The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-03-01 00:00:00

year 1816 to the year 1832, the protective system of the
United States was carried to its utmost limit; in fact, pro-
tection was overdone, and without abandoning the principle
upon which they had always acted, the American Govern-
ment relaxed the degree of its severity. They reduced by
one-tenth a duty which had been (as we understood) 20 per
cent. The Americans then proceeded to cousider whether
those duties were to cease, or whether they were to be con-
tinued, looking to us in order to see whether we should, or
should not, modifying our tariff; but they had already de-
cided not to make any change—their necessities, however,
would decide them, for they must have revenue but they
looked on the matter not merely as an affair of revenue,
but as one of protection also, and, accordingly, on the 4th
of December, 1832, we find President Jackson using this
language in his address to Congress :—" That manufactures
adequate to the supply of our domestic consumption would,
in the abstract, be beneficial to our country there is no reason
to doubt ; and to effect their establishment, there is, perhaps,
no American citizen who would not, for a while, be willing
to pay a higher price for them." He now thought that the
extracts which he had read to the house were quite sufficient
to show that the Americans proceeded upon the protective
system, and carried it to as high a point as existing circum-
stances permitted. Whatever had been done or might be
done, America would not abandon her protective system.
For himself, he must be allowed to say that he admired the
policy which would not sacrifice independent power to any
considerations of mere wealth, and he admired the disposi-
tion of the French people to adopt that principle. There
might be doctrinaires who might teach them that it was wise
to buy only where they could buy the cheapest, but the
French did not listen to that. It might be a doctrine of
political economy to buy at the cheapest market ; but poli-
tical economy was not always political wisdom. (Hear, hear.)
At the late election he told his friends not to inscribe on his
banners " free trade ;" that which he wanted was " fair
trade." He did not understand that one-sided policy which
under the name of free trade produced unfair trade. But
fair trade, he confidently hoped, would be maintained by the
present government. He had no doubt that they would do
everything that was necessary to preserve the dignity of the
crown, and to promote the safety, happiness, and welfare of
the people. (Hear, hear.) He now wished to say a few
words about the pleasing dream in which the noble lord op-
posite appeared to indulge. Those visions of his would not
appear at all surprising if he were unsophisticated country
gentleman from the Hebrides, or from Wales—(a laugh)—if
he had been returned to that house by the influence of a
maiden aunt, under whose care, aided by some Dominic
Sampson, he received his education—(renewed laughter)—
if the noble lord were such a man, he should not won-
der at his being duped; but, remembering his real cha-
racter of the noble lord, he marvelled that, being such
a man as he was, and a minister too of such expe-
rience, he should not be warned by the present poli-
tical aspect of the world; for national rivalry was never
more stern, nor national antipathy never more wide awake—
the propensity to war was never stronger ;—(hear, hear)—
yet, in such a state of our foreign relati ins, it did surprise
him to find the noble lord say he desired to see the word
" protection" erased from our commercial code. He chal-
lenged the noble lord to go along with him in a comparison,
point by point, country by country, and class by class, in
connexion with this question, and he would engage to prove
that if all protection were abolished, that the noble lord
could no more raise a revenue to pay the national debt and
the current expenses of the country than be could fly to the
moon. (Laughter and cheers.) He would ask the noble
lord what would be the situation of the agriculturist of the
home market if protection were withdrawn ? What would
become of the colonies? (Hear, hear.) He did not hesitate
to say, that if in the present artificial state of the country,
loaded as it was with debt, the noble lord were to erase the
word " protection" by any instrument whatever, he would
find it necessary to perform a corresponding operation—that
of erasing the national debt, and thereupon the blotting out
of majestic, imperial Britain from that high station to which,
in the rank of nations, she had attained. (Cheers.) An
hon. member had made a declaration in that house by which
it would be seen that he was perfectly aware that the majestic
greatness of this nation had not been attained by carrying
into effect those doctrines of political economy which were
professed and lauded by the hon. member for Bolton, whom
he greatly respected, and whose talents, notwithstanding
that he dissented from his political opinions, he admired. In
spite, however, of those principles, he would tell the hon.
gentleman that the little islands which composed the United
Kingdom, bounded and limited as they were by stormy seas,
but inhabited by a hardy and industrious race, had been ex-
panded into such an empire as the world never saw. May
we be able to maintain that great empire in that vast ascend-
ancy to which she has attained (exclaimed the bon. gentle-
man,) in spite of the principles and predictions of those
who say that we have pursued a wrong course ! (Cheers.)
