skins instruction of the slave,
9:—That maariage should be enforced and sanctioned.
10.—That the Sunday should be devoted by the slave to
repose and religious instruction; and that other time should
be allotted for the ceitivetton of his provisloa grounds.
11: That some (but whet I cannot say) measnrea should
be take° to rostrata the authority of the master in punishing
his untried-slam aadthat some substitute should be found
41,111e.drivietteriten4
thieup,use ena propeive‘iptelifi-atinns re the exiqting Ms-
srfp. 1105 1s at sir au( re autlol4l, vent ..pou the est notice

of slavery altogether. By readining all the Negro children.
.bons after a certain day, free. For them it will be owes-
eery to provtde education. .
GOD grant that his Majesty's Ministers may be disposed
tp necomplist these objects, or to permit others to accom-
plish them I
Believe me, my dear Sir, your's very truly.
Spring Garden Motel. April lb, 1903. T. F. R.
And he would conclude by. saying, that they owed that
amelioration to every principle which should actuate an
hose's and generous nation—by every feeling dear to fin-
manity—by the respect due to the character of the British
nation, ad, above all, as the last justice to the African
race, which they had so cruelly oppressed; for an atone-
ment for all the blood which hid been spilled ; for those
intestine wars which mere cruelly fomented with British
gold: for all the villages burnt and consumed ; for the
miseries of being roused from their rest by the yell's
of blood-bunters; as a compensation for the arts of ci-
vilization ; for the blessings of Christianity kept from
them for two centuries; as an atonement for the tens of
tens of thousands slaughtered in domestic quarrels;
for the tens and lens of thousands perished by disease and
confinement in slave ships ; for the tens of tens of thou-
sands thrown on the coast to perish of want as refuse
men; and for all those who have survived in slavery; mi-
sery, and in every species of calamity; for all these be
asked one large and liberal measure of atonement.—
(Hear.) The country hail it in its power to give some-
thing like redress for former injuries, by a protection
from their repetition ; by giving •him the benefit of the
law; awl giving the interveatioo of &Jury between giro
and the cotninands of his master's servant: and above
all, full and complete religious instruction to his children.
001) grant that his Majesty's Ministers would feel the
claim which the character of the country and humanity
had on them v. He then concluded by reading and mov-
ing the following Resolution—
. That the state of slavery Is repugnant to the principles of
the British Constitution, and of the Christian Religion, and
I that It ought to he abolished gradually throughout the Bri-
tish Colonies, with es much expedition as may ne found eon-
alstent with a due regard io the well being of the parties can-
corned.

On the Resolution being read by the Speaker,

. Mr. CANNING rose, and said that the appeal with which
the Hon. Gent. had concluded his speech made him feel that
it was incumbent on him to address the House at that early
part of the debate, and to state, without reserve, the opinions
entertained by himself and his colleagues on that important
—and which he could not he:ii calling fearful, questios.—
Ile confessed that he never applied himself to any question
under feelings of greater embarrassment—not so meth a iv'
respect to principles or to practical conclusions, as on ac-
count of the danger which attended a discussion. in which
one word or inconsiderate expression might raise a flume
diMcult indeed to'be extinguished. lie stated that, not for
the purpose of preventing a free deliberation, but he took
the liberty of examining closely the plan which the Nor.
Member had sketched with no slight hand, and which might
certainly lead to no slight good, bat with uummal hazard.—
What, he would ask, bad the latter part of the Hon. Gent.'s
speech to do with the qeestion ? or why should we have re-
ferred to a traffic of the country which had been put an end
to? Why refer to toe condition of the slaves in the West
ladies, which has been so long since ameliorated I Why
call to the recollection of the House ell the horror§ of a trade
which has been the disgrace of humanity, at a moment when'
he Is nit :ling a question of so delicate a astern? Why
does he come to the question with arguments, which, from
the experience of many years, he (Mr. t".) could say, were
never placed in juxta position with it? It never been
contemplated to contract for the abolition of the Sieve
Trade, with the indefinite existence of slavery itself. The
question should be met on its own grounds, and with a
view to its own peculia:ities. it was unwise to rake up all
the horrors and calamities of the former British Slave Trade.
