The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-02-18 00:00:00

as far as his experience went he I

. ~.
n a sufficient supply without risking the prosperity of the
agricultural classes of society. They knew from experience
that they had little to expect from concession. When Ca-
tholic emancipation was granted in the most liberal manner,
egal assis: I it was said that the reason of granting so liberal a measure

proposed by a

government would gra-

M.), not only the agriculturist, but also a great portion of the
manufacturing and commercial interests. It had never been
Asserted on the ministerial side of the house that this coun-

try could he maintaint
ply ; b

wholly independent of foreign sup-

had been held that in a good average harvest the
country could nearly supply itself with food, and when it
could not do so, the system of averages enabled them to ob-

ernment of

- „
was that it might give the fullest satisfaction. It gave satis-
faction, however, but for a short time. Again, in the case of
the Reform Bill, it was said in defence of the extent to which
it went, that the people would not be satisfied with less.
What was the result ? The noble lord who brought it for-
ward had subsequently more trouble to defend his " finality"
than lie ever had to upset the rotten boroughs. For the sake
of conciliation, therefore, they should not depart from that

which was sound in principle.
Dr. BOWRING said that the inferences drawn from his ac-
counts of the consumption of the necessaries of life in
Prussia, by the right honourable baronet (Sir R. Peel) were
erroneous; but even if true, and if there was a greater con-
sumption per bead in England, that was no reason why it
should be reduced. The fact was, however, that the condi-
tion of the people of England was, year after year, becoming
worse, while in Prussia the condition of the inhabitants was
progressively improving. He would prefer the scale sug-
gested by Mr. Christopher to that proposed by the govern-
ment, for under the latter plan we could never have corn ad-
mitted in any quantity except under very rare circumstances,
and concluded by a warning to the landed interests not to
deal too harshly by the people, who paid more in proportion
to their means than the landed proprietors to the support of
the expenses of the state. .

Mr. FERRAIVD then supported the proposition of govern-
ment, some extracts from whose speech we give elsewhere.
The house adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS

-TUESDAY

The royal assent was given, by commission, to the Appro-
priation Acts Amendment Bill.
The Earl of RIPON, in reply to a question from Lord
Brougham, sad that the new towns added to those from which
the averages were previously taken were not selected from a
supposition that their averages were lower than those of the
latter, but with the view of obtaining a fair average price for
the regulation of the duty, and to render it more difficult to
commit frauds in taking the averages.

The Loan Societies Bill was bro-ught up from the House of
Commons, and read a first time.

Adjourned until Thursday

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY

Colonel Fox begged to ask if the right hon. baronet had
leceived any intimation of the movements of Cabrera, and,
connected therewith, of a projected insurrection in Spain?
Sir It. PEEL said he had received intelligence to that
effect, but he had received nothing in the shape of an official
communication upon the subject. He expressed an earnest
hope that the government of Spain, resting as it did on the
good wishes of the bulk of the Spanish people, wuuld resist
any machinations directed against it.
The LORD ADVOCATE read some letters from Scotland,
showing that he was not wrong in what he had slid on a
former evening as to the attendance to the duties of the bench
of the late Lord President of the Court of Session.
The adjourned debate was resumed by Sir W. CLAY, who
said he was no friend to a protecting duty on corn. He had
no doubt the right hon. baronet would carry his present bill,
but it was beyond his power in this manner to settle a
question which was now taken up by the people of England.
Captain HAMILTON professed himself an advocate of a
sliding scale, and although he thought the right hon. baronet
(Sir R. Peel) had demanded a very great sacrifice from the
agricultural classes, yet he should support his proposition
generally ; thinking, notwithstanding, that some greater pro-
• • .• . .

tection was requisite than that which he proposed to give to
the agriculturist.
Mr. CHILDERS contended that the operation of the go-
vernment scheme of duties on corn would only tend to render
the restrictive system more stringent. He had no doubt
that the present measure would be carried ; but how long
would it last ? Just until the first dissolution of parliament,
when the whigs would once more walk across the floor of
that house, to take possession of the ministerial benches.
Captain Rous said, he agreed in the sentiment expressed
by the late premier, that the man who would vote for the total
repeal of the corn-laws was fit for Bedlam. A celebrated
French deplomatist had said that words were given to man
to conceal his thoughts ; and this he never saw so well illus-
trated as by the arguments of honourable gentlemen opposite,
who spoke of the immense benefits to be derived by the poor
from having their bread twopence a loaf cheaper, while in
reality they well knew the twopence would find its way into
their own pockets. If the right hon. baronet would pursue
a middle course, neither caring for the murmurs of the high
aristocracy nor fearing the outcry of a deluded populace, he
might remain in his present position as long as he pleased,
for there was no power on earth which could turn him out
of it.