I have been reluctantly called upon'to take a part in this dis-
cussion, and I shall finish by thanking the house for its atten-
tion, and by assuring hom gentlemen that I shall not often
trespass upon their patience; that I shall never speak except
when I have something to say. (Ironical laughter on the
opposition side, and cheers from the ministerial benches.)
I repeat, that I shall never speak unless I have something
to say, and that I shall finish when I have done. (Laughter
and cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN asserted, that the men of England were worse
fed in proportion to their toil than its dogs and horses, and
contended that the right hon. baronet, Sir R. Peel, was try-
ing to keep up the price of corn by legislation, but he would
not try to keep up the price of cotton and silks ; which proved
that, in that house, they were legislating for a class and not
for the whole people. Why legislate to raise the price of
food when they acknowledged it was beyond their power to
prevent a fall in the wages of labour? It would be better if
the oligarchy of the country were to pursue the course
adopted in ancient Venice, and inscribe their names in the
golden book, drawing from thence the produce of the labour
of the community, rather than seek to crush the people by a
tax such as this, upon the chief necessary of life.
Mr. FERRAND.—It would be folly and ingratitudes in me
were I to take advantage of the kind indulgence which has
always be shown to me by the house, and inflict a long speech
upon you at this late stage of the debate ; but I trust you will
give me a hearing for a few moments, when you recollect
that for the last few days I have been the object at which
nearly all the hon. gentlemen opposite have hurled their
pointless darts. (Cheers.) lam happy to say that, clothed
in the mantle of truth, I have come through the one-sided
war unscathed and unharmed. (Cheers.) It is true the
hon. baronet the member for the Tower Hamlets came down
the night after I had addressed the house, and said,—" Even
had I the ability to reply to the speech of the hon. member
for Knaresborough, I do not think I should have the inch-
, nation, for though his speeches may amuse the house, they
are more calculated to damage the right hon. baronet and
the party behind him. I, therefore, make a present of him
to the right hon. baronet, and wish him joy of him." (Laugh-
ter.) Sir, I will support the right hon. baronet when I can
conscientiously do so, and my support will be given without
any hope of reward or expectation of an honour so high as
that bestowed upon a gallant officer below me (Sir H. Har-
dinge), for many years of toil in the service of his country
(cheers), and for the loss of limb which lie has sustained—
(cheers)—an honour which was bestowed upon the hon.
member for the Tower Hamlets, for what services I know
not, by the late self-denying no-patronage Government.
Then, sir, next came the attack of the hon. member for Shef-
field (Mr. Ward). With that blushing modesty (laughter) for
which he is conspicuous—with that positive authority by
which he has become notorious—(roars of laughter)—he de-
clared that my speech was one of scandalous levity. Then
followed the honorable member for Wycombe (Mr. Bernal),
and he told the house that my speech was one of bombastic
declamation. (Laughter.) Now, I quarrel with neither of
the hon. members. I shall leave them to settle the dispute
as best they may, contenting myself with offering up a fervent
prayer that it may be settled amicably. (Laughter.) My
next assailant was the hon. member for Salford (Mr. Bro-
therton). I ask the indulgence of the house for a moment
while I defend myself from and expose a most despicable
quibble. (Cheers.) The hon. member, speaking of my
speech, said, " If I am to judge of the correctness of his
speech by what I know to be untrue, I shall not value it very
highly. I know that there are some statements that are en-
tirely destitnte of foundation." It will be remembered that
I stated in a former speech, that the hon. member for Stock-
port (Mr. Cobden) worked his mills night and day. The
hon. member for Salford said, " he spoke from his own
knowledge when he said, the hon. member for Stockport
never had a mill in his life." (Cheers.) I instantly gave my
authority up to the house. (Cries of " No, no.") I placed
my authority in the bands of the house, and said if the name
were demanded I would instantly give it, but I was met with
a general cry of " No," from this side of the house, which
was most generously responded to from yours. In a few
minutes after the hon. member for Salford left the house, I
followed him and offered him the name of my authority, to
show him the letter, and to give him the date and the name
of the place from which it came. The hon. member laughed
