The Statesman.
London, England, 1821-01-15 00:00:00

STATESMAN.

Tll

the reasons which influenced him in that liednion.—
(Disapprobation.)—And he considered that -the re-
quisitionists would better hare discharged their
duty to their country. If they had suffered that
already too much agitated question to sink to test,
without unnecessarily re-agitating it there that day.—
(Loud disapprobation.)--He contended that ministers
were hound to institute the inquiry into the conduct of
the Queen, and after stating the various suspicious
circumstances in her Majesty's case, be declared he
believed her to have been proved guilty, and he was
supported in that belief by a majority in the House of
Lords. There was but one opinion upon the acts of
the Queen, but many as to the punishment and the
mode of the proceedings.—(Loud disapprobation.)—
He was sorry they were so unwilling to hear him ;
they would listen, he was sure, with more attention
to the noble Earl who would soon address them. He
knew he would be heard at his expense—(Laugliter)
—but he, (Mr. Orde) would scorn to be heard at the i
expense of government, as many were, far the pur-
noses of declamation—(Disapprobation, and cries of
" name, mone.")—He also objected to the resolutions
because they presumed that parliament would not do
justice to the Queen, and he did not see how they
could reconcile their demand for inquiry into the
Milan Commission with their hope that all further pro-
ceedings would be put an end to. There was only one
further observation with which he would trouble them.
Dear as liberty was to him—(A laugh),---he hoped that
souse measures would be adopted to fetter, not the li-
berty, but the licentiousness of the press, which had
deluged the country with a torrent of impiety, and
loudly called for some special interposition. 'llse li-
berty of the press, like the Habeas Corpus act, might
be suspended fur a moment, to pieserve Orin In theit
greatest purity and force. He then concluded, amidst
very general disapprobation, by giving hie honest.
sealous, and hearty opposition to the resolutions.
Earl Wirt then rose, and after roniplimenting the
gentleman who had just sat down, for the courage and
manliness of spirit which induced him to coins forward
in so public a wanner to state his opinion. and having
read a letter from Lord Ossuiston against the conduct of
the Sheriff, proceeded in the following manner to the
more immediate object of the meeting—the proceedings
against her Majesty the Queen. It was not my inten-
tion to have delivered my sentiments at any knob on
this subject. The whole case is so fully before she poli-
tic, their opinion has been so generally and universally
expressed, and my conduct during the whole of the trans-
actions has been so open to observation, that it would
not have been necessary for me to enter into any para.
cular examination of this question, which can never be
adequately discussed in a meeting of this nature, had it
not been for some observations whirl& have fallen from
Mr. Hrde. And here I twist complain of the monstrous
injustice committed by that gentleman—that be, upon
a partial investigation and incomplete legislative pro-
ceeding, should take upon bins to conelude the Queen
guilty. Upon the nature of the proceedings and the de-
tail of the evidence against her Majesty, I have elsewhere
delivered onysentiments; and having given the subject the
fullest consideration in my capacities as a legislator and
a judze, I arrived at so very different an opinion from
that gentleman, that I declared then, as I declare now,
that were I called upon to pronounce on the guilt or in-
nocence of her Majesty, the only verdict which consci-
ence and honour alike impelled me to giv. , was one of
not guilty.—(Applatise.)—But it seems to Mr. Dole that
this much agitated question hail better be set at rest,
and the public mind not inflamed by a discussion of this
nature. For my part I should desire nothing better ;
God knows it has been productive to me of nothing but
pain and disquietude since it was first brought forward.
But who is it that forces this discussion upon us? Who
is it that will not suffer this question to he set at rest ?
The proceedings against her thjesty are still continued
open ; slanders and calumnies arc still circulated against
her person ; and thoogli the legislative proceedings
against her have been suffered to terminate, we are left
In doubt whether the Queen is to be entitled to the be-
nefit of tier acqeittal, or she is still to suffer all the se-
verest inflictions of that odious and unjust 11111 of Pains
and Penalties, as if she had been really found guilty.
Mr. Dole says he considers her to have been found guilty
by a majority of the House of Lords. I deny the fact.