Mr. WILLIAMS thought the measure before the house so
little practically different from the present law, that it could
lead to no beneficial result. Its greatest evil, he looked upon,
would be the same as that of the present law—the derange-
ment of the currency. This evil was entirely caused by the
sliding scale, which had also the prejudicial effect of leading
to the employment of foreign shipping instead of our own.
It was admitted that the corn laws were maintained for the
purpose of enabling the landlords to obtain high prices.
Now, he would ask, who paid these high prices ? Were they
not paid by the consumers? and who were the consumers?
The mass of the people, who were thus taxed for the benefit
of the landowner. Unless this state of things should be al-
tered, unless the people should be enabled to buy food as
cheaply as it could be bought in other countries, or nearly
so. the manufactures of this country must inevitably decline.
• Mr. 0. GORE animadverted upon the proceedings of the
anti•-corn-law agitators, who had shaken the island to its
centre, to make a change which could have little more effect

than that of making the paltry saving of five farthings a week

- . in the price of bread for each. person. He could understand
the straightforward motives of those who, like the hon. mem-
ber for Wolverhampton, moved for a total repeal of those
laws ? but he could look upon a fixed duty as one proposed
only for party purposes.

. was
Mr. WARD of opinion that the proposed plan was not
only better than the present law, but was also better than the
fixed duty proposed by Lord John Russell, for although he
agreed in the general principles laid down by the noble lord,
he thought the time for levying a fixed duty was fast passing
away. In fact the sliding scale of the right hon. baronet,
and the fixed duty of the noble lord, must both give way to a
free trade in corn. Indeed, there was an inconsistency in
the proposition of the right hon. baronet, inasmuch as he
adopted the principle of a fixed duty on corn crossing the
Canadian frontier from America, while adhering strictly to a
sliding scale at home. The people were on the watch to see
what the house would do, and if, on analysing the division,
they found that no one voted for the measure of the right
hon. baronet who had not a personal interest in doing so,
they would be apt to form an opinion of it not very favour-
able. He should vote for the motion of the noble lord, and
when the time came he should most certainly vote for the
motion of the hon. member for Wolverhampton.
Sir E. NNATCHBULL contended that the noble lord (Lord
J. Russell) could never have expected that his Bs. fixed duty
would have met with the concurrence of the landed interest,
He was willing to admit that if a sum could be agreed upon
by all classes as a fixed duty, and if that fixed duty could be
always maintained, he thought it would be better than any
other system ; but knowing as he did, and as was admitted
by the noble lord, that no fixed duty could be maintained
under some circumstances, he thought the proposition of the
government the most eligible that could be adopted. There
were burdens cast upon the landed interest, which entitled
them to some protection, and if hon. gentlemen were deter-
mined to carry out their principles of free trade, it was but
fair that the agriculturists should not be the only sufferers.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the right hon. baronet who
had just spoken had clearly admitted that the object of the
bill before the house was to keep up the value of the estates
of the landed proprietors ; but in his opinion the paramount
duty of the house was to legislate for the benefit of the im-
mense majority of the British people. He then proceeded
to contend that, in future England must expect to consume
an increasing quantity of foreign corn, and said he felt it
necessary to undeceive those gentlemen who thought that
England might always safely look to Ireland as its natural
granary. Up to 1833 Ireland had sent a large proportion of
wheat to the English markets. In that year the quantity
sent was 844,000 quarters, but in every succeeding year the
quantity diminished until, in 1839, it had fallen to 258.000
quarters—in 184:), to 174,009, and in 1841, to 218,000. This
showed that Ireland could not be looked to hereafter as a
granary, though he admitted at once that this was to be attri-
buted to causes related to the increasing prosperity of Ire-
land. The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to analyse
the plan of the government, and disapproved of the addition
of 150 small towns to those from whence the averages were
taken, as being calculated unfairly to lower the averages to
the extent of ss. a quarter. He acquitted the government of
any intention to affect them thus indirectly, but he was
assured that such would be the practical effect of the pro-
posed plan, in which case the whole plan would be so corn-
,idetely deranged that in some parts of the scale the people
would find themselves worse off than under the present sys-
tem. The right hon. gentleman then advocated, at conside-
rable length, the principle of a fixed duty, and expressed a fear
that the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel) would deal with the
remainder of our -tariff as timidly as he did with the corn
laws, in which case be would be only practising a similar
delusion to that of the plan before the house, or else that he
would deal boldly with the remainder of the tariff in propor-
tion to his timidity with the corn laws, and thus give rise to
the supposition that he was acting in reference to the power
of his supporters, rather than according to his sense of jus-
tice.

