The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-04-13 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN.

not come round, nod that, therefore, there was no the vigilance due from them to the general cause. He
reason to complain,: but was there any indication : would trouble their Lordships no longer, hut merely
giv'en of paving, though it
.was then the eleventh ; move, as preparatory to a more serious enquiry, for
! month ? None. Ile believed his Noble Friend on an Address to the Prince Regent, for
the Woolsack .would sctrKely be inclined to admit of ' I. Copies or Extracts., or Substance of any ito.trurtiong,
much disposition for payment in any case before him which may have beea given by his Majesty's Goveimorot to
under such circumstances. But this was not the any of his IllajeA‘'s Naval Commanders, respecting Napoleon
B
fact.: ,the. agreement was not merely for paying a cer-
onaparte, and the bland of Ema.
tali) sum of money:it the end Ora year', but it was 2 Copies or Evttarts, or Suh.tance of any Information,
to give two millions of francs on the great book, that
which his Majesty's Government may have received, respect•
.
destan of Napoleon Bonaparte to escape trout the
is, in the regular security of stock. On this he Island the
r •
siand Elba, to'ether with the date of the reception of the
might raise money in the mean time, and demand pe- i same.
riodical payments. He would not now go further on i Lord LEV ERPOOL.—There was one singularity
this subject. lie would not say that we had violated .in the speech of the Noble Lord (Wellesley), that
the Treaty ; he was anxious not to pre judge any the House had not heard it before. It was rather a
question of the right of war ; but the Noble Lord late period for his alarm. He (Lord W.) could
(Castlereagh) at Paris had told the country, and it scarcely suppose the transaction on which the House
was no slight proof of the attachment of the army, ; had been just indulged with his Lordship's obsei va.
that those arrangements were chiefly looked to by the t tions to be new, and yet it seemed remarkable that
military leaders for the satisfaction of their honour. they should now have heard them for the first time.
What was the feeling that must then arise, and what ' The Treaty had been for a long period before the
the danger of exciting that feeling with the army, by , public. lie (Lard Liverpool) should have thought
the non-performance of our arrangements? It, of that nothing could have been more generally known,
course, would not be said that this non-performance that every man who walked the streets of this town)
µas produced by a violation of the Treaty ; because, nay. of every town in Europe, should have been :c-
-if so, .shy not refuse to perform any part of it ? quainted with a Treaty which appeared in all their
The virtual abolition of the whole might have been Gazettes. The Treaty had been before the world a
pleaded on the same grounds. But the next article, whole twelvemonth, yet in that period the Noble
the engagement respecting Parma and Placentia, was, Lord had not detected its danger, or had not let his
if possible, more indefensible. Never was there one discovery escape. But perhaps it was the accession
more contrary to principle, never was there one more of England to it that produced the danger. Even
contrary to the principles on which we had entered this was known. And from the peculiar circum-
. into the war. There was a living heir of the Duchies stance of a mistake in a Noble Lord's (Castlereagh)
of Parma and Placentia the Farnese, connected signature, even the very part which we took was
with the House of Spain, connected with the Boer- known. If the Noble Lord knew all this, and
bons themselves. This Prince had as good a right to thought of the danger before, and yet did not tell of it,
his dominions as any of the restored Sovereigns ; the Noble Lord did not do his duty. [Hear, hear
but for his own part, he could never recognize the The Noble Lord had attacked the whole policy of the
' right which had grown up with our Statesmen of the Allied Powers. It was easy to find objections after
day, the right of doing justice to the strong at the the fact. It was not for him (Lord Liverpool) to
expence of doing injustice to the weak.—[flear, put those Sovereigns on their defence before that
I hear !]-1-le could not be brought to understand the House; bat let it be remembered what was their si.
wisdom, or justice, or policy, of throwing at the Nation at the time. Were they to treat Bonaparte
end of the war, the feebler Sovereigns into one com- as a prisoner, or a man at liberty ? There was ab-
mon stock of consolidated spoliation [Hear, hear !]; solutely no middle point. The great security would
and from that drawing on the order of he knew not doubtless he the seizure of his person ; but then the
what bankers, to order of the Emperor of Russia two advantage's were to be weighed on the other
millions of souls, to order of anotherPotentatesomany lie was far from thinking the state of the v.ar so
more, to another so many more. This, again, was doubtful as it hod seemed to that Noble Lord ; but
not at least the policy of the illustrious man (Mr. it was indubitable that Bonaparte had still an army
Pitt) in whose school he and the Noble Lord (Liver- with him ; there were besides the armies of Soult
pool) were alike educated. In this war the rights and Suchet ; there was, too, an army in Italy that
of Sovereigns were as much injured as those of sub- appeared perfectly firm to his cause, and which was
, • jects. And for whom was the sacrifice of principle certainly superior in means to the force opposed to
to be made ? It was in compliment to Austria, yet it. But this was not all ; was i t not to be rernem.
Austria seemed to have no desire for the compliment. bered that he had besides all thp fortresses of 110 -
But one of the great objections which pressed upon land, all those of France, all those of Italy, and a
hint, whichever was he turned, was the subordinate large proportion of the chief in Germany ? Here a
part which we had been induced to take. We ought false movement might have done incalculable title-
to have taken the lead—they had said no ; after all chief. It was not merely throwing the Allies back
• our sacrifices, he must say that then all our expences, to the French froreier, butit was throwing hack the
. and labours, and sacrifices had been thrown away.— chance of escape--it wits endangaring all that had
1 The urea question of all, was yet the one which ex- been gained by such gallant triumphant exer-
cited the least attention. The point was to guard the tions. The hazards were strong, and he at least
person es ho was sent to Elba. All considerations sink would not pretend to that supereminent wisdom that
' before that : we made that sink before all. We gave at once might decide on running those hazards. Ho
him the hirlependent sovereignty of the island. We would not venture to say, whether it would have