She stands now as fully absolved front all guilt as if the
accusations had never been instituted against her. That
the bill not has itio passed into a law, she cannot he de- 1
nuded of her rank and style of Queen, nor can she be
deprived of the minor consideration of exercisiag the
patronage and privileges attached to her station ; but
her name is still excluded from the Liturgy, that act of
original injury and insult ; a royal residence is still de-
nied her ; she is still dependent on ministers for that
support which she ought to have derived from the li-
berality of Parliament, and is still exposed to suffer all
these acts of injustice. What, though :the hill had
failed according to Mr. Orde, she is to continue to
be treated as guilty. But this injustice no Briton can
ever bear ; for to suffer any penalties to attach to her
.11ajesty wen the bill is abandoned. is contrary to that
love of. justice and hatred of oppression, which, whilst
England is England, 1 trust, will ever characterize all
who inhabit it.—(Applause.)—But says Mr. Or.le, it was
incumbent upon ministers to institute the inquiry, on
account of the reports in circulation injurious to her
Majesty. But I shortie like to knew by whom those re-
ports were circulated.—(Applause.)-1 eerily believe, by
those very persons who afterwards took advantage of them
and made them the foundation of that commission, which
it was pretended, was necessary to vindicate the honour
of the King and the dignity of the crown.(—Applause.) 1
—lf the honour of the King and the character of the
country were so affected by her Majesty's dissolute life,
and if such proof of her guilt had been obtained by the
inquiry into her conduct, as to make Ministers feel jus-
tified in bringing the late accusations against her, it
does appear a most singular mode of supporting the ho-
nour of the King and character of the country, to offer
to supply her with increased means of continuing such
dissolute life, provided she would continue to reside
abroad. If such was to be the result of the inquiry, why
saddle the country with the expense of it ! why not give
her the money at once, without instituting the inquiry
at all ? Such are the absurdities which have marked
.the whole of the proceedings against her Majesty, and
into which men are betrayed who depart from the prin-
ciples of jnstice. You will, no doubt, feel the propriety
of agreeing in the resolution for an Inquiry into the
Milan Commission, the conduct of which is liable to
great suspicion, and demands a severe inquiry; and also
to those resolutions for putting an end ta this inquiry,
for inserting her Majesty's name in the Liturgy, and for
establishing her in all those rights and privileges which
belong to her, and which the Minister himself admitted
she would be justly entitled to, when freed from the pro-
secution against her. It was in answer to a remark
from toe that be made this admission: he said the late
prosecution mint either end is the degradation of her
Ma may, by fully convicting her of the crimes alleged
a nst her, or, if it failed of that, in allowing her all
this rank, preeminence, sad dignity to which she was by
law entitled. When the Minister withdrew that hill,
therefore, why did he sot at oace restore her to all her

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rights, and abandosall proceedings against the Queen?
Having hesitated to do so, it becomes us, the indepen-
dent freeholders of this great county, to press this act or
justice upon bins, and to urge bins to admit the just
claims of her Majesty. Mr. ()rde argues as if there was
some inconsistency in deprecating time further agitation
of this question, and in demanding an inquiry into the
Milan Commission. Why, (food God! all we desire is
to see justice done to the Queen, and an inquiry to he
instituted into the conduct of the Milan Commission,
the transactions of which are so liable to suspicion, and
apparently so much involves the character of the go- ,1
verunsent of this country. So far from irritating the
minds of the people, and keeping alive all unpleasant
feelings on this subject, could any thing be more cal-
(misted to produce a contrary effect than an inquiry 1
show that these suspicions were unfounded, and that me
improper steps had been taken to procure evidence
against her Majesty.—(:Applause—My friend, Mr.