Sir E. KNATCOBULL denied that he had ever said one
word about raising the value of landed property.
Sir J. GRAHAM contended that the plan proposed by the
government was a fair composition between the disputing
parties on the subject of those corn duties. As to a fixed
duty, he would remind hon. members that that would not
satisfy the people any more than the proposed plan, for at
the great Leeds meeting, held about twelve months ago, a
banner was displayed, on which were inscribed the words,
" A fixed duty—a fixed injustice to the people." He would
also remind them that the Lord Mayor of Dublin had said
he would take the Bs. fixed duty as an instalment, and if
once they obtained it, he pledged himself that in six months
they would get rid of it altogether. So much for a fixed
duty, which was an absurdity, for in point of fact, the finality
of legislation was a mere phantom, of which both the noble
lord (J. Russell) and himself had had no small experience.
The right hon. bart. then contended, that the proposed plan
would supply the largest quantity of corn when necessary,
at the smallest cost to the consumer, which was the very ob-
ject most desirable to accomplish. It was a curious fact,
that under those corn laws, which were said to be injurious
to the manufactures of this country, he found by a return
which he held in his hand, that the cotton manufactures
alone had increased within the last four years to an extent so
great, that the very increase was greater than the total of
our manufacture of cotton at the close of the war. When
the right hon. hart. resumed his seat, the debate was ad-
journed.

S.—WEDNESDAY.
1 1E
sI
G HOUSEE
u. OcaFlieCdOth
Me
attentionM l'
curnstances attending the petition
Mr.
last Belfast election. The Earl of Bel'
the defeated candidates on that occasion'
ao,aoit the house to the cir-
sttthe return for the
whobad was one of
against the return. He had since then, however, bpeetitionod
to the peerage as Lord Ennishowen, and it was thereefonrreaised
con-
trary to the privileges of the house that a peer should perse-
vere in an election petition.
An interesting conversation ensued, hut it was felt, the
point being a novel one, that there had not been a sufficient
time afforded for the consideration of the question, and its
further consideration was postponed.
Mr. BrLLER. resumed the adjourned debate on the pro-
posed alteration of the corn duties, and contended that the
plan of the government was but a mitigated mischief.
Sir W. JAMES said that public opinion was in favour of
protection to-agriculture, and he was quite sure that his con-
stituents were willing to accept the measure of the govern-
ment as a boon to the community. _ ..

Mr. BERNAL oontended that the plan of the government

coornerelai interestiz, while It er
grilulturists.

would trot iaii,iy ti
carded with distrust by the

Mr, Scorr supported the government.
Mr. H A STIE contended at some length that the sliding
scale had the innate mischief of destroying our commerce,
and ruining our manufactures, by the derangement which it
occasioned in the currency, and which no system of corn
laws could be exempt from if based upon a sliding scale of
duties.