there could not glmd him by our land force, nor, as been better to have followed, and fallen on, and
a Noble Lord said in the Admiralty phrase, could we ci ushed this man, running the risks of the struggle,
guard him by our naval police.—[d laugh.]—Thus we or, at all events, effecting it at the expence of a
gav:., him t :e feeling, the name, and the very means great effusion of blood, or to have done as' it was
of returning to his former throne. The Noble Lord done. Ile was not even sure now, with all the
had hinted at movements expected in France after events before him, whether he would not have done
the long tumult of that country: but did he know the same thing over again. Suppose there had been
that there had been actually internal division there a failure, suppose there had been even a great elfu-
before Bonaparte's retires ?—that the public mind ; sion of blood, what would not England, what would
was excited,—that there were even thee com- not Europe havo said, when we might have saved it ?
ing into shape, the four parties of the Jacobins who As to the place of residence, what was to be done, or
had since appeared to take the lead, and who called what place could have been chosen, whether ill Eag.
. C:emselves Liberates, from the Spanish phrase, the land,' Germany, or America, in which he could
Constitutionalists, the Purchasers of New Property, have been secure, still on the supposition of his per-
and the Army? Or did the Noble Lord know, that son not being under restraint? There was no place
that army was not to be confounded with any other, where he might not intrigue, no place from which lie
that its nature was strongly different, that it had might not escape, still taking it for granted that his •
' flowed its a consequence even from the severity of the • person was not under restraint. The Governmerit of
conscription, and that it was connected with all the this country never concealed from any body that they
families of France? Habit had, however repulsive, could not be his guards, or rather his jailers, in the
produced its effects in this instance as in others; the isle of Elba. The whole fleet of... England, lie would
Conscription was looked on as almost a resource; and repeat it, could not keep him there; no, nor any
he had beard from persons on the spot, that in many where else. After the war, the Mediterranean fleet
• instances the return of the conscript on the late dis. had been ordered home ; there were only four sail of
° charges was actually felt as a burden by his family.— the line and some frigates left, and those were only
But did not the Noble Lord know that there was waiting for some of oar garrisons there. The Noble .
more than the simple mind ; that there was actually , Lord (Wellesley) was welcome to make the most of
insurrection digesting in France; and that, as they j this fact. The objection had been made that Elba
were only looking out for a Chief, there were those was conveniently situated for keeping up an inter-
who might think the present one the fittest for their ' course with Italy, but none had been made against its
purpose ? Bins we had given, and we had done our ; situation as to France : and as to his removal to Eng-
best to give him a good cause with his army and his land, though he (Lord L.) had by no means the idea
people. On the next point :—it should seem that that his presence here could have worked any con-
when, by placing Bonaparte in Elba, we had placed sequences, yet what could prevent his carrying on a
almost out of our reach the means of guarding him, correspondence with France, and escaping wile's he
we should have made the most of what remained? but pleased, still recollecting, the freedom of his person ?
this went like the rest. The Noble Lord declared, As to watching him in Elba, what could prevent his
that the fleet of England could not watch Elba.— escape? IVe had not the right to search so cluch as
When the momentous nature of the charge, when a fishing vessel ; the right of search was nterely a
the danger of escape was felt, was not this difficulty belligerent right.—But even if a search were
only the stronger claim on our vigilance? But no. to be made among those, it could not extend to an
The Noble Lord seemed to have somehow got the armed vessel, unless, indeed, we had particular
idea that affairs of state were things of ease. Ile grounds for suspicion. The question, after ail, came
(Lord ‘Vellesley) believed them to be like other af- to this—were ne to treat him as a prisoner, or to
fairs, in general a chain of diliiculties. The Noble allow him his personal freedom? As to treating
Lord, however, judged differently ; lie found lie had with Bonaparte, the subject was not perfectly on-
stripped himself of the power to do much ; and then derstood when it was put on this single footing,—it
drew the rapid conclusion, that he should do nothing. was also treating with his Officers. From the Papers
What was done ? There was an understanding with on the table, it would appear, that the Provisional
the Officer in command off the isle of Elba. That Government declared that this treaty would satisfy
toderst aiding was not, however, understood by that the Marshals ; and it was of no slight importance that I
gallant Officer. One circumstance, curious enough, the Bourbons should come in, trot by the apparent I
was to be tinted in this Treaty. England refused to , influence of the Allies, but by that of the French
guarantee the Imperial title to Bonaparte, but she themselves. In evidence of this, the arrangement ;
gave him her guarantee for all the rest. France had; had been signed by two of the most distinguished
given no guaranty for the pecuniary engagement ; and I among the Marshals. As to the subsequent breach of
he had understood, that, in point of fact, France ' this arrangement, he had looked over Donaperte's
!:ad positively refused to pay. Ile found the whole Proclamations on his landing, and had not found a
conduct of Ministers marked by the same features. ; single word in them complaining of that breach;
Had they no information ? Had they heard no ru. I they talked only of cOliquest, and glory, and
mours of the escape of Napoleon? Were not ru- I the restoration of the French dominion, but not one
moors of that kind frequent in France and here ? syllable on the non-fulfilment of the Treaty. As to the
He made, in those allusions, no reference to any I pecuniary stipulation, it still seemed a perfectly fair
particular department of Government, not to any argument, that the' period agreed on for payment
particular information that might have been lately be- not hewing arrived, the payment could not have yet
fore the public ; but it was impossible to doubt that been demanded. But what ought to have been his
such rumours had existed, and it was pot less impos- mode of redress if he had been injured ? Was he not
Bible to believe that 5/inisters had even hem excited to have turned round to the Allies who had guaruu-

