The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-06-28 00:00:00

narkably favourable for

.gricui

Hal pursuits ; and the

abatement of the intolerably ruinous rate of wages.
demanded by the labourer, combined with this grati-

ying circumstance, affords some faint prospect of a
'evival of the distressing state of this colony, provided
.t be followed up by prompt measures on the part of
le home government. It is dreadful, however, to

contemplate the ruinous state of things existing even
amidst this dawning hope, as depicted in the " sum-
mary " of the Guiana 1 imes of May 13th :

" It is to he observed, that the individuals who are da-
maged and inconvenienced by the present depressed state of
things are by no means few in number. The distress of the
planters, let the low prices of plantations, the short crops
and ruinous wages, and frequent execution sales, evince.
But every other planter, carrying economy into all depart-
ments, places his manager on stinted pay, and turns adrift one
or two overseers, no matter how well behaved. Dealers and
tradesmen, in a wide circle, are made sensible of the discon-
tinued custom that used to come from every such plantation.
Water-street, the only thoroughfare of the mercantile classes,
exhibits innumerable stores and counting-houses closed. In
the establishments still able to keep open doors, you hear of
trustees in consequence of a suspension of payment, or of
totally unproductive sales, and the most extensive reductions
of expenditure, casting forth to beggary another batch of
unfortunate young men, guilty of no fault. The generality
of the stores have not, for months back, done more than paid
their expenses. Merchants, who two or three years ago were
fain to obtain leases of premises at high rents for a long term
of years, find that they only hung millstowes around their
necks. Thus we are introduced to a third and large class,
the owners of land and buildings in town. Compute their
solvency by what money they sank in the investment, or what
price their property would really fetch, if the colony prospered,
and they are wealthy men. Calculate it by what they would
be able to pay if you compelled them to bring their all into
the market, and you discover that they are bankrupts. Then
we have the carpenters and masons, both masters and jour-
neymen, no longer employed on sugar works or cottages for
plantations ; the boat-builders and coopers, idle, because
their is little produce to ship ; the numerous tribe of petty
ship-chandlers, a poor but industrious class, made aware, by
painful tokens, of the decrease of ;the shipping in the rivers.
Be it observed, that we take no note of the distresses of the
few absentees who own estates in this colony. The suffering
classes whose hard case we dwell on, arc resident here, and
settled here, and have families here. They comprise nearly
the whole of the educated portion of the inhabitants, among
whom, from the late proprietor of handsome equipages to the
lowly artisan who sews clothes or makes boots and shoes, the
misery that at this moment prevails is hardly tolerable."

But it may be urged, and is urged, that the condi-
tion of the emancipated labourers is one of the highest
prosperity ; and a certain class amongst our pseudo-
humanists are ready enough to exclaim, "Perish the
planters I—perish the export of staples !—our concern
only is to see the African labourer prosperous and
happy" ! With respect to this subject, in our next,
we shall have a few words to remark, founded upon
the information furnished us by this arrival.

We translate from the last number of the Courrier
de l'Europe the following striking remarks :—" The
critical position of England at the present moment
displays this peculiarity, that she is not, as is the or-
dinary course of human affairs, domineered over by
conflicting parties. This characteristic and exclusive
trait is worthy the attention of every observer of public
events. In all other states, ancient or modern, we see
faction double its audacity and strengthen its position
in proportion to the embarrassments of the governing
power. It is in moments of distress that the platform
resounds with the cries of the seditious, whilst anarchy
and disorder follow in their footsteps. They feed—
they live upon the misfortunes of their country.
" In Great Britain, on the contrary, every new com-
plication of its affairs excites a new effort—a fresh
sacrifice—for the public good. To the pressing exi-
gencies of the Treasury, her people nobly respond by
the establishment of a War Tax—the Tax on Income.
The disasters of Affghanistan inspire but one feeling—
the desire for vengeance; and the sufferings of her
labouring classes are supported with a resignation
which amazes us. Whatever may be the elements
which mingle to form a spirit of nationality so all-per-
vading and so strong, the fact of its existence is not
the less to be contemplated with admiration."
There is much of truth, we are proud in acknow-
ledging, in these remarks; and they are honourable to
the writer who can afford to pay a tribute so flattering
to a rival nation. With the exception of a miserable
minority of feeble agitators—of men who would wil-
lingly fan the flame of sedition if their puny strength
could enable them to escape being drawn into its
destroying vortex when raised—England is at this
moment meeting nobly her unparalleled sufferings, and
she is now as in every time of trial, sound at heart, and
worthy of the confidence and the imitation of sur-