He did think that what Parlianseut feed done was a suffi-
cient proof of the intention of the nation, and the Honour-
able Gentleman should have been satisfied with it, and
ermined his motion to more limited topics than he had
done. He (Mr. C.) would not follow him in that coarse;
he would view shy Slave Trade as a thing forgotten *ad
gone by. The Hon. Gentleman declared that he would deal
with the question, not in the spirit of Legislation but of
atonement. Ile (Mr. C.) would say, that it was not fair to
call on Senators to act as mere moralists, or Parliament to
decide nn sentiments and feedings. The question was one
requiring greater management ; it was one of prudence ra-
ther than one of feeling. He looked at a state of society
where a large population of blacks were subservient to a
much smaller proportion of whites, and the question then
arose how the largest degree of moral improvement can be
given with the least danger to the whites, who as our own
fellow subjects demanded protection. Those who spoke on
the subject without due consideration, who recommended
emancipation as an atonement for all former injuries, might
make an eloquent declamation, hut he was certain that Par-
liament would not allow itself to be run away with and
forget the necessary deliberation. Was it possible that
those who looked upon the question, as members of a
British Senate, can hesitate to siy that there is not an in-
tricate subject for their consideration, and that there was
• knot which should be disentangled, but could not be cut
asunder. The honourable Gentleman began his resolution
with a proposition which he confessed embarrassed him
not a little. He stated slavery to be repugnant to the
British Constitution, and repugnant to the Christian re.
ligion. lion forbid Olathe should be obliged to offer a
contradiction to either statement, or that lie should be
forced to say that a state of slavery was consonant to the
British Cot.stitution or the Christian religion. He must
nevertheless say • that the proposition in the sense ..rith
which he has coepled it is not practicable. The proposi-
tion was true, in fact, but it made nothing for its object.
The Hon. Gentleman mast admit that he here stated a
proposition nothistorically true, and how, therefore, can
l'eritainent make a distinction between what was morally
true and historically false. With regard to the allusion
to Christianity in the resolution, he confessed that he al-
ways had a decided objection to the introduction of the
!name of Christianity in the debates of the House.—
Let Christianity have its full and due influence on their
decisions; but let it not be put forward to serve only a
particular principle. If it be mean, that in the Christian
religion there was spirit under which slavery could not
continue, that was also historically false. The character
of Christianity was that it was adapted to all stages and
situations of life. It was true that it was the glory of
freemen, and as well was it the glory of slaves—it was
not for one class, but for all gradations of society. It was
true that there was no permission in the Chrishicn doc-
trine for the infliction of slavery: but it was not true that
there was any direct prohibition of it—Nun mica hie
:emu. These were nut his opinions alone, but they were
taken from one whom the House would consider as a
good authority. (fhe lion. Gentleman read a long ex-
tract from the works of Dr. Paley.) It was not for Par-
t liament to put forth the name of Christianity to act by
its spirit. lf the state of slave:y be repugnant to the
British Constitution, and if still it has been interwoven
with it in its colonies for such a time, it would be well
for the Hon. Member to seek its gradual abolition. It
was because he kit that slavery was contrary to the spi-
rit of the Constitution, that lie would agree to a safe
and gradual amelioration. If none was deinainled,he must
contend that as certain property was protected by law,
it should continue to receive that same security. If it
be asked whether be would consent that the progeny of
slaves, should be slaves, he would answer—No. To
that point he was as hostile as the. Honourable Member.
In fact, the greater part of what the Hon. Gentleman
wished to do abruptiy tend rashly, he (Mc. C.) was dis-
posed to effect gradually, without danger or injury. His
opinion was made up, with his colleagues that if any
progress could be made, it could only be effectually done
by the hands of tut Executive Government. With that
clew, he had prepared Resolutions which he would take
the liberty of uttering to the House in place of the Hoe.
