The Statesman.
London, England, 1812-09-21 00:00:00

•rltE sr A rrEsm A Tsi

mac,

otiproof otuch hatred. The Amerkinsi-tieing a
reflecting people) and i'peopla resolutely bent epee
preserving their freedeme here it general hatred of I
war,' as bell, generale spent:hag,: hostile to the I
freedom. 13ut, in toe choke of evils, If war shoul4
app-ar the least evil, they will not fail to take it ;
-and, indeed, they have (ohm it; fore in AMorica, it
- is me, the people who declare war; :the Congress
is the real representative of the people; there are no
sham electiow.; no outings and sellings of totes
and of false oaths; but the members are the un-
bought, uncorrupted, unenslaved agents off' the pen.
plc, and, if they cease to speak the sentiments of
those who elect them, therare put out of the Con-
gress at the end of a very few months. It is, there-
foi e, slot only false, but stupid, to affect to believe
that the war is unpopular, and that the Government
Is odious in the eyes of the people. The whole of
the Government is of the people. All its members
are chosen by them ; and, if it ceased to please
• them, it would.sonn cease to exist. •Nothing, there-
lore, can be so absurd as to suppose that a measure
so important as that of war has been adopted against
the wi4 of the people.
Teis opinion has been attempted to be sustained
upon the es Bence of a riot at Baltimore, the object
of which was thesileticiiig of a Newspaper, and the
mid of which was bloodshed on both sides. But,
.from this fact the exactly contrary conclusion ought
to be drawn. The Newspaper its question was, it
appears, hi stile to the Tzar ; and, therefore, a riot,
in order to silence such Paper, cannot he considered
as a proof of unpopularity attached to the ear. The
truth appears to have been, abet the Editor of the
Paper was pretty notorious as being bribed to put
loves what gave so much offence to the people, who
were, upon this pertimilar occasion, unable to imi.
late the tolerant conduct of their Government. It
was; however, very wrong to asenil the corrupt tool
by (els.. He should have been left to himself; for,
though this species of attack:upon the liberty of the
press it far loss injurious to that liberty than the
base attacks, dictated by despotism' and masked un-
der the visor of forma dear tn. freedom ; still it is an
attack; if is answering statements or arguments by
Violence; by something other thau statement and are
gumeat. Therefore. I disapprove •of the attack ;
but I easusut consider it as a mark of the unpopola.
rity of the war, of •he recite coetrary of which it
is, indeed, a s•try bed proof.
Much knviee. in our hiret Newspapers, been said
of this riot :it liavieg b represented as a proof
of bad goveeemeat i t Ami rice, and (which is mere
to my present purpOs(.) as a sign of approaching
anarcho, tontth LT to the overthrow of that Govern.
pea 41sich has declared war against us, I must ties-
'pass a little furtive upon this head, to beg your
Re) al.llielinets to believe nothing that the hired men
say up.ni the 'subject. When the war with France
began in 1793; that war .which appears not to pro.
raise aey end ; when that war began, many riots
took place in gugland against those who were op.
posed to the war; many houses were destroyed;
maey printing-niices dentelished ; many booksellers
put so 11 get ; many men were totally ruined, and
that, too, by mobs marching and killing under ban-
ner., nit which were iescrihed a'CHURCH AND
Kt NG." Now, as there was not a general anarchy
to follow these wings in England, I beg your Royal
lA/hefts not to be persuaded to believs.,thatanarchy
will fAlow the demolishing of a printing-office in the
United hates of America, where there are more
lalewspnpe 3 thin there are in all Europe, this coon.
try included. Once more, however, I express my
slisapprohation, and even my abhorrence, of that
demolition ; whlcn was the less excusable, as the
assailants had freed'm, real freedom'of the press, to
anhwer any thing *hich the bribed printer might pub.
and evesl to publish an account of his bribery.
Such. however, appears to have been the popular
feeling in favour Of the roar, that no consideration
was of sufficient weight to restrain the resentment
of the people against a man who was daily declaiming
against that measure.
If we conclude, as I think we must, that the pee.
ee of America were in favour of the war at the time
whets it was declared, the next thing to be considered
is, what effect the intelligence of the repeal of our
Orders in Council will hare in America. The goes.
Ilion is, in short, whether that intelligence will make
such a change in the sentiments of the people of
America as to prodisce peace. I think it will not.
There are some personl in England who seem to
believe, that the receipt of that intelligence will, at
once, puf at' end to the war ; for, they do not ap-
pear to cotisid r any treaty necessary to the restgrae
tion of pence with America.
Net only must there be a negociation, and a treaty
or cot:Jot/iv?, h-'fore there can be pence, or even• a
suspension of arms ; but, I em of opinion, that no
suclt treaty or convention will lie made without
more hei done by us than mcr;Zg the repealing of
oar Onto sin Council, which. removes but a part,
and not, by any means, the greatest part, of the
grievances of which the Amt., icans complain. So
long ago as the mouth of February last, as will
be • secn by my motto, I expressed to your Royal ,
Ilielmess my otenion, that the more repeal of the
Ortle.s in Council would not saCsfy the people of
America. It was, therefore, with no small degree
of surprise, that I saw (from the reports in the,
Newspapers), that Mr. Brougham had pledged him.
self to support tlie Ministers in a ear against .sane.
nets, if she should not be satisfied with their measure
of repeal. I was surprised at' this, because Mr.
Brougham must have seen, thatshe complained of the
impressment of her seamen, and of divers other things,
which the deemed to beinjuries. Besides, tiid Mr.
iiirhuxharn imagine; that our l'ifo 'years' nearly of
refusal to repeat *ere to go off 'without any thing
dehe by us in tW way of Compentation? The history
of me tratistittleh ii this"; The. Anierican President
enehonces, liu tab, Ault, unless we repeal our Or.
dens by a arts& day, in the same way that France.
had done, a certain 'hew shall go into forte against
us. We do not comply; we continue in what he
lie calls a violation of his country's rights for a year
and a half after the time appointed for repealing; at
the end of that time an enquiry takesplace in Pattie-
rnent, and two volumes are published, containing
evidence of the ruinous to vs of the measure which
America has adopted. Thereupon we repeal. But,
!me, Air. Brougham can hardly went to be told, that
Aine,ece re„; made no promise to be satisfied
.with
eny repeal;which ,take;Plite afro. het Act'