Mr. CHRISTMAS was of opinion that by the plan of the
government the growth of wheat wzfs sufficiently protected,
but he feared that other kinds of grain were not so, and
more particularly in reference to the produce of Ireland.
11 r. Rolitst;cfc s..id lie should vote in favour of the motion
of the noble lord, but wished to guard himself from having it
supposed that he and those who voted with him were in any
way to be deemed inconsistent if they should hereafter vote
against the imposition of any duty at all. lie thought the
plan proposed by the right hon. baronet both unwise and
impolitic. Although it was true that no party on either side
of the house could be held responsible for the distress which
prevailed, and which, in fact, was the result of the tremen-
dous struggle in which this country had been engaged with
France, which struggle was only maintained by its manufac-
turing energy—still, although not answerable for its exist-
ence, they would be answerable for the manner in which
they dealt with it, and certainly the proposition of the go-
vernment was by no means likely to remedy the evil. The
right hon. baronet had taken ample time to consider of his
plan—he had raised the expectations of the empire, and after
all he (Mr. Roebuck)) would leave the country to admire the
bantling. It was impossible to make this a self-supplying
country—it was impossible to prevent its being dependent on
foreign nations for supply—they had too many mouths to
feed—they should therefore give up their self-supplying no-
tions, and, by their commbrcial interchanges, preserve such
a bond of amity as can only be maintained by intimate mer-
cantile intercourse. He could not assent to the proposition
that the position of the landed gentry could be altered by
the repeal of the corn laws ; regarding them, with all their
beneficial influences, as the Corinthian capitals of society, he
could not bring himself to believe that all their import-
ance to the community depended upon a tariff—upon a
twenty shilling duty. He had no doubt if the duty were
repealed they would occupy just as important and just as be-
neficial a station in society as before ; if the duty should not
be repealed, perhaps the people of England may be apt to
think that they have bought this Corinthian capital too dear.
He denied that there were any peculiar burdens on the land
which entitled them to this protection—he called upon them
to prove the fact ; and if they could prove it, he would then
say that the house would at once find it a matter of economy
to relieve them from those peculiar burdens in order at the
same time to rid themselves of the duties on corn. The
right lion. baronet's character as a statesman was at issue,
and if he continued lagging behind the spirit of the age, he
would not only risk being left behind altogether, but it would
be said of him, hereafter, that he either had not sagacity to
foresee inevitable events, or seeing had no courage to deal
with them as he ought.
Lord ASHLEY called the attention of the house to an at-
tack made upon him on the previous evening by the hon.
member for Sheffield, who imagined that he had cheered the
hon. member for Knaresborough when making sonic attacks
which his lordship had in point of fact never heard, for he
did not know until next morning that the hon. member for
Knaresborough had spoken at all.
Mr. WARD expressed his unfeigned regret for the error
into which he had fallen, and asked the noble lord's pardon
for observations which resulted entirely from unintentional
mistake.

Lord ASHLEY expressed himself satisfied.
Lord SANDON commenced by complaining of the manner
in which the language of the merchants of Liverpool engaged
in the American trade, as contained in the petition he (Lord
Sandon) had presented, had been commented upon by the
right hon. member for Taunton. Now, although he was not
prepared to deny that those merchants preferred a fixed duty
to a sliding scale, still the right hon. gentleman had no right
to assume that which was not the fact—viz., that in the opi-
nion of the petitioners the new sliding scale, as proposed by
ministers, was not a great improvement upon the sliding
scale as it at present existed, and that they did not believe
that great benefit would resuit from it to commerce and ma-
nufactures. If the house would allow him be would read an
extract from a letter he had received from one of those mer-
chants, in which he said" You are aware that my own judg-
ment inclines to a fixed duty, but knowing that the feeling of
the government is in favour of a sliding scale, I am disposed
to look on the proposition as brought forward as a very great
improvement, when I consider the very large amount of the
present undue protection, while it affords an ample guarantee
against our being dependant upon foreign countries for too
large a proportion of our supplies." (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) The danger of being dependent upon foreign
nations for the supply of food was to be avoided by every
country. America was fully alive to this. The late Presi-
dent of the United States, in his message to the Congress,
three years ago, had adverted to the evils likely to result
from a country placing itself at the mercy of others for its
supplies of food, leaving it in the power of those foreign
nations to concede or to refuse them. (Hear, hear.) He
had already referred to a communication, showing that in
the eves of mercantile men the proposition of the govern-
ment was likely to be attended with most important advan-
tages to the mercantile interest. He had also had a commu-
nication with a gentleman connected with the milling interest,
who had informed him that the government measure would
have the effect of affording facilities for the trade in foreign
flour which did not at present exist ; for as flour was a pe-
rishable article, all persons were anxious to avoid speculating
for the home market under the existing system, owing to its