Big e, has spoken of time loyal addresses which have
lately been prepared in various parts of the country.—
To such addresses in themselves, when simply confieed
to expressions of loyalty. and on proper occasions, them
can he no objection ; but when proposed on occasions
which do not render them necessary. they give rise to a
strong suspicion that they are intended to cover a pur-
pose which is not avowed ; and more especially wheelie
see them ensanatiag from holes and corners, and filled
with the grossest calumny and abuse of those whom these
addressers dared not meet in the face. What is it that
these animals mean ?—(Laughter.)—ls it their intention
to justify the proceedings against her Majesty ?—Let '
them come forward and use bow many of their coun-
trymen will he found of thee way of thinking. Is it
their object to support the Ministers who advised these
proceedings? Let them try how many of the people of
England are anxious for their support. If it is not
for these objects, what circumstances in the present
state of the country render them necessary? Are the,
institutiol.e of the Country now threatened with de
struction ? Are there now any nightly training* to
arms ? Any nightly meetings on the Tyne and Wear i
Any fabrication of Pikes ? Any collections of I know
not what quantity of arms ?—(Applause)--in short,
any of those alleged alarming circumstances, which last
year frightened all our old women and so many of our
Magistrates--.(Laughter and cheering)—almost out of
their senses. But all sucim addresses, I have yet seen
none so deserving of reprehension as that which has
just emanated from that reverend body assembled in
secret conclave " at my biome in the college at Dur-
hatn,"—(Applause and laughter)—The reverend gen-
tlemen who concurred in that address did not think I
proper to attend the public meeting lately held in that
county, but as the resolutions appear in the usual form
as those passed at County Meetings, as being the reso-
lution of the nobility, gentry, clergy, and freeholders,
they seem to fear that they might be suspected of con-
curring, in the decisions of that meeting. These
reverend gentlemen say that it is necessary to publish
a disclaimer in order to rescue the " body of the
Clergy from the disgrace of concurring" in the sen-
timents of that Meeting. These gentlemen, continned
his Lordship, have a different idea of disgrace from
what I entertain. I should consider it a disgrace to
shrink from maintaining my opinions in public, and
then, sneaking into a corner, give utterance to caluns-1
nies against, and cast imputations and aspersions open
those whom i was afraid to meet ; this, indeed, I should
have considered a great disgrace.—((.•heers.)—These
persons wish to imply that the meeting assumed
he rigbt of speaking for others, It assumed no such
right: a meeting can express the opinion of none but
those who attend it, and if those who differ in senti-
ment do not attend, it is a fair inference that they feel
that the general sense of the country is against them.
But what occasion was there for this declaration of time
Reverend Conclave ? Did any one ever suspect them
of joining in ,he sentiments of that meeting—(Cries
of no, no ;, and laughing.)—Did any one ever suspect
them of an inclination to differ in opinion from the mi-
nister of the day ?—(ltenewed cries of no, no.)—No
such imputation could ever fall from any quarter. So
little indeed can I suspect them of any such disposi-
tion, that shout I 1, by any accident, be called to
power, a circumstance by no means likely to happen ;
even I, reprobate Whig as I wig, would not despair of
receiving the support of these men —(Loud applause,
and laughing.)—Will these Reverend Gentlemen deny
the general distress, that great discontent has been
excited in the country by the harsh and severe rebukes
given to time people on the expressi•sn of their griev-
ances ? Will they justify all the inroads on the liber-
ties of the people ms bich have been made, and which ap-
pear to he still contemplated ? Will they justify the abet-
tors of the Holy Alliauer, the true character of which is
so plainly illustrated by time present proceedings against
the kingdom of Naples, proceeding so completely con-
trary to the chatacter-und spirit of the British people ?
Flying from all these timings, on which they cannot
say a word, they attribute, in this most contemptible
and abusive address, and as foolish as it is virulent, all
the existing disconteat to the licentiousness of the
press, regardless of the manner in which the advance-
ment of such an argum'nt must operate upon the cha-
racter I,f the government. They would wish us to
believe that, after so lung an enjoyment of the bless-
ings of good government, after the glorious tennis*.
Lion of the war, and the attainment of an advaselage.
ous peace, and, notwithstanding all the laws which
have been enacted, the people are still kept in a state
of discontent and excitement against the government,
merely by the licentiousness of the press. The present
discontent, they say, has continued through tire lose
turbulent years, and yet it is pretended that this die-
content is to be attributed entirely to the evil disPNI•
funs of the people. But it is not true—it never was
true, that the people are easily induced to entertain
sentiments hostile to the government: they are natu-
rally disposed to regard all iostitutions with respite
and reverence, a feeling which was never more forci-
hly exeniplitied than by the patience with which they
have borne all their recent sufferings, and the insults
offered them by such meetings as that 14 at my bane
in the College of Durham." When discontent has
ever prevailed, it may be assumed as the sorest signs
previous misgovernment, abuse, and oppression.
Proceeding then at some length to repel use calum-
nies of those addresses,aad especial those of a clerical
kind, which had beet levelled against the people, sod
against himself, his Lordship salted, are those ed•
dressers so foolish as to suppose drat 1 do not know
that the principles which I have advoeased through
life were such as must exclnde me fawn power ? It
bas happened to me more than once, twice. or thrice, to
Mese even the highest o:fices of the State whea offered