in his quiet way, and said, " But we call them printworks in
Lancashire, not mills." (Loud cries of " Oh, oh !") But
in justice to my authority I trust the house will indulge me
to read four lines from a letter I have received from my cor-
respondent since. He says—" I notice in the paper this
evening that the Rev. Mr. Brotherton—(loud laughter)—
has contradicted your statement of Cobden working his mills
night and day ; but •1 know they will not deny working his
printworks near Chorley night and day, and I have no doubt
he is doing so at the present." Sir, I now come to what fell
from the hon. member for Westmister, the champion for the
liberties of the people ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Those gentlemen out of doors say they will treat me with
contempt ; but have not my statements caused a sensation
throughout the length and breadth of the land. (Cheers and
laughter.) Yes, I will tell the hon. member for Wycombe
that that is true. They have destroyed the Anti-Corn-Law
• League. (Laughter.) You may laugh, but my statements
• have destroyed you, I have forced you to join with the
Chartists ;—(Cheers)—it was the only way left you by which
you could continue the unholy and selfish agitation you have
carried on for years. (Cheers.) You have coalesced with
those who hate you in their hearts. (Cheers.) I can prove
that ; and if you urge them on to rebellion, as you have been
trying to do,—(cheers, laughter, and uproar) I warn you that
their first outburst will be to plunge the knife in the bosoms
of their oppressors. (Cheers.) Let me assure you that if
you goad them on, there is sufficient force and strength in
the country to make you quail before it. (Cheers.) Now,
Sir, I would call the attention of the hon. member for West-
minster to a letter I have received from a poor working man;
and perhaps the house will oblige me by allowing me to read
a few lines from it. (" Read all.") I shall do so with plea-
sure. My correspondent says—" Sir,—l hope when you
have read this you will pardon the liberty I have taken in
addressing it to you. The speech which you delivered on
Monday has caused more sensation than any that was made
during the whole debate; because we all have witnessed
similar transactions to those you then related, and many
working men have experienced worse treatment than you
have described. Nobody has ventured here to deny your as-
sertions. The rooms of the Leeds Operative Conservative
Society were besieged by strangers anxious to have a peep at
The Timex of Tuesday, all of whom confirmed your state-
ments. The " Leaguers" are raging at their exposure. But
I should not have troubled you had not Mr. Bernal doubted
your statements respecting the anti-corn-law petitions. Why,
in Leeds, on several occasions, the Leaguers have been de-
feated by the Chartists at public meetings. The very num- •
ber of signatures to the petitions proves them to be forgeries.
In the township of Leeds, which contains about 87,000 in-
habitants, it is said that no less than 43,000 signatures have
been obtained, and in the whole borough (including the
women's petition, 23,000) no less than 66,000 signatures,
or nearly the half of the population of all ages. Besides
this fact (I have a rather extended circle of acquaintance)
I meet with numbers who are indifferent to, numbers
who are positively opposed to, the Whig scheme—num-
bers who are favourable to the repeal, who will not sign any
petition whatever. The petitions have been hawked round
the machine-shops and factories. They have been placed
in all parts of the town ; men have been engaged to go from
house to house with cheap bread petitions. One young
Dam, by name Robert Whitehead, who came to work in
the same room as myself the day after the petitions were
closed, informed me that from Monday morning to Tuesday
noon he procured 850 names, for which he was paid Bs. 6d.,
at the rate of ls. per 100. In one yard, which the printed
statistips of the borough states to contain 34 houses, this
man says h 2 obtained near 300 names. This man is a re-
pealer,
peeler, and a pretty fair informed man, and no doubt could
tell how hundreds of sham signatures were obtained. I could
fill sheets with incidents which have been related to me, but
I forbear, merely assuring these are facts which I can prove."
Sir, I have another letter from another correspondent.
(Cries of " Name, name.") No, I will not give the name
now, but I will give it to any hon. member who will apply
to me when the house is up. He says—" In all the parts of
the manufacturing districts in which I have been I have
heard the ' workies' declare that it is the truth you have
told them in the house, and that if you wanted any to corro-
borate what you )rave
said, you might have hundreds of thou-
sands to affirm it. I will now put you in possession of a fact