Gentleman's. The difference which he had wit's the
Hon. Gentleman was, that be had only laid down the
same principles, but with more caution, and with the itt-

linden of making them work Frailtuilly: He hedno oh-
jection to explain partieular points; for instance, he wish-
ed to abolish field-whipping, the whipping of females, end
to allow greater relaxation, anda more strict religiows ob-
servance of the Sabbath. [We had much dilissulty in taking
notes of the greater part of this speech from the want of
light, the candles not being lighted until eight o'clock J
He had shred the three points in which he wog! agree
with the lion. Member. He would now state those to

which he demised it dangerous to give any pledge for, the
present. These were for the security of private property,
which nothing should induce the House to infringe—the
power of bequest, which should not be abridged ; and the
means of receiving evidence, any alteration in which
would he attended with the greatest dilficul lei. Upon
these last points he wished to decline giving any opinion
for a time ; bat the lion. Member wield rest assured that
Government would keep their attention fixed upon the
subject, not only with a determination to investigate it
thoroughly, but with a leaning to the side of the qitestion
which he had taken.—(Hear) More at present he did
not %slab to pledge himself to. Let it not be understood,
however, that the difficulties arose out of any hesltstion on
• the part of Ministers in a moral point of view, for they were
as willing to concede that the practice was objectionable as
• say one else; but the difficulties were more of a legal and
technical nature. Perhaps, so far as the satisfaction by the
writ of veadilioee erpostas went, there would be no great
indisposition on the part of Government to make coneess
sions. He wished again to repeat. that the poiuts which lie
last mentioned were under the consideration of Govern-
ment ; but as to the ultimate result, he could say nu more
than that there was. on the part of those connected with the
colonies, a disposition to give the subject the most fair, li-
beral, and candid consideration. Under these cireumsta. era
then, he would put it to Coe Hon. Mealier, whether it would
not be better to accept of the concessions wide:* Govern-
ment had made, ant postpone the discussion to a f.aure
period, when it might be considered—when the mind was
unembittered by retrospect, and all angry allusions might
be avoided. Expressions might be used here innocently
ettough, which being carried to another, might create hopes,
which must end in disappointment and pro ucc irritation.
His Majesty's Government were willing to give a pledge
that they would hike the subject into their most serious con-
sideration ; and he put it to the Hon. Member whether he
would nut rather accept that, than trust to the result of the
discussion, if the question, as it was now framed, was put to
the House. lu one other poitt he wished to say, he differed
from the Hon. Member speculatively, for he was unwi,ling
to pledge himself to auy definitive opinion. He had na ned
a certain day. in which he proposed, that all slaves should
be set free. Tale period ue understood to have been fixed
prospectively—
Mr. BUXTON.—" Eutrospectively.“
Mr. CANN NO.—His objection arose to give an opi-
nion upon an abstract question. He was averse to giving
any definite opinion, front an apprehension of the con-
struction which would be put upon it in another quarter.
It might be a'teadeil uith danger to lay down any prin-
ciple, which being submitted to those who were awake
to this subject, might be open to the construction, that
because this House admitted that the Slave Trade was
opposed to Christianity and the Constitution, it ought to
follow, that complete emancipation should take pl see.—
By that wrens, hopes would be raised; and when tite
slaves had bet,: led to expect their liberty, it would then
be too late to come in with any qualifications. if any
qualifications were to be introduced at all, as they neces-
sarily should be, it was better that they should be stated
from the begitin'ng, and the hopes -hauld he mice! up
itli the doubts and difficulties which must accompany
their fulfilment. The Rigid lion. Gent. then moved the
following Resolutions:—
I. That it Is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive
measures for ameliorating the condition of the Slave popus
laden of his Sulsiesty's Colonies.
2. That to the temperate am :persevering,but firm enforce-
ment of such measures, the House looked torwaru for such
a progressive Improvement in the condition of the Sieves, as
would prepare them far the enjoyment of all rights and pri-
vileges. which are open to other classes of his Majesty's
subjects.