teed the payment, and t tied whether it wouldbe
withheld, before he complained ? Bat he had nut
complained. Had one of the arm) that went over to
him stated this among their grievances? N one._
But he (Lord Lis erpool) kilo*, and cools! state
from authority, that on a ces fain deinand of seine of
this Allies, a pi opei ty was art u li) assi,real for the
payment of the deists incurred by that.- • reaty . The
Noble Earl did rot admit the right to balance any
inconvenience which • miglit arise frnm.ilsa-escal*
of
Bonaparte, against the consequences of a V io;atinn
of the arrnis•ic, the at titles and conditions of which
we were bound by. The expediency or prop:iety of
these articles and conditions, he should not eater
into ; although, whenever an opportunity shorid
occur, fie trusted he should be prepared to vituficate
the principles of C.,' sego ciations ; and;%aboveail if
the Noble Lord ( Wellesley) supposed :Ministers not
to have acted on the occasion alluded to upon toe
principles of t: e great man who had been held up as
a model, he could assure him that he was under a
complete misapprehension. As to the Noble Lord's
second motion of enquiry, whether information had
1e33 received by Government. respecti• g the &sip
of Boriaparte's escape, he 'could say, th-- Grover&
ment had received noise of such intention or design
previous to their knowledge of ids Retort! -.rape. The
Noble Alarquis had said, that the Noble Elrl had,
on a former occasion, looked forward to t revival
of war ow the Continent. What he said was, that
after so great a convulsion, no prudent man could
so divest himself of all idea of the chances of a re.
vulsion, as to preclude the necessity of keeping the
country in a state to meet all occurrences. in the
interior of France he always admitted, that after
;he restoration of the Bourbons, there would be a
considerable degree of discontent; many would be
dissatisfied with the very state of peace ; hut he by
no means believed there was that great body which
there had beets asserted to be. He -did not subscribe
to the opinion, that the numbers of military persons
in France were greater than in any other country.--
In France, it was true, the military was the most,
perhaps the only favoured profession ; and he ad.
mitted that the army had considerable influence in it:
Ice admitted also that there were other bodies of men
there, who, from the part they took in the scenes of
the Revolution, would be hostile to the Government
of the Bourbons; but those were not the ronstitu.
tionalists of France; their opinion, he believed, was
the reverse of hostile to that Government. The-epis
Ilion of that class of men were in favour of a free
Government, and in abhorrence of Revolution; and
they were not hostile to the French King, whose
mild and wise policy had considerably conciliated
them, and whose only chance of, and title to a flee
Government, consisted in supporting the Govern.
ment of the Bourbons. The question before the
House was, whether, if any blame was imputable to
the conduct of the Allies in April and May last, that
blame consisted in any thing elst:than in not insisting
upon the personal restraint of Bonaparte; and then
came the question whether, under all the circum-
stances, it was worth while to insist upon such per.
sonal restrait ? if it was not worth while to insist
upois entire sestraint, there was no cootending for a
shade between such entire restraint and the•liberty
which was granted him ; and the whole reasoning
the Noble Lords, whom events hail made wise, a
not being wise before, fell to the ground:

The Marquis of LANSDOWN E.—Melancholy,
indeed, was it to consider, that after the most Writ.
ordinary successes of last year, no better. security
could be obtained than that the Noble Earl had de.
scribed. Ile had dwelt upon the relative,situation of
Bonaparte after the Treaty of Fontaiubleau, and
many of the circumstances which he Imputed:Co that
person as a tower of strength, the Noble Marquis
could not help considering as weakness-rfor in-
stance, Soult's attachment to him ; but how was the
Duke of Wellington situated with regard to Souk?
Ile was superior in numbers, perhaps, and certainly
in talents, to that considerable Com/nand& « then
the garrisons in Germany were so many omelet
weakness to Bonaparte; they were detached from
him, incapable of giving him assistance: he had no
force but that which was at 11101Itainbletio when the
treaty was made, which,- he believed, was correctly
estimated at no. more than 20,000 Officers and men
—many of whom %ere deserting every day—all his
communications were cut cd—all his posts were oc-
cupied by the enemy ; and the number of the Al;:i
consisted of 100,000 infantry and 30,000 catalry.
tio much for the strong position of Bonaparte
that moment!—The Noble Marquis allowed the pt
rriety of great gecernsity to a fallen enemy ;
taking the case ri:her way, first, in point 4)t f;".
nerosity to such an enemy; mid secritully, 89 it
Noble. Earl C 1103: to put it, as n fair subject of r

pldient7y—the security which was tht' great obj Pct
t!0 treaty, did nut mean security quoad France, ti

(pow/ the pet io:i of Bo;lavirte, against whom td
the timifeitoes, the nil:a -Ce, and the treaty, i%e,

directed ; and ali went upon the principle,. ti
ir:e was the ;arson to be guarrled,Agniust. ‘Vhat '
mained, then, but ta tittcore hi: person, or to pli
hirn is a place wh:re Le could have no iollueoce.