~lillal

. ~...

,

OM mom,
elionld go lutoilrieiFlndeed, she has never made
any such. promise ; not was it to be supposed, that,
when she saw that her measure of exclusion was ruin-
ing us, she would be content with our merely doing
Ltrai which was calculated to save ourselves. This,
in fact, is our language to her: we refused to'repeal
our Orders till we found that the not repealing of
them was injurious to ourselves, and, therefore, wo
now repeal them, and, its consequence, call upon
you to art es if we had never refused.
This, Sir, is what no nation can be supposed to
listen to. IVe do what America deems an injury; we
do what she says is sufficient to justify her in declar-
ing war against us. And, after a while, we desist;
but notoriously because proof has been produced
that perseverance is injurious to ourselves. In the
meanwhile sho declares war to compel us to do that
which we have done before we hear of her
I declaration. And, under these circumstances,
can we expect her to disarm, until she has
obtained something like indemnification for the
injuries which she alleges she has sustained ?—lf,
there were in existence no ground of dispute other
!than that of the Orders in Council, it appears to me,
that America Gould (especially with our l'arliamen.
tary evidence before her) never think of peace with-
. out a compensation for the vessels seized illegally, as
he says, under the Orders in Connell. Otherwise
she tells the world, that she may be always injured
with impunity; because, the utmost that any nation
has to apprehend from her hostility is to be compelled
to cease to violate her rights. Upon this principle
she may be exposed to a like attack the next day af-
ter she has made peace. Either, therefore, she com-
plains without cause—or, the mere repeal of our Or-
ders in Council ought not to satify her.
Besides, Sir, it appears to me, that, even suppos-
ing that there were no other ground for the war, on
her part, than the existence of our Orders in Coutt.
cil, she is bound, in fairness towards the Emperor
Napoleon, to obtain time kind of compensation for
what she has suffered from the executiJn of our Or-
ders in Council after the time that he repealed his
Decrees. If she make peace with us, and place us
upon the same footing with France, without obtain-
ing such compensation; he will Essuredly allege par-
tiality against her, since she will have suffered us to
continue to do with impunity, for a year and a half,
that which she has made him cease to do. It was,
therefore,l repeat it, matter of great surprise with me,
that Mr. Brougham should have given the pledge
above-mentioned ; though I hope your Royal High.
ness will be advised better than to pursue measures
that shall put him to the test.
Compensation for the property seized under the'
Orders in Council will, I think, be deemed ; and, if
.the Orders be recognised as a violation of the rights
of America, I do not see upon what ground such cons-;
pensation could be objected to; but, Sir, as fat as I
relates to ourselves, I trust, that the means of making !
such compens'atioa would not be demanded of the;
people, but would be taken from those who have re-
ceived the amount of the property seized. With this,
however, America has nothing to do ; she can only
demand compensation ; but she may extend that de-
mand to the amount of her expences in fitting out
ships of war and in raisingand sending forth an army.
44 Indeintike for the past and secu►•it,y for the future"
is, Sir, a phrase not unktioe o amongst the statesmen
who adorn, and who have adorned your and your
royal Sire's court; and, I do not know of any maxim
in public law, or in diplomacy, that forii:ls a Re-;
public any more Ono a monarchy to make such a
demand. If we do allow that America has just cause
of complaint, we cannot well refuse her indemnity at
least; if we do not allow that she has just cause of
complaint, we do wrong, we act a base and cowardly
part, if we desist from doing that which she com-
plains of.
Upon what ground it is, then, that Mr. Brougham
expects an immediate cessation of hostilities on the
part of America Lam at a loss to discover. lam at'
a loss to discover upon what ground it Is that he has
made his pledge, or, at least, the pledge which has
been attributed to him. Either he must look upon
the Orders in Council as the sole ground of the Ame- '
rican declaration of war, or he must suppose there to
be other grounds. If he looks upon them as the sole
ground, he must, I think, suppose that America will
not lay down her arms without obtaining indemnity
for such heavy losses as those Orders have occasioned
her; and, if he looks upon the declaration as having
been par' ly produced by other subjects of complaint, I
he must necessarily suppose, that an adjustment as to
those grounds of complaint mist precede a cessation
of hostiiiiies.

Whatever pledges may have been given by any
persons, it is for your Royal Highness to lend an
car to the voice of reason; and, I am-greatly de-
ceived, if that voice will-not reCommend to you an
expression, as speedily as possible, of your readiness
to cause the officers of the fleet to cease to impress
any person out of American ships. This, as I have
before had the honour Co assure your' Roya! High-
oess, is the complaint which has, at last, ift reality,
produced the war between us and our American bre-
thren. There have been many subjects of diffe-
rence; many grounds of quarrel, but this is what
finds its way to the hearts of the American people.
They would, I verily believe, have endured all but
this ; this, however, [ knew they would not endure,
and I told your Ministers and the public so long
ago. If lam asked whether I think, that the ceasing-
to impress people on board of American ships would
cause many of our sailors to desert, I answer, that
do ;tot know; but, that I do not see rohli it should ?
I do not see why Englishmen should like the Ameri-
can service better than our own. And, really, I
must say, Sir, that I think, that to 'entertain any
such apprehension squares not well with the tenor of ,
our national songs about the valour and patriotism'
of our" tars." I think it exceedingly humiliating
to us to suffer it to be said, or to act as If we said, ;
that we must retain the power of iMpressmentl or. ?
petsonal seizure, on board American ships out at sea, ! ,
for fear the giving up of that poWer should cause onr, of
',
fleet to be deserted. Sir, I am one of those who $1
love to 'believe,' that English seamen do not wat ae
'torte telndece them to fight for , their country. t
IC
is, iu my eyes, a most mortifying thing to proclaim fe
to the world, that we are likely to have war with
America, and that we appear to prefer war with I
Anierica. to the giving up of the means of detecting of
and seizing English sailors, deserters from the King's ti,
service. This so WI, comports with all our assertions ui

1.

.r~ ~ _

respecting the freedom we enjoy, and also respeclitr,
our devotion. to our King and our glorious Constitue:
tion ; ter, it appears to me, that, if the world believe
in the necessity of this power of impressment, it must
think either that our boastings of our blessed state
are untrue, er, that our sailors are not the most wise
or the most loyal set of men. lam for wiping off
this stigma ; and, without crying -or fainting away, as
Sir Vicary Gibbs is reported to have done at Horse-
: monger-lane, i am for showing the Yankees and the
whole world, that we want no terror to keep our sea-
men to their duty ; that we are not afraid of their
seulking from our fleet to take refuge ill American
ships ; that we entertain not the disgraceful appre-
hension, that those who have once had the honour to
sail under the ro.yal flag of the House of Hanover will
ever prefer that of the American or any other Re-
public.
Honour, Sir, as well as policy seem to me to dictate
the giving up of this power; and, as the giving of it
up might, and, as I think, would cause the restore.
tion of peace between England and America, I will
not be persuaded that such a measure does not accord
with the wishes of your Royal Highness.
As to "the.exhausting the resourc2s of America,"
: which now begins to be talked off by that most cor-
rupt of Newspapers, the Times, I do most earnestly
beseech your Royal highness to b'ar in mind how
long the late Pitt promised this deluded tuition that he
would exhaust the resources of Republican France !
Sir, Mr. Madison, though a very plain-dressed,
sleek-headed man ; though he wears neither tails,
nor bags, nor big *wigs, nor robes ; though he dresses
in a pepper-and-salt coat and a nice climb)/ waist-
coat, knows a great deal more of our real situatiou
than I believe many of your Ministers know of it;
and, 1 should not wonder if he knew almost as much
of it as your Royal Highness's self does. He is a
man, Sir, who is not to be led by our hireling prints ;
he sees our gold at above floe pounds au ounce; he
has seen Acts passed which, in effect, force the cir-
culation of our Bank-notes ; and, seeing this, he
does not want any body to tell him what is coming ;
seeing this he will laugh at the idea of our exhaust-
ing the resources of America, the capital of whose
whole debt does not amount to a tenth part of one
half's year's interest upon our debt. This ground
of hope is, Sir, more visionary than any ether. In-
deed, they are all equally visionary. There is no •
hope of any thing but loss and ibjtn.y to us by aWar
with America.

I have now done all that I am able to prevent this
calamity. If the war proceed, I shall say as little
about it as circumstances will permit. I have lost no
occasion of endeavouring to put aside this evil ; and,
when the result of the contest shall be lamented—
when those who now rejoice at the idea of doing
mischief to free men, shall be weeping over their
folly, I trust that your Royal Highness will have
the justice to remember, that this war had a decided
opponent in your faithful servant,
Sept. 15th, L WM. COBBETT.