S. That this House is most anxious to accomplish such
measures at the earliest opportunity, as are compatible with
the well-being of the Slaves themselves, the safety of tue
Colonies, and a due regard to the riglds of those whose pro--
perties were implicated.
If these itesolotions were agreed to, he meant to pro-
pose another to the effect, that they should lie upon the
table, and be communicated teeertain quarters, which
were most interested in the question. The next consider-
ation was as to the mode in which these measures were
to be carried into execution. It was known that the
Crown had a direct influence over some of the colonies,
unconnected with the colonial legislature. In these cases,
of course. little difficulty would be felt, and it was hoped
the example of those colonies would go far in bringing
over the others to follow them. The House had, however,
a right to expect the strongest co-operation from the le-
gislatures of the different colonies. (Rear.) It was not
impossible that resistance would be wade ; but if a case
occurred in which it would he necessary to resort to cum-
pulsion,the House might rely,thatMinisters would come to
the House fur counsel and assistance. But, for the present.
he wished rather to confine the limits of the discussion
than to extend them. The lion. Member himself, should
confess, that Government were bound to view the ques-
tion in a different light from hint, more deliberately, as
they were more responsible. Whatever would be the re-
sult, the Hon. Member might rest assured, that Govern-
ment were more anxious to redeem the character of the
country, from the stain which it suffered by its treatment
of the colonies. They however, thought themselves bound
in justice to guard the rights of those who through no
fault of theirs, but by inherifatuce or some accidental cir-
cumstance hail acquired property in the colonies, which
was sinctioneslby repeated Acts of Parliament,and which
ought to be, therefore considered sacred. Upon all these
grounds, he wished that time motion should not be pressed,
hut that time liononrable Member would he content with
the concessions which the Government were disposed to
make.
The first Resolution having been read from the Chair,
Mr. WILBERFORCE said, that he was at a loss to
conceive how a proposition which was so much in-the
true spirit of Christianity and the British Constitution,
should have met with any opposition. That unfortunate
class of men who were the objects of this motion were
British subjects, and to what tribunal could he appeal
for relief more properly, than the British Parliament?
And it was impossible to state that case correctly,
without going into details. He rejoiced, however, that
his Hon. Friend had not laboured totally in vain. for
it was an important concession which the Right Hue.
Gentleman haul made of abolishing the punishment of
women, the abolition of time Sunday slave-market, and
the dispen-ing with the working of slaves on Sundays.
Hut it was a duty incumbent upon his Majesty's Govern-
ment, to observe the practical effects of tioverument
in the colonies, and apply such remedies to it as might
be necessary ; un these grounds tha discussion of the
question was at all times proper, and as to the danger
which might be apprehended from it to the colunies
former experience had disproved the probability of it.
far reports of former discussion, of this question had
been published in the colonial newsvapers, and yet no
insurrectioa folloved. rhe condition of the *laves
was ultimately cononted with the Government of the
West India Colonies. There were upon the table te-
torus of tee population of the Wrest India Islands, from
which it appeared that a great decrease was still
yearly taking place 'Tads decrease had been attributed
to the excessive labour imposed upon the slaves. It was
idle to calculate that the prohibition to import slaves
would be elPetual, whilst slavery was suffered to
exist in the West Indies. He admitted, that it would
be better if the slaves were prepared gradually for
the enjoyment of freedom,' hut unless the legislature
interfered, no beneficial improvement could take

place. Certainly, if they were so converted, it
would he as much for the benefit of the planers as
the slaves themselves. Surely the legislature might
sanction some of the preliminary steps ; a proposition
was us tile 30 years ago, by Lord Melville, fur bortowitig
upon them, partially, some of the bl• ssings of freedom,
which if it 11;0 been adopted, there would not be a slave
In the West Indies. But the qnestion way, whether
the changes were to be mode by the British Parliament,
or the Colonial Le!rislature. He had no hesitation in
saying, that if then* Idler took up the mater, he would
prefer them. But ho.v was that to be expected? Hod
the House no experience on the subkct ? It was a fart,
that the colonial legislatures had always opposed every
proposition for setting the slaves free. He Ih.pell thr
Right Hon. Cleo. would feel the necessity of elfectirek,
su:ne reform in the state of the col shies, and that he

wonli f•el himself responsible for wing the Reform put
into eff-ct, as these person~ ha I no idler protectiuu to
claim, hut that of the British Par!ittrient. lie hoped.
