The Statesman.
London, England, 1823-05-16 00:00:00

EMANCIPATION OF NEGRO SLAVES.

Mr. POWELL BUXTON said that he was sure most,
if nut all, Gentlemen in the House were prepared to ask
him a question. He could not do better, therefore, than
answer their question ti* limine, and by anticipating,
satisfy their curiosity. The question he meant vas this,
anti it ►night be fairly put to nita—What right have you
to interfere in this great cause, or to take on yourself the
advocacy of it? Is not there on the bench near you, a
man, who has spent his life in vindicating the rights of
oppressed honianity, one to whom the nation has been
taught to look up to on the subject of slavery, and who is
universally acknowledged to possess great talents? To
propose such questions was reasonable enough, but he
hoped no one would charge him with encroaching on the
province of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Wilberforce). So far
from that, he begged to assure the House that it was !,v
•

Ithei permission—indeed by the desire, of his Hon. Friend
that he consented to introduce the subject.l-(llear, hear.)
also felt it his duty to take some notice of the advice
which he had that evening received with respect to the
evils that in the opinion of soma 'Jerson, were likely to
result to the people of the West I odierfrom the agitation
of this question. He agreed with his Hon. Friend who
suggested that advice, that it was no slight or silly matter
tes agitate any question, the discussion of which might
asteite apprehensions in the minds of a class of persons so
respectable as those whO signed the petition that was that
night presented.' He professed—indeed he declared, that
be had no prejudices ageing any persons who were con-
nected with the West India Colonies. He only thought
that they were unfortunate, so tar as that their pre-
clusion's bad invested their property in a business,
and in a speculation which at that time certainly
bad the appearance of being right, and was generally
allosiad to be legitimate, big which be boldly contended
srin the present times *wed it hive beta iittrii
eoktent with right principles.—(fleasr,. hear.) Bet it
was not his ohjeet to introduce any. questioe, or to
propose any measure which could by passibility
have atiy injurious effects on the interests of those
Gentlemen, hut it was his duty—the duty of all, to
remote from oar Colonies those oppressive and inhuman
practices which entailed misery on man, and reflected
disgrace oh this country.—(Hear, bear.) As to the re-
sponsibility ikhich would attach to a person proposing so
unpsrtaut a measure as he mearit to submit, he never
should shrink from that. Feeling, as he did, that he hail
right on his side; feeling, is he did, that he had a good
cause ; feeling, as he felt, that this was the proper time;
feeling also as he felt, a total freedom from any psejudice
against those who complained that their interests acre in-
volved in this question, he would dare to incur every kind
of responsibility. He would tell the House why he was
willing to incur that responsibility. In the first place; he
was impressed with a conviction, that if the dangers
apprehended from his proposition were nut quite ground-
less, they were certainly greatly overrated.—(Hear, bear.)
Secondly, he was equally convinced that it was impossible
to estimate the advantages that would arise to millions
yet unborn from its success. In every view of the sub-
ject he came to the conclusion that slavery was untenable
in principle. He thought that the continuance of it was
pregnant with dangers.—dangers far greater than those
than its advocates, or rather his opponent., bad any
grounds for apprehending from a proposal for its abo-
lition, lf, indeed, he were to act precipitately sad rashly
—if he were the first man, or if this were the first time
that Emancipation from Slavery was mentioned in that
House, there might be some apparent and colourable
cause for the apprehension of danger. Bat this subject of
negro slavery and emancipation from it were discussed
repeatedly during the last half century. It was now
thirty years since a Committee of the House sat on this
subject and took evidence on it. That evidence they pub-
lished to the world. In the House of Lords also a Com-
mittee sat, took evidence and pnblished it, and a Com-
mittee of the Privy Council did the very same thing.—
But it had more weight and consideration with him that
no great man had, during tlae same period. sat io that
House, who did not pot forth his opinions in favour of
the emancipation of those uegroes. Among those was
.314dlizeseoriew serewgly deetiOect his opinions on that
question. Sir Samuel Rowdily also was favourable ;so
were Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Sheridan with Mr. Dundas
and others—men of different talents certainly, but all
agreeing on that question. To those he might add Mr.