Ilis choice of Elha chouhl. therefore. havel)een

sated : himself and his femiiy might hive been p..
vide(' tor; but►to aci :•oncessions it should Lai
I"'" a condition, that the Place of his retiremei

should not be so sit.uated a: to enablk: him to

upon countries whero he had influence. Was

that place? ►Vitere laro yGu placed the man whoa
influence over France and Italy it was your object to
destroy ?—between tho very two countries. His

lluence so placed wa, grratovi.r France, but great

. . _
over Italy, with all-his Italian means and popolai
at his rlisimil. The Noble Eirl asked what 61
they possessed to interfere with any operation
Boriaiorte's I If there were any doubt on the

genre, it should him, lure matter of considersn
with the Allies. They should have considered I
fore the signitig of the treaty—" We think, that
the Law of Natio•ts we cann,t interfere with B

pa rte's rights as •overeigo (,f ther6
provide in I lie treaty api:).st these laws." There
no such concert, no Such tiet.-,ociation,—and if thrl
was notte the Noble Earl had stilted, that 1i
Engli.lt ship (supt. sing America to be included.'
the peace) would have a right to interfere

Bonaparte.
'The Ent., of LIVERPOOL intery.ookt the NA)
Martinis to corirct him : he Lad said, that if o.in"
parte had been seen actually sailing from Eft', 116

would be
e had not t:
eta over to
ti one.
..—
wild state a
tf •totne of 11,
rtl for the sl
'3r). • The
Plante any tf
-escao of . gi
a vio;ation fi
Is of which o
rop•:iety of
not enter
ty shotad
o vitulicate hi
hove•all, if on
misters not vi
upon Ute tt
held up as at
as under a el
•ble Lord's ir
nation had th
tlte design
GOVPril.
Or design tl
The •ta
E trl had,
t revival
w,c, that
roan could th
es of a re. bt
eiiping the if
s. In the ht
that after
mild be a
would be ri
hut he by I"(
,ndy which th
t subscribe
7 persons di
,ountry.—
the most,
end he ad.
etice in it : to
ies of men 11i
e scenes of tr
(averment
Constitu- tit
eyed, was di
Tito-anis as
r of a free ah
'lion; and
ng, whose 3•1
et
le to a flee da
e Govern. Pr
before the th
putable to
t last, that
tit insisting pl
; and then th'
he circum. • all
such•per. be
to insist the
'ding for a ba
the•lthesty La
asoning of be
rise, they co
jut
elancholy, wt
toot writ. tar
r security •of
rl had de. Fn
'tuition of fet
dean, mid to
edNo that gsr
e Marquis wt
1-7-for in. the
w was the gh
to Souk? WI
I certainly ou
der « then ins
mud of thi
:hed from de
he had no the
when the to
correctly sof
and men h•
y—all his he
were oc sn
-
the Al 'in art
I catalry, to
aparte at brt
d the pro. sot
piny ; but of
it of ge. tht
y, 89 the as
ct of e>.• tin
• °Wet of pa
ance, bra pit
whom till thi
aty, were be
iple, fo
What rer re
r to rho
lueoce.— to
'lutes ie. co
been p••,- an
atild 1... re in
etirement ye
to rely mt
%Vas fo
art whot fot
object IC to
His in. Ii
It greater tits
opulariti tic
hat rig:u be
ration cf to
on (let to
i dere io3 en
tiered be. be
that bi lit
th Bea' ve
'hereto, to
'here he
I if the" IU
that ot (hi
:littler} if 'Yet
fere wilt FI
.ate,
he. Nott't • ist
if 1.3.'"" las
Elba, •
• vart.„