however, the mstter would he instilled in o^c say or
other. In one part of his Hon. Friend's statement. Im
differed from him, naniely, that in which he compare t
the slave, of the West Indies to the Helots of old. Its

the condition of the two classes, there was this b•mot
distinction in favour of the latter; that when they di—
tingnishel themselves by any particular good conduct,
they were generally rewarded with their manumission.
which was rarely done in nvolern times. It was not
enough that the changes should be ree•tnim • tided to the
colonial legislature, het the Government should see theta
efEmted. It was their duty to tlo so, and it was quite
cotiaisteot with the spirit of the Constitution, that they
should insist upon having those chatters csrried itsto.
elfect.(Hear.) He rouge/stunted his 110 Feettal
upon num he bad gained by his mmion. He was in a
much better situation than when he came into.th.ll:mee.

He hoped, therefore, after Vie pledge given by Govern-
ment, that his Hon. Friend woul l not press his to Ilion,
but confide in that pledge, that dm sut.ject should he
taken into the earliest and fullest co isideration.
Mr. CHARLES ROSE ELLIS said, as a West todia
planter, he did not h himself responsible for the slave
system. The Government of this country who bad •o
long encouraged it, were alone responsible. All that
to the planters to do, was to soften the condition of ere
slave.. The planters had inherited this property, and
trusted for i s safety to the good faith of the British Par-
liament. The Slave Trade seas originally established, tot
for the bench., 1.1. the planters, hut to sr:ve the Bsit;st,
commerce, of reuderin.t, as the Navigation Act state?,
" his 51aje?ty's plantations beyond se a ben•fi. Ed, and of
advantage to this kin .lout, Sie." The sr:co then had
no reference to the planters, for there were ins an. et ..f
slave voyages before the settlement of the Cot .utcs. Fer
a century Mid a half, the syst ern h d !teen encouraged by
Parlainent, and never tple-tioned ui.t.l the H oe. Memtete
for Braniber (.Ir. Wilhet brie) first brotikh: the sulaje
before the Hesse. If the planters had engaged is i:,
they had been seduced into the measure by the niothe.•
country, abicb was alone responsible. All that he now
ask-d was a security that the prom se that the interest
of the planters would not be injured might be WPM.
He expatiated on Ahe contingent evils that might swine
from an • . &are enframenisruieut of the negroes
The du y of that House was to communicate to there
people by gradual means their civil rights,—to
them progressively to form habits of et eilix ition, until
they were matured into a praerehle bud honest s witty.
To this course the House was urged by justice, ;and in ordar
to expiate the crime of the slave trade. The original
Resolutions woithl not effect this; they world I be attended
with a mischievous molt ; they would inspire the negroes
prematurely with a sense of indeirndenre, and entice
them to de:igns that would tend to cheek their improve-
ment. He most next beg leave to deny the charge apind
the Local Legisfatere of neglect and iiadisposition to carry
into effect tne intention of the British Parliament. This
Hon. Member who just sat down bad referred to an al-
- which he (Mr. Ellis) had the honour of moving ia
that House, for the regulation of the Colonial Legislature_
In ten years aft..rwards—namely, in ISO 7, that boil), passed
an Act, founded on that report, for the religions instruc-
tion of the ne7oes. In the years ISOI, 1807, and 1516, con•
sulidatel slave laws were passe I. Before theselau s passed.
tie Assembly appointed a Committee cf Ing.tiry, and
after due investigation, that Committee drew up an elabt-
rate Report in which they recommended a vat iety of le-
gulations. There was one with r sped to the sale of
slaves. The other respecting the attaching of negro, s
the soil, which the Legislative married intoeffect. Among
other regulations which were p seei by the Legislator.,
at the recominerelation of the Counraittee,therewas one
- _ .