Burke, Lord Grenville, Mr. Pitt, and Mr.Windhaw; all of
whom agreed in opinion that no danger could result from
proposing the emancipation of those negrocs. Mr. Dun-
dee and Mr. Burke were at one period of an adverse opi-
nion, but they afterwards changed their minds, and one
of them introduced a Bill into that House, which, if then
carried, would long ago paved the way for the complete
freedom from slavery. In defiance of all those warnings
and admonitions which he received, he would say that
he would be betraying the cause, if he did not bring for-
ward some proposition after the example of those great
men whom be had just mentioned. It could not but be
a matter of some surprise that no motion was ever
made in that House relating to negro slaves, that the same
unfavourable predictions were not made, and petitions pre-
sented similar to that which was received that night. in
1787, when a feeble attempt was made in Parliament to have
the slave vessels made more commodious, end to admit a
little more air within the holds of the chips, petitions were
presented to both Houses. In the House of Lords the Duke
of Chandos supported those petitions, and told their Lord-
ships that he might be allowed to know more of that subject
than they did, for he had a pocket full of letters which lie had
received from persons in the Colonies. On the authority of
these letters, and from his own knowledge, the Noble Duke
added that as soots as their Lordships entertained a propo-
sition on the subject of slavery, the negroes would, at that
moment, burst into ah open rebellion. Yet the question
was entertained, and the prediction was not verified. Since
1787, when his Hon. Friend (Alr. Wilberforce) engaged in
that cause, for twenty successive years those several predic-
tions of a rising among the black population of our colonies
were continued, and were as often falsified. If the history
of facts were put on one side, and the 'prediction of events
put on the other, the latter was completely refuted. The
facts that actually occurred were the very reverse of what
was predicted, and, instead of being marked with blood,
those times were distinguished by tranquillity and peace un-
exampled. At another period we became carriers of slaves
to other nations. His Hon. Friend thought that as criminal
as engaging directly in the trade, and he consequently
brought in a Bill to stop it. The Colonial proprietors im-
mediately took the alarm, end. through their agent in this
country, declared that the West Indies would be all un in
a rebellion, In ISOB, Lord Seaforth, the Governor of the
Island of Barbadoes, discovered a series of most horriole
murders, committed on the Negro slaves in that colony.
He did not intend to go into a detail of those a bominaale
atrocities; his lion. Friend knew that there never was any
thing more horrid than those murders committed at that time
in the colony he mentioned. But what was done? The
parties were tried by order of the Governor, and, being
found guilty, lie imposed on each a penalty less than that
which a man, who killed only a partridge In this country,
was obliged to suffer. They were condemned to a tine of
111. 4s. per head.—(Hear, hear.) His Honourable Friend
immediately proposed a law, which was to make toe killing
of a Negro slave a capital offence. The cry was hannedi-
ately raised, that, by the introduction of such a law, an ie-
sensation would be the immediate consequences, and the
Bill was accordingly defeated by the Colonial tiovernment.'
The next prediction to which he would allude was in IRA.
His attention was called to it within the last few minutes.'
by the similarity of the language then used to that which the
House beard that evening. In looking to the petition then
presented, he found that the principal difference in the word.
lug was, slave trade in the one for slavery in the other.
Here the Hon. Member read the petition of 1804. which
stated that, " if ever any danger were to arise from the
sl.mes, it would be only after the dereliction of the slave
trade by Great Britain." He had read that petition in an-
ticipation of the speeches of his opponents, who would come
to the same conclusion. In another part of it, the pkition
said that " all interference with slaves was the result of
the experience of fanatics and visionary men"—he cairt
the very words of an Honourable Member.—'A laugh.)—
, Ile wished to trouble the riouse with one snore of those
predictions, and that was on the 8c1; of September, 1817.
Mr. Slaxwell. Governor of Dominica, states, in a le:ter to
; Lord Bathurst.

The Grand Jury lament that then are under the neces-
sity of noticing an improper interference, on the part of
the Executive, between master aud slave, which has caused
considerable agitation and discostent among the neyroes,
and if persevered in, is likely to lead to the most ruinous
consequences.