uncertainty, but now there would be -a
regular trade going
on, and of course a great advantage to those engaged in it.
These were the opinions of practical men, who looked upon
the question of the corn-laws as a matter of business. They
saw in the ministerial measure a great improvement upon the
present law. He (Lord S.) thought these opinions formed
a sufficient answer to the assertion put forward by the other
side that the measure of the government would leave the
trade in corn precisely in the same position in which it now
was. He must beg to warn the house against those dreams
of perfect prosperity which were held out to the house by
gentlemen opposite, as the result, if they would but accept
their nostrums, of a perfect free trade or a fixed duty. Mr.
Greg, of Manchester, in his pamphlets on the corn laws,
the object of which was to show the advantages of a free
trade in corn, had, after refei ring to the way in which British
manufactures were now driven out of every neutral market
by our continental rivals, and the importance of our endea-
vouring to regain our position, admitted that, to effect that
object, a reduction in the wages of labour was necessary;
for he said that foreign nations had a decided advan-
tage over us in this respect, and that an increased trade
in provisions would be beneficial in reducing that advan-
tage, though, he added, he doubted if it could be entirely
removed. (Hear, hear.) But were the manufacturers alone
to be considered ? Now, they had been told that the ef-
fect of the corn laws had been to bring into cultivation
a very large amount of land in this country, which
would not else have been cultivated, and which now em-
ployed a large proportion of our population. If those
laws were repealed, and all protection to British agriculture
were withdrawn, that land would be thrown out of cultiva-
tion, and what then would become of all those who were
now engaged in tilling the soil? (Hear.) Hundreds of thou-
sands, nay millions, of persons would thus be thrown on the
poor rates, or sent into the manufacturing towns, to lower
the price of wages there. Therefore he (Lord Sandon)
held that it was the interest of all classes, not that of a few
landed proprietors only, to give such a protection to agricul-
ture as should prevent this calamity. It was alike import-
ant to all parties to consider this question in all its bearings.
If they thought it necessary to reduce the present amount of
protection, it was due from them as wise statesmen to make
that reduction gradually, and to see the effect of such an
alteration as that proposed by his right hon. friend at the
head of the government, before they decided upon making
so sweeping a change as that proposed by the noble lord the
member for London (Lord J. Russell.) He was of opinion
that if the changes in the present corn laws were brought
about with consideration, they might confer important ad-
vantages on our commercial interest, give the people food at.
a cheaper rate, and still preserve a due amount of protection
to agriculture. That important interest might, he believed,
be preserved, without infringing upon any other. He thought
that, by a judicious compromise like that now proposed by
the government, our commerce and manufacturers might be
promoted and extended, while that protection which the
landed interest had a right to look for would be maintained.
He would not longer detain the house. (Hear.) He had
risen chiefly to state that commercial men, who were unin-
fluenced by mere party considerations, were to a great extent
satisfied with the government measure, and accepted it as a
great boon and as a large measure, conceived in most liberal
spirit. (Hear, hear; loud cries of "divide," and "question.")
Lord WORSLEY could not give his assent to the motion of
Sir R. Peel, nor could he give his assent to the proposition
of the noble lord, the member for the city, for a fixed duty
of Bs. The noble lord (Worsley) quoted the opinions deli-
vered at the hustings by many of the conservative members,
and asked them how, having pledged themselves to their
constituents to maintain their existing protection to agricul-
ture, they could do otherwise than join him in voting against
the proposition of the right hon. baronet.

Mr. HILISTOPI-JElt complained that the noble lord (Wors-
ley) had not fairly represented his arguments upon this sub-
ject. He would say, however, that the agricultural interest
would prefer taking the measure of the right hon. bert. as it
stood, with its defects, such as they were, rather than place
themselves at the mercy of the noble lord's legislation. In
reply to an imputation which had been thrown out against
him, he would appeal to the government to say whether he
ever had any communication with them until after he had
published his opinions on the corn laws.
Mr. G. BERKELEY supported the propriety of a fixed
duty, and, therefore, would vote for the noble lord's motion.
Sir R. PEEL said he had to contend against two classes of
antagonists ; each, though joined in opposing him, equally
opposed to the views of the other; and, he had expected that
the noble lord would have been more explicit in his motion
or in his speech, and defined the exact nature of his proposi-
tion. There could be no doubt, but that fixed duty lurked
under the ambiguous proposition of :the' noble lord ; and he
could not, therefore, understand_ how those who were op-
posed to all duty could support a motion, homever vague,
which they must know was meant to be an advocacy of a
fixed duty. It was tolerably clear that the noble lord could
not have expected to maintain a compact alliance, unless by
moving a resolution as vague and innocuous as that before
the house. He (Sir R. Peel) was not called upon that night
to deal with those gentlemen who advocated a total repeal of
the corn-laws, and he should therefore confine himself to the
consideration of the comparative merits of a fixed duty and
of a sliding scale. He did not believe that there was any
material difference between himself and the noble lord, as to
the extent of the protection required by the agriculturist; the
chief difference between them, and to which he had to direct
his arguments, being the mode by which, that protection was
to be practically carried out. The right hon. baronet then
went on to show the advantages which a sliding scale would
gave over a fixed duty in preventing frauds in the averages
and gambling speculations in foreign corn. When he per-
ceived the violence with which he was assailed by gentlemen
holding extreme opinions, some thinking that the interests
of the manufacturers were not sufficiently consulted, while
others thought sufficient protection had not been given to the
agriculturist, he was more strongly convinced the measure
was a good one, and likely to be well received by all moderate
men as a great improvement of the existing law. He denied
that the duties he proposed would have the effect of acting as
a prohibition to importation, except when corn was below
515., at which price the home grower ought to be protected
against foreign competition. His wish was to make the im-
portation of foreign corn supplemental to our home supply,
rather than that it should supereede it in any great degree ;
for if importation took place to such an extent as to super-
sede home grown corn, tne dap might come when, from
deficient harvests, or other causes, they might have bitter
experience of the imprudence of discouraging agriculture at
home. The right hon. hart. then entered into a calculation to
show the advantage of the government proposition over the
present law, and the amelioration it effected at various points
of the scale as compared with the existing rate of duties. It
might have been wiser for him, if he acted merely as a party
man, to say that he would stand by the corn-laws and resist
all change ; hut, as a minister of the crown, most important
responsibilities were cast upon him, and he was compelled to
devise a measure consistent at the same time with giving due
encouragement to manufacturing industry while affording
reasonable protection to the agriculturist. (The right hon.
baronet resumed his seat amidst continued cheering.)
Lord PALMERSTON contended that the measure of the
agnodvesrentmtleenitmhtandinbg.een aptly described by Lord John Russell,
who had called it a measure calculated to disturb everything
every one; but th
please
wase government
vernment had been unfortunate enough
to
J.
R n
Russell
oneell by thist
egwplann o
negatived
I bei
yy n
athhaed majorityb powerrou
ot brought
hof manibrw atro please
d .
The gallery was cleared for a division, when the motion of
Lord
349 to 226.
After some conversation, the house adjourned to Friday.