.
for the increase of the salaries of the clergy. Siam He
tone that he lied visited these islands, the state of the
negroes was improved toe consider ible extent. Throngl:e
out the island of Jamaica, all the negroes had been bar-
tized, and in the different towns attended Divine service
in a manner that edified tie other inhabitants. It a. as
also a material f .ct that insrriagrs became feeirent
amongst them. He was, therefore, justified in stet:tee
that a progressive eatr of improvement oas going on in
the West India Colonies under the raperintentienee
the Colonial Legislature. He was prepared to say that
the proprietors would give their ready assent to many of
the improvements popused by the advocates for the ehe-
4ition of slavery. He begged the House to consider that
on the subject of the " driving system," inuelt exaegere-
, Oott had gone alirrail. lie did not believe that the whip
was used as a stimulus to the negra. It aas-atstel as a
symbol of authority; but however that might be, the
planters could have no objection that the use of tee
whip should be prohibited by law. There was also ne
objection to giving negroes another day for workicie
for themselves. Much hail been said of the inattention
of the Legislature to the religious cohdition of the ne-
grors. He was not the apologist of the state of anarelly
in which the negroes had eoaictimes been found. het
he desired it mi get not be forgotten that amongst o•der
powers reserved by the British Partiam-nt, was therigil
of superintending the religious condhion of the negroes.
The Government nits to send English Bish me. en t'o
appoint to all the livings by its oiiieers. The Colie,ea
Legislature was to provide salaries for the eke-gleam
This part of their duty they fulfilled in • mintier line
was liberal beyond all reproach. The lion. MeMeee
praised the conduct of the Governor and the Bitter.
who at present was at the head of the erelesiastical cite
pertinent of the Colonies, for their attenion to the red-
gimes welfare of the negroce. But if the moral rendi-
tion of the negroes was such as to excite disappointment.
he would say that the remedy was not to be found in the
plan proposed by the Hoecetrable Gentlemen opposite. 115
feared that tile project of the Honourable toienilem,n
would only aggrave the evil. The best remedy in his
opinion fee the present state of the negroes eas 'tube.
died in the Resolutions of the. Right Iluitaurable Seen
tary, whose eloquent and statesman-like view of this sot•
jest was entitled to the approbation of tie }loose, lfe
trusted that the proposition of the Right lionooraide
tien:leman would receive the hearty co-op-ration of all
those who had the power to assist him in carrying it in-
to effect. He lieu expected at one time that le promne•
tiOli fur the gradual amelioration of the condition ui
slaves would he made. The Hon. Member read as ee•
tract front • we k on Negro Slavery, written. tat Said. by
one who was considered as the organ of the Aholitioa-
MM. The effect of the extract was, that the Ateebeice-
lets required a gradual enfranchisement of tbe Ne-
groes.
Mr. W. SMITH said he agreed le mush Ott Led been
stated by the lion. Lieut. and particularly in the ..pOll4 fist
. the emancipation of the negroes should be grade Out de
differed front the Hon, Gest. ie this—that %Will Le trisixd
to sradua. he would also provide that it tote
The only ground of ofejeetion that suggested tete to }us

, . NI.