If the Jury said that the severity of the masters caused
the difference between them and their slaves, and pro-
duced discontent among the latter, it would be probable
enough ; but when they say that it was among their pri-
'lieges to whip and flog them, and then add that they
would rise in rebellion if any change was tobe made, lie
could not agree with them. He could net see how the
measures he, meant to propose could hays the effect that.
was feared. One of his propositions was; that the Ne-
gro should have the Sunday—one day in the seven—free
for rest; and that he should have another day in the
week to himself for cultivating his provision ground.—
Another of his propositions would be, that the children
of Negroes should not be sold in slavery. He contended
that nothing could content the parent Negroes so much
as the assurance that their children would be free, and
might be educated. We should remove the cart-
whip. His object was, to ameliorate the condition of
the Negro, to improve his state, and to
_give him the pro-
tection due to a British subjtct.—(Hear, hear.)—He
was for giving bim the prospect, that if he worked well
he could bay out his own freedom, and for giving him
the cheering hope that his children at least, would be
free. He could not see how those acts of justice small
produce any discontent among the Negroes. He was
convinced they would secure, and not endanger the pros-
perity of the Colonies. There was one point" which he
could not, and ought not pass over, because it required
the serious cansiueration of those connected with the
West India Colonies, and of his Majesty's Ministers. A
great change bad occurred in the West Indies. The peo-
ple of those Colonies could not fail to see the great
chance that took place in a neighbourink island (St:
Domingt ,) where men, women, and children—to the
amount, he believe& of Beo,ooo, were in the enjoyment
of, and folly exercising, all the faculties of free p mple.
How they obtained it, whether by right or wrong, he •
(Mr. B) would not say ; but they were in possession of
their freedom, and the inhabitants of our colonies
could not but notice it. Possibly the island of
Jamaica might attract the notice of some State or
Emperor, who would find it convenient to make
an encroachment there. The United States of America.
following our own example, might send an army there.
He would ask the House if some lesson might not be
learned from these circumstances. Were we to grind
down the negro, or raise him by giving him his rights?
He had one authority in support et his reasoning. It
was the authority of Mr. Pia, who said it was impossi-
ble to increase the freedom of the negroes without ad-
ding thereby to the security of the colonies. lie was
sure that there was great peril in the present circum-
stances of the West India proprietors, because wherever
there was slavery there also was danger. But the surest
way to avoid those perils would be by doing justice to
those from whom otherwise danger was to be appre-
hended. But suppose there WfB danger in the proceed-
ing he was rectimmending, as well as in doing nothing
but leaving matters as they were, he would ash whether
it was net better, as well as more glorious, to iocar
danger by granting frredom to the negroes than by con-
firming their slavery, and thereby overturning the hap-
piness of those on whom we had showered down every
species of misfortune? He wished to state frankly, and
without reserve, what he int-ndel to propose. His ob•
jeer was the extinction of slavery in the whale of the
British dominions. He dill not mean a sudden and im-
mediate einancipatiombut a preparation which would lead
to and insure a gradual anti slow termination to slaveiy.
He did not desire any thing rash or rapid ; if ever be suc-
ceeded to the fullest extent of his ardent wishes—and he
confessed he was ardent in that cause—be should still be
unable to say in what year he expected slaveiy woold te.
totally abolished. All he desired was a gradual ext;nc-
tion—that it might decline, die away by degrees, sink
and be forgotten. He did not mean to Cu* off rapidly*
and forcibly abolish. He entreated gentlemen !Des:amine
his meaning and his principle, which was that no mare •
children should be made ad ves,and that the number ought
decline by degrees. At pres, at there %vs's' certain nun!.
her; in ten years that number would'be co asiderably
abated by death,, no new slaves rising up to s leered the*
I o twenty years he number would be still farther reduced,-
and would be confined ta a few decrepit and exhausted
old slaves, and so on till at length slavery would entirety
go out and be forgotten. He woald show the House that
these propositions were not founded on theo re, thst the.
were no specalatisms nor new lights, as as lion. (Iznik