The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-02-11 00:00:00

in the case of rye, peas, and beans, that the same proportion
should be observed. I now feel it necessary to enter into a
short explanation in respect to the subject of colonial duties.
I do not think it necessary, however, to go into details on
this branch, as the proposition is founded on the same
principle. Now the law which regulates the import of British
colonial wheat at present is, 1 think, to this effect-That
British colonial wheat and flour shall be imnorted into this
country at a duty of 55., when the price of British wheat is
below 675., that when the price of British wheat exceeds
675., colonial wheat shall be admissible at a duty of 6d. I
propose to give the same advantage to colonial wheat, with
respect to the reduction of the price at which it is admissi-
ble, as to any other description of wheat; but considering
that the sudden fall in price from ss. to 6d., on account of a
difference of Is. in price is at variance with the principle of
the law, which seeks to establish an equitable reduction in
duty, we propose to make this alteration with respect to
colonial wheat, that when the price of British wheat shall
be 555., the duty on every quarter shall be ss. ; that when
it is 555. and under 565., the duty shall be 4s. ; when 565.
and under 575., 35.; when 575. and under 585., 2s. ; and '
when 58s. and upwards, that it shall be ls. This regulation
is 'to take away the sudden fall which occurs under the ex-
isting law. With respect to flour I propose to retain the
same calculation which exists with respect to wheat, and to
permit flour to be imported on the same relative terms.
Now I believe I have put the house in full possession of
the nature of the proposal which it is the intention of her
Majesty's government to submit. if you compare the
reduction in the amount of the duty with the existing duty,
you will find that it is very considerable; and those who
have appeared to think that the modification which I propose
to make in the existing law is of no importance, I shall ask
them to compare my scale of duties on the admission of
foreign corn with the existing scale. (Hear, hear, hear.)
When corn is at 595. to 605., the present duty is 275. Bd.
the duty. What I propose at this price is 13s. At 50s. the
existing duty is 365. Bd., increasing as corn falls. Instead
of 365. Bd. I propose in this case a duty of 20s. without in-
crease. At 565. I Propose to fix a duty of 165.--the existing
duty is 30s. Bd. ; at 60s the existing duty is 265. Bd.-the duty I
propose is 12s. At 635. the duty I propose is 9s. ; the exist-
ing duty is 235. Bd. At 645. the duty I propose is Bs. ; the
present duty is 225. Bd. At 70s. the existing duty is 108.
Bd. ; the duty I propose is 55., and so on to be reduced as I
have already stated, until it reaches one shilling. Therefore
it is impossible to deny, on comparing the duty as at present
imposed with the duty which I propose, that there is a very
considerable decrease in the protective duty on corn. It is
a decrease of protection which, in my opinion, can be made
consistent with justice to all interests in the country. If the
agriculturists compare the nominal amount of duty that exists
with my proposition, they will find reason for allaying their
apprehensions ; but I am bound to say that I think the agri-
cultural interest of this country can afford to part with a
portion of that protection which in my opinion it is perfectly
just should be diminished. (Cheers from the opposition.)
I also consider that whatever arrangements can be made,
tending to facilitate the introduction of foreign corn, when
our necessities require it, consistent with a due regard to our
commercial intercourse, should be carried into effect. The
protection which I retain for domestic produce is not a pro-
tection for any particular class, for I am of opinion that such
a protection cannot be vindicated on any other ground than
that of the interests of all classes. (Loud cheering.) This
is me opinion-the only protection that can properly be en-
forced is that which is consistent with the general interests
of all classes. (Renewed opposition cheering.) I should not
be a friend of agriculture if I asked for protection for the
purpose of propping up or defending their interests as a
particular class. Such a motive as this I disclaim alto-
gether ; hut it is my belief, and it is also the belief
of my colleagues, that it is of the greatest importance to the
welfare of all classes in this country, that precautions
should be taken that the main sources of our supply should
be derived from domestic produce, but that any additional
price paid for this purpose is an addition that cannot be vin-
dicated. At the same time we are entitled to place such a
duty on foreign corn as is equivalent to the public burdens
which agriculture bears in this country, and any addition to
this can only be vindicated on the ground that it is for the
general interests of all classes ; but I do consider that it is
for the general interests of all classes that a small amount
should be imposed in way of duty, in order to guard against
any calamity that would ensue if we were left dependant ia
part, or altogether, on a foreign supply of corn. (Cheers.)
