The Statesman.
London, England, 1822-02-08 00:00:00

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Sit J. NEWPORT began by claim/lag the indulgence
of the House, whirl, he had much soorocausi to ask than
the Noble Lotd. However painful. also, might be the
subject to the Noble Lord, it was not less so to him. No
one could have a higher opinion thin he had of the
spirit. talents, anti ability attic Noble Lord, who was
now appointed to the tioverninest of Ireland. It was to
him mod painful to admit the necessity of coec.'
clan to pat down the existing disturbances; bed at the
sane time. It was satisfactory to bins to know4ghhat ho
at least had no participation 1k the measures
/laced them. The blame of that must attach to Ne C
jesty's Ministers. To elucidate this, he begged to mom/
that the Clerk should read a motion iron the Journals
of the House, dated June 17. 1817.
The Clerk read the Motion, which was one for an En-
quiry into the state of Irelsod. .
The Right Hon. Baronet (in continuation) said, that
the Teller upon the negative of that motion was the Se-
cretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. Peel.)—
(Hear, bear.)—lf the proposed enquiries had hoes made
at that period, the present measures would lot hate
been callad for, for the existing evils would have heat
prevented.—(Hear.)—How thou could the Governamot
who negatived that proposition comedown to the House'
to ask for powers of such a description as those which
should be granted by the enactment of these Bills. He
knew that Ireland now required coercive measures;
hot he differed from the Nobfi Lord as to the nature of
those measures. The disturbances was altogether an
connected with the Cousti tution, and heves not disposed
t • give t hem any connection with it, by &speeding its vary
spirit. lie was disposed to plasma!' oonfisieneein the Mar-
guess of Wellesley, but timer was nothipg is the dmpatches
which expressed the opinion of that Nobleman as to the
necessity of the proposed measures. The Noble Lord
hadmissnderstood hint if he supposed him to desire the
mixing up of coercive and conciliatory measures at the
pretreat period. He was unhappily convinced that no-
thing but severity would bring back the people to their
duty. But instead of granting these in and vest-
ing such powers in the local magistrates, be would in-
crease the military power. The papers of which the
House were in possession, contained no statements span
which the proposed measures appeared to be aecessary.
Th. Insurrection Aet provided, that any man (mod out'
of his house after son-set, and before sootier. nader any
pretext—any occupier of a house being timed &bigot
from it at those periods,—any penes imposing or taking
unlawful oaths, were liable to transportation. Aid that
not i.y the verdict of a Jury— (!tear. hear)—hut by the
direction of Magistrates. It was impossible to say that
Inch a law could be placed epos the Statute hook. with-
out the moat pressing exigency being proved to exist.—
As to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, he would
ask the Noble Lord when it bad been enforced without
gronnds, very different from those which existed in the
present case.. The Noble Lord had deprecated any move-
ments at this period, of those who supported the Cacho-
he claims. Now, he being one of a party who at all
times had declared that the only true basis upon which
the tranquillity and kappioess of Ireland could be esta-
blished, was an equalization of civil rights amongst all
classes of its people, be could not be expected to sub-
scribe to the doctrine which the Noble Lord had ad-
vanced—(hear, hear.)--But let it not be conceived that
`in the remotest degree he could countesanee the eon-
dict of those wretched mem who west involving their
country in destruction. To do orctrisold be doing the
greatest injustice to blamellm4bliaiftleods. He did
not differ with the Noble Lori upon lL necessity of put-
ting down these outrages; he differed with him
as to the means of &gag a 0 did not diffre
with bins as to the necessity of pooishiog the
criminals, but be would not agree to the mode
which he recommended. He wished them to be
brought back to a fall and due obedience to the laws,
and that Ireland should receive her deserved share of
ithe benefits, the protection, and the blessings it the
British Constitution. •,41
Mr. HUTCHINSON said th'ids was no Member of
that House more anxious to pis Govoraumet is every
constitutional measure for tranquilizing Ireland than
hituself. He was as anxious, as the Noble Margins
himself, to afford protection to the country, and would
therefore explain his reasons for the vote which he
meant to give. He would, therefore, contend that there
Was a certainty of being able to pat down the
rioters by the existing laws. The alarm caused by the
disturbances was felt only in the West or South-west of
Ireland, and he had no dOubt that four or fire thousand
troops would pnt down these disturbances in one month.
The lion, Gentleman here warmly condemned the avow-
ed intention oldie Noble Lord to attempt carrying the
proposed Acts through all their stages that night. The
Noble Lord seemed to think, that if he armed the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland with force sufficient to put down the
present disturbances in Ireland, that permanent tranquil-
lity would follow. In fact Ireland never could bo quieted.
until the situation of the country was changed. The
state of the peasantry must be changed; the tythe sys-
tens, in particular, must be altered, before tranquillity
could he expected. The state of the peasant io Ireland
was worse than in the most barbarous part of Europe:l
and in this assertion he had the concurrence even of
every stranger who visited it. He would conclude by
asking, why had not the proposed coercive measures
been accouipauied by a statement of the greivances of
Ireland, and of the means of removing them ?
Lord MOUNT-CHARLES, in explanation of the rote
lie meant to give, drew a dictinctioa between the White-
hoc Act and the Insurrection Act.' The former referred
only to parties assembled in arms, whilst the latter en-
abled the Magistrates to prevent such assemblies. He
believed it impossible for all the military' in the country
to put down the present disturbances. unless the assem-
bling of the Insurgents could bi prevented. In his ca•
pacity of a Grand Juror and a Magistrate, lie bad re
ceived information that there was a deep laid plot sub-1
sisting in Ireland, a perfect understanding and corms- 1
pondence between the parties engaged in it ; he there-
fore considered there was an absolute necessity of slur
pending the Habeas Corpus Act. The present power of
the Magistrates was undoubtedly too limited, consider-
ing the nature of the excesses under consideration.—l■
conclusion, lie begged to say that the measure had his
hearty assent ; and lie only regretted that the Noble
Marquess bad not prepared theta earlier.

Mr. SPRINO RICE conceived that he should ill dis-
charge his duty to his constituents if he did not protest
against the measures proposed by the Noble Marquess.
It really would appear that the argument of the Noble
Lord who had just sat down was in substance, " pass
coercive measures; but don't inquire into their cause."
—(Hear. hear)—lle (Mr. R. admitted that coercion
was necessary. Ile wished the evils to be put down ;
but he wished them to he put down, if possible. by the
existing lvws; and if they should be found unequal to
the object, it would. be fir the wisdom and vigour of
Parliament to apply a severer remedy. As far as he un-
derail:K*l the cause, be believed it to be, that since the
Union no measures had been adopted to strike at the root
of the evil. It'was an Observation of the great Lord
Bacon, thar " to destiny sedition, you mug expel the
cause of it."—(Hear, bear, hear)--He had lived in the
•county of Limerick for three useuths from the clang
ttlr laseSessioe; and from his ow* knowledge of the Vale ,
of that district be was surprised that Os latiarrtatiOn
;:pct *as
.thungbt necessanto quell the ,listurbance.
Aired there was as incontistentv spin the sketsliag of
(he 'Noble Marquess hitthulf. "Ife had admitted thpt
i there was nothing of apolitical character in the disturb-

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