ROYAL LIVEIt

THEATRE, CHURCH.6TREET

For the BENEFIT of MADEMOISELLE CELESTE,
And the Last. Night but Oi,v of her Engagement.
THIS present FRIDAY EVENING, the 18th instant,
the new and successful Drama, entitled
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Count St. Louis.
After which,
MILITARY PROMOTION.
"le whole to conclude with
TFE FRENCH SPY.
Vietoire, l nri and Hamet.... odemoiselle Celeste.
Tickets ant Pla es for the Public Boxes to be had of Mr.
J. FOGG, at the ~ox Office, from Eleven till Three; also for
the Private Boxes for Full Dress Parties.
Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 25.: Gallery, 6d. (to which the number
will he limited).
Second Price.—Boxes, 25.; Pit, ls. Doors to open at
Half-past Six. Performance to begin at Seven. Second
Price at Half-past Eight.

ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE,
GREAT CHARLOTTE-STREET, LIVERPOOL

CLOSING NIGHTS OF DUCROW'S NATIONAL
ESTABLISHMENT IN LIVERPOOL.
For the BENEFIT of Mr. W. D. BROADFOOT.
HIS present FRIDAY EVENING, the 18th instant,
and TO-MORROW (Saturday), the 19th,
MAZEPPA ; on, THE WILD HOILSE.
To be succeeded by
DUCROW'S SCENES OF THE CIRCLE !
Introducing
THE RUSSIAN COTILLION;
Or, The Ambassadors of Muscovy.
In the course of the Pageant Signor Hillier will introduce
(for the first time) the Training of
THE LADY'S PALFREY, BEAUTY !
The Pageant will conclude with a Waltz, Gavotte, and Co-
tillion, by Trained Palfries. La Belle Assemblee ! !
Le Petit Ducrow, the Equestrian Prodigy, will appear with
the Infant Actors, in HOLIDAY ROMPS.
To conclude with the laughable Farce of
THE QUEER SUBJECT.
On MONDAY next, the Last Appeal to the Liverpool
Public, for the BENEFIT of MADAME DUCROW, a
Splendid Rotation of Novelties !—Ducrow's Establishment
depart on the 26th instant for Birmingham.
Private Boxes may be obtained nightly for Families on ap-
plication to Mr. F. CARMAN, at the Box-office, from Eleven
until Three o'clock.
Prices of Admission :—Centre Dress Boxes, 3s. ' • Side
Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, ls. 6d. ; Lower Gallery, ls. ; Upper
Gallery, 6d. Second' Price at Nine o'clock :—Centre Dress
Boxes, 25.; Side Boxes;is. 6d.; Pit, Is.; Lower Gallery,
6d. No Second Price to the Upper Gallery. Second Price
will be taken for Children under Twelve years of age to the
Boxes only.
Dorss to be opened at Half-past Six, and the Performance
to commence at Seven o'clock precisely.