wars the tuseertaisty IliellheprelP•eidentest the Right
Bon. Gast. would be varied Into effect. With rupee' to
the disposition of the Colonial Legislature to improve the
religiose condition of the negroes, he did not fully agree
with the Hon. Member. He begged to remind the Howse
that some years ago a resolution had passed the House.
which had for its object to enforce in the Colonial Legisla-
ture the necessity of taking steps for the religious improve-
ment of the oegroes. Now If they did rot act UP to this in-
junction, they were either guilty of gross neglect, or they
ii ffered from the House upon a very material point. Bat
what security had the House that the present resolution
would receive greater attention than the one to which he had
just referred? tie wished to ask had any of those things',
been done, which were r, commended to the Legislature by
the authority or the British Parliament? He would ask wire
they mean in a train of execution? The Hoe. Member then
adverted to the state of Jameffek and said that he found a
statement in a Getette of that island, dated in November
last, from which it appeared that it was only in two or three
parishes that the measures for the religious improvement of
the negroes had begun to take effect. He ridiculed the opi-
nion that we were to take the same interval and allow the
same means to operate as in former times for the extinction
of the state of servitude. Would Hen. Gentlemen have the
House recur to the practice of the Genie. dark ages? Would
they allow nething for the advancement of knowledge? Did
Hon. Gents. know that in the 13th century slavery existed is''
England; that slaves used to be bouoht on 11-3 coast of the',
Channel and sent to Ireland, andthat the testae was at length I
stopped by the Irish themselves. Ile urged the House to
act with firmness. So long as the House suffered a sub-
ordinate authority to entertain the notion that any of the
subjects of the Government under their controul were not
completely the subjects of the Government; so long as this
notiun was eutertaiued, the march of improvement would be
slow, indeed.
Mr.HRIGHT begged to add his testimony to the improved
condition of the mirrors. He complained of the many
important this-statements which hail gone abroad upon this
seinjeet. For instance, it was putlickly asserted that since
the discussions commenced in that House for the abolition
of slavery, the price of the manumissions of slaves was rais-
ed iu the different islands. The Hon. Member said that this
statement had not the least foundation in truth, and quoted
the imperative sums paid in 1797 and 1821 for the manu-
mission of slaves, from which it appeared that in most in.
'tames the sum had been reduced from one hundred pounds
to a trifiag amount. The Hon. Gentleman here called the at-
tention tat the House to a gross inisre:,resentation which had
been made by a pretended qm..tation from Mr. Cooper's
book, sod which tended to excite en unjust prejudieesgainst
the West India planters. There arts not one of those pro-
, prietors with vi hum he had ever conversed, who expressed
any otter feeling toward, their negroes than that of a sin-
cere and anxious desire to promote their comforts in every
possible way.
Sir GEOGGE ROSE stated that, being possessor of a
%mail estate in one of our West India islands, and under-
standing that there ;'err difficulties in the way of the re-
ligious instruction of the slaves, he had himself gone to
the West Indies fur the purpose of examining the subject.
lie found that on One estote the slaves were in a state of
darkness, but that in another, it being adjacent to a
weal. yen Establishment, their conduct wassoexeuiplary.
that out of 120 men, only ten were considered as bad,
mid only one woman out of 130. He thought they were
ier aitily raised in the scale of human beings. lteligions
Instr.,. :ton was not forbidden or impeded. Six ye seven
a ere et tirely, arid others were partially, open to
the Wesleyan, ; although there was in general a great
prejudice against that sect. He believed that if the pe-
cuniary woos of the Wesleyans were a little improved,
they tote lit be enabled to double their action.
Sir. SYKES said lie wild not agree with his Hon.
Ft hind (Mr. Bright) that Mr. Cooper's hook had been
misquoted, and he notintaiced 1114 the wretched slaves
were exposed to every kind of hardship and ill usage;
their evilli nun was never taken in any way whatever, and
they could acquire no property; for whatever property
they h
their
tad.
nsa
dvil anl I the
, was
a Ipropertyaltogether
Lot f the It;ffe masters.reo t ln
from t
hs
al tto rot
f
slaves in ancient Rome, or in any other country in the
world.
Mr. BRIGHT explained.
Mr. MARRYATT said that by the law of Dominica, the
testimony of negro slaves was admitted ; that law produced
the happiest enacts, and he had no doubt but it would be
adopted in other islands. Here the Hon. Member read a re-
port from the Governor of Dominica, in which it was de-
-dared that the negroes were treated in the best possible
manner, and behaved themsclies uncommonly well. He
read a similar report from Honduras, which stated the slaves
were welt fed, well treated, and contented, and comfortable.
