The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-04-21 00:00:00

TilE STATESMAN. .

this opportunity of giving notice, that when the agreed with neither of those opinions. Bonaparte
Bill should he introduced, it was his intention to might not have been quite reduced, but yet the Allies
move, that the words " and Ireland" he added to might have been able to enforce securities; and it
the words " Great Britain." Ile was satisfied, from I would have been wiser to do so, than to expose himself
all the enquiries he had made, that there was no tax, to a recurrence of calamities. We understood that
when duly modified, so applicable to the condition , his capital was lost, that opinions were against him,
and revenue of Ireland, either financially or politi. i that his authority was gone, that disaffection pre-
cally considered, as the tax in question. The poor trailed notonly in civil officers, but in his army, which
and labouring classes of the community, who form- !even if joined by Marmont and Mortier, was much
ed so large a majority of the Irish population, would inferior to that of the Allies. Soult and Augers*,
belternpted, whilst several taxes on articles of con. i were opposed by at least equal numbers. We then
sumption, which pressed heavily upon them, might supposed his force nearly annihilated: and were told
then be removed. Ile trusted that Parliament would that the Allied Sovereigns were received in Paris with
not suffer any individuals so far to legislate for them. enthusiasm. Then came this Treaty of Fontainbleau,
selves as to say, because they disliked a tax, this which puzzled many, and convinced others that he
Les is contrary to our genius and habits, and it had yet considerable strength. The Noble Lord
would he dangerous for you to impose it upon us. seemed to ascribe the terms of this Treaty to the
[Cries of Ilcat !] The gentry of Ireland were zeal of the army for their Commander. Some said,
not• the only class of the community who took no that without such a Treaty the army would rally
delight in paying taxes. [A laugh.] Taxes, how. around the family of Bonaparte: but then it was
ever, were paid, because sacrificer. were necessary to stated that the great evil to be avoided was a civil
the welfare and security of the State • and he could war in France. None could doubt that, under cer.
not bring himself to believe, that the Irish gentry • tale circumstances, Bonaparte would prefer the con-
would prove more averse than any other description I tingent chance of being in France to his situation in
'of his Majesty's subjects to contribute to the exigen- l Elba. It was folly to suppose he would not return,
cies of the country. lif he could do so; and then, what security had we
Mr. GRATTAN said, the Hon. Gentleman's for the Treaty? Where could be the security if he
speech consisted of a string of assertions, with one had entire freedom at Elba ? The true construction
only of which he could concur, namely, that the of the Treaty certainly gave to the Allies the right
gentry of Ireland were as willing as any body of lof watching his measures and movements. The prin.
•men in the country to assist in promoting the welfare I ciple of it was his abdication, and his renunciation,
' and glory of the country. That welfare and glory lof course, of any design to disturb the peace of Cu-
they were ready to defend at all times, both with rope. None could suppose that in Elba he could
their property and their blood ; but the Income Tax pretend to make regular war against France.—
' was a measure which, in the present situation of ' His only resource was in the army or the dis-
Ireland, must prove most improvident and