The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-07-27 00:00:00

" Rat if, contrary Wall expectation, they should be
el•o: to this call, and should continue to molest the
troops of the powerful Allies, and the inhabitants
of the country, to whom they. are equally hostile,
Me shall be under the necessity of proberuting theta
with all t!.e resetity of the laws of war ; and we de•
ciure, thnt as soon as they shall devolve under oar
power, they shall be tried by a military tribunal
uittrin 21 hours. Besides, in case of such dis-
obedience, their effects shall be coufiscated, and sold
to defray the expences of the Isar ; and further, their
:relations shall be arrested, and detained as hostages
for such irregularities as they niay commit.
(Sipell) '• It. ALOPLUS.
" Nancy, mit July, MD."

As there are French Journalists who have so little
taste a, to extract from the English Papers articles
humiliating and out raging to France, we must call to
their rf.conection flint the liberty of the Press is car-
ried in England to licentiousness, when foreign na-
tions ate concerned. We ought also to recollect,
that the opinion of the Journalists is of no weight,
and in no manner influences the deci,ions of the Bri-
tish Government. We most not therefore take li-
terally the article of the Tintes, which, to say the
least of it, was very mal-adioitly translate:l in a Pa-
per of yesterday.--hlem.
The Swiss troops which have entered France are
stated to amount to 15,000 men.
It is stated that Gen. Leferre Mignonettes has
turned partizan. It was he who attacked the Aus-
trians at Cosue.

.PAKIS, JULY 21.—1 t was said some time ago that
there were but two parties in France, the Royalists and
the Republicans. We may now say, that there are
but 'wo sorts of men, the honest, who wish the good,
and the wicked, who gain always by mischief.—
Whoever loves his country for itself, who is desirous
of its prosperity, ought to feel that the safety of the
state consists in the sincere rallying of the different
parties round the Constitution and the King.
Among the men who have spoken if the liberal
ideas since the King has consecrated them in the
Charter, there were many, as we know, who saw
only in these ideas the specious pretext of a new
tyranny, re-established under the bloody auspices of
Bonaparte, or some other usurper ; but • there were
many also who may have considered them justly as
the actual expression of our information and our po-
litical wants, and who conceive it a duty to defend
them againt the attempts of a party interested in the
maintenance of prejudices, if such a party exists. It
is to these latter partisans of liberal ideas that the im-
mense majority of the Royalists will hasten to hold
out a pacific hand, and open a fraternal heart, be-
en use the immense majority of the Royalists recognize
liberal ideas, and cannot conceive a Monarchy with-
out them.

Yes we are desirous of liberty ; we wish the ut-
most extent of what may be conceded in the state of
our manners, and without danger for our interval re-
pose. But we do not wish the turbulent liberty of
Jacobins, which was only the cruel instrument of a
sanguinary faction, of denim) liberty of Bonaparte,
which was merely the insolent irony of a tyrant. We
wish the liberty which it is possible for us to enjoy,
that is to say, the liberty which is guaranteed to us
by the institutions of the Charter, or the oath of the
Xing.

Yes, we wish equality, because all men have the
same interest in protection from the laws, and in re-
pressing the exaggerated pretensions of political casts ;
but we do- not wish the ferocious equality of the fe-
rocious brigand of antiquity, who dislocated his
guests to lengthen them, who mutilated them to
shorten them, and who gave out one iron bed for the
whole human race.

Yes, we wish the representative system, because
we look upon this system as the surest safeguard of
the rights of the people; but we do not wish the illu-
sory representation of the Chambers of Bonaparte,
that Congress of servile, or mute, or purcha.ed
rien, who appeared to have only occupied the powers
of the nation to 5.,11 them : in short, it is our desire
that the representation of the French people should
longer be an opprobrium for the Ft ouch people,
in tho eyes of the rest of Europe. It is our most
fervelt isti that those furious men, who were the
executioners of our fellow-citizens, should no longer
be entitled to believe themselves their mandatories,
and that the Journals of our national assemblies
should never more record names already con,igned to
infamy in history.

Yrs, we wish the reign of philosophy and intelli-
gence ; hut we wish none of that factious philosophy
which dostroys to create, and which can only create
monsters. We wish none of those lights which
kindle names to give light, and which serve only to
light up ruins ; we do not recognize the light of reason
in tho torch of the Federes.
Yes, we wish a Constitution; we wish some-
thing more, for ee wish a constituted Constitution,
and not a Constitution en projei ; a real Cottstitu-
tinn, and not a Constitution of show. Why does
the inconceivable versatility of our dispositions al-
ways carry us beyond propriety ? Why, of all the
Governments .shich our impatience has induced us to
try within these few years, is there not one which we
have tried without modification ? The Constitution
of 1793 appeared the ne plus ultra of demagogic de-
lirium, and the Constitution of Bonaparte the rarest
reiin?ment of oriental despotism. The execution of
the first was suspended for a regime, of who' no lan-
guage had foreseen the name, and a Statesman, whM
belonged neither to Tangiers nor Tripoli, took mom'
him to prove that the second confined the power Of.
the Emperor within ton narrow limits.
Oar Constitutional Churter of 1314 occupies seat
a medium between these two fatal extremes, that it'
must be dangerous to leave it, when it shall have un-
dergone those revisions of which experience has shown'
the necessity, mid which will be submitted to the
amination of the Chambers. We offer this rule of

conduct and this profession of faith to all French-
men who wish to remain Frenchmen. Let us take
for common centre of the universal union a liberal
Constitution unalterable, severely executed, and
which shall not be hereafter sobject to any reserva-
tion, any restriction, any general or partial restric-
tion. We have perhaps no other means of public
safety, and consquently no other duty, and no
other interest. It is that'of every one, without even
excepting the wicked.—{Journal tics &Guts) Julj
y2tl.`.

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