The Gentirman who gave that description said he had gone
soMonduras a perfect Wilberforce—(a laugh)—in all his
feelings towards the owners of slaves; but that his opinions
were 3000 eltere-: by every thing he had witnessed. Mr.
Marryatt read reports from St. Kitts, St. Lucie, Tobago,
and other islands which represented the condition of the
slaves to be greatly improved and comfortable; and stated
tat many of them possessed property. The report from
Jamaica slid Trinidad also stated that consider' ole im-
provements were making in the condition of the slaves, and
that the value of those with good characters had been really •
enhanced. From the different extracts whic.l he had read,
it was evident that, during sonic years past, the condition of
the Caves had been much improved ; and they were suffi-
cient to refute all the calumnies that had been sent forth
against the slave-owners and the colonial legislatures ; and
he was confident thnt fatal effects must arise from any de-
claration made by that (louse that slavery was inconsistent
with the Christian religion, and with humanity.
Mr. BROUGHANI said he could not allow this ques-
tion to be finally disposed of, without taking care that he
should not be understood to he a party to what he thought
could prove a delusion ; thon-ti he sincerely believed
that it could not he a delusion intended by the Right
Bon. Gentleman who bad been uniformly a warn) and able
acrocate for the abolition of s!avery. He (Mr. 13.) could
rot see at v miens of carrying into effect those admire-
bledot trim s o Lich were somewhat speculatively advanced
la the Amendment. Two Addresses from both Houses of
Yarlian eat lad, at different times been presented to the
Crown, praying that it would take measures for &who-
satin; the condition of the Negroes, Those Addresses
bad been most graciously received by the Crown ; and
Yeti seven years after the last Address, they were not any
more forward than they were originally. He was told,
however, that his distrust of Colonial Legislatures was
misapplied: and his Hon. and Learned Friend the mem-
ber fur Bristol (Mr. Bright), was well content to take the
testimony of the Slave Owners themselves as to their
humanity. His Hon. and Learned Friend had also told
them sot to trust to a book called " Negro Slavery," and
hal Inought a glare charge against the author of that
610 k. a Mr. Macau'ay, whom he had long known as a
ftie ad, and whose conduct ogs above all praise. After a
warm and eloquent culoginin on Mr. blocauley, and his
runlocs in the sac red cause of abolhibing sfavery, the
Hun. and Learned bleitil er observed that, in the ease of
tie particubir rge hrought icgainst that Gendent to le-
sterting his it.i•qui.ung r. Conper,t lie answer was short
soil deem' ye. Mr. Uo..per 11 la II u.s.-If corrected the press
sheet elthat p irt of Mr. Macaulev's work.—(Hear,hear.)
lie (llt. it.) was qn to rat4ti d his Hon. and Learned
Yricod nau no into ntim to bring an unfounded charge
agaimt Mr. Macan!ey. The Gun. arid Learr.ed Gentle-
Ism lamented that lie could not see the treatment of the
bkves•to be so achnirahle as an Hon. Member lied de-
resibed. He admitted that Governor Maxwell was Im-
bue, but it the inhabit f :ea were as humane,
u.
I t
by
% mas tire ovt., pre-eoted I;y the Grand ur ?
MU said aGn
was per f-i t, and that the SlavesJwere 30
delighted with their cundj•iun, that they had no wish
I', chimer. He had seen in the Jamai a Paper something
se a cuntradietien to that suaterteut. It was not resiom
able to suppose they wished for no change in tb,ir al-'
tu•thni, because he fount) not less than fifty runaway
slates advertised. Himont-able and Learned ties).
'lsmail-mil toe &der risement, and also one for s run-
("mak slave named Celia ; her person was descrih-
mtving ivark.rd aul branded witli the letters P. W. S.

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