It is my belief that the alternation of the seasons most form
a prominent feature of consideration. You must expect that
at some time or other when you have a deficient harvest in
this country, such a visitation will be felt abroad also, it is
ineuitable ; should you then find yourselves dependant upon
foreign countries for four or five millions of quarters of wheat,
and the calamity of a scarcity be a general one, in that case
you may depend upon it that the interests of self-preservation
would prevail in those countries, some impediments would be
thrown in the way of exports in grain, and their produce be
employed for the sustenance of their own population. Sir, I
need not be a party, not on account of the special interests
of the agriculturists, but on account of all the most compre-
hensive interests of the country. I could not be a party
to any law that would render this country dependant
upon foreign countries for any very considerable por-
tion of our subsistence. That we have been dependant
for a portion of our supply for a series of years I
cannot deny. In years of scarcity we must, to a certain
extent be dependant upon a foreign supply ; but I can-
not abandon the hope that in average years we may be
able to supply our whole population. But, sir, even if you
should be disappointed in that hope, and you must resort to
foreign countries for a supply, still there is a very material
difference between a supply that is casual and limited in
quantity, brought in for repairing an accidental and slight de-
ficiency, and a supply that would be permanent and extensive.
Sir, that is the proposition that I am authorised to make on
the part of her majesty's government. It is a proposal which
they deem, upon the whole, adverting to the extent of pro-
tection which for a long series of years past the laws of this
country have given to the land, • as worthy of the considera-
tion of parliament. That is their proposal, prompted by no
interest, but by their reason and sense of justice, to which
they have been driven by no pressure but their own judgment.
(Cheers.) It is the proposal which her majesty's government
think necessary, and most for the interests of the country,
should it meet with the sanction of the legislature. This,
then, I conceive is not an unfavourable time for the adjust-
ment of this great and important question ; and here I may
be allowed to say, that during the period that this subject has
been under consideration, and notwitstanding that the great-
est commixcial distress had prevailed, still the question has
been considered with as much moderation and as much calm-
ness as it was possible that such a question could be consi-
dered. There may have been great excitement, and there may
have been great endeavours to excite agitation, but I must
say, that the general demeanour of the great body of the peo-
ple, and of those particularly who are most exposed to suffe-
ring in the manufacturing districts, deserves our best sympa-
thy and consideration. (Hear.) It is now open to parliament to
settle this great question. I hope that the result of the
proposal submitted to parliament by her Majesty's govern-
ment will lead to some favourable adjustment of this great
question. The proposal which we have made for that pur-
pose is one which we think will be most consistent with a
due consideration of the interests of all the parties in the
country. If it is the pleasure of parliament to assent to this
proposal, it will of course pass into a law; but if parliament
shall reject this proposition, I still hope that this question
will be adjusted with a view to the interests of those parties
to which I have already referred : and I conclude by ex-
pressing a hope that whatever arrangement may be come to,
' it will be most consistent with the interests of all classes,
whether manufacturing, commercial, or agricultural, of this
great empire. (Loud and continued cheering.)
Sir R. PEEL moved that the Chairman do repo\-t progress,
and ask leave to sit again on Monday next.
Lord J. RUSSELL then said that after what he had stated
the other evening in reference to the proposition of the right
hon. hart., he certainly did not intend to enter upon any dis-
cussion of the plan which had lust been submitted to the
house. But in order that they might come to the discussion
of it with as much information as PosSible-he did not mean
statistical information-but information with respect to the
plan itself, it seemed to him not only advisable but abso-
lutely necessary that they should have a list of the towns
which the right hon. bart. meant to include in the averages,
(hear, hear,) and he hoped that the right ho n. hart. would
be prepared to lay snch a list on the table of the house to-
morrow. (Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL did not think he would be called upon for
such a list, but he would endeavour to prepare a list of the
large towns which would be affected, and to lay it before the
house on Friday next.
Mr. COBDEN then rose. He was understood to say that
he did not expect from the present government any measure
which would afford any relief to the people connected with
commerce, who were at the present moment in such deep
distress ; and it was not, therefore, with surprise he heard
the present proposition. He must condemn it as most un-
feeling towards the people, and most unjust towards the best
interests of the country. After what had taken place on a
former night, after the general understanding on the subject,
he should not now enter into a discussion of the measure
proposed.
The motion was then put and carried.
Adjourned at eight o'clock until Thursday.