rounding nations.
And why is she thus ? Because her institutions are
based upon the rock of protestant truth. Let our
brother journalist pursue this enquiry.

It will he seen by our parliamentary summary that
the debate upon the motion of Sir James Graham, on
Friday night, to go into committee upon the New Poor
Law Continuance Bill, was adjourned until last night ;
and from the feeling manifested by a portion of the
house—and no uninfluential portion—it is much to be
questioned whether the measure, in its existing shape,
can be passed into a law during the present session.
We are far from sympathising with a merely factious
opposition to this or any proposal of the government.
However distasteful to us is the whole system which
this bill purposes to establish amongst us, we would
only see it defeated, after fair and mature discussion,
by the legitimately expressed sense of parliament.
But neither would we willingly see the Conservative
majority of the House of Commons, which we believe
to be hostile to the measure as now brought forward,
dragged at the heels of the ministry, or led by a ridi-
culous fear of 'injuring that ministry, to sanction this
or any measure which does not receive their dispas-
sionate approbation, and which they know to be dis-
liked by the great majority of the people, whose repre-
sentatives they are.

The amendment moved by the member for Finsbury,
Mr. T. Duncombe, is one which we consider fair and
just to the government, as well as to the country,
which feels strongly upon this subject. The powers of
the poor law commission expire on the 31st July. We
have now arrived at the 28th of June, and there are,
therefore, only five weeks remaining for the discussing
and passing, through both houses, of a bill containing
sixty clauses. That those discussions, faction apart,
must consume considerable time, will be evident from
the fact that there are now no less than 47 notices of
amendments upon the notice paper. Many members,
too, voted for the second reading only in the hope that
in committee the measure would be rendered more
palatable to them ; and there can be no doubt that

every clause in committee will be strenuously debated.
Under these circumstances, the proposition of Mr.
Duncombe to renew the commission, as a temporary
measure, for one year, cannot be excepted against as
any other than fair and legitimate ; and, indeed, a dis-
tinct admission that it was so was made on Friday, by
the Home Secretary himself.

We are well aware of the fact—and we call to it the
attention of our liberal philosophers, who are just now
chuckling mightily upon the subject of this measure—
that by the bill of lir James Graham many important
ameliorations are proposed to be made. The measure
of the right hon. baronet is conceived throughout in a
much better spirit than has ever hitherto characterised
this obnoxious system ; and it is no more like the pro-
position of Lord John Russell, last session, than the
breeze now blowing is like the hot wind of the desert.
We contend, however, for still greater concessions.
We ask to have this system pared down to the require-
ments of public opinion ; stripped of its harsh features,
and rendered one to which the poor of England, in the
day of suffering, can look up for protection and suc-
cour, without that shrinking of the spirit with which
it is now contemplated. We ask for a system not de-
vised for punishment; not treating poverty as a crime;
but for one which looks to the better side of human
nature, and exercises charity with a healing, not a har-
rowing hand; and we trust that the poor law commis-
sion will not be prolonged an hour until these changes
are effected.

Upon this point we cannot but cordially coincide in
the view taken by our noble representative, Lord San-
don. "It was his opinion"—(we quote from our
parliamentary summary)—" that it was desirable to
confine the powers of the poor law commissioners within
the narrowest possible limits. He thought that during
the last two months the commissioners had evinced a
disposition to reconsider and relax some of their most
severe and extreme regulations—regulations which
were wholly inapplicable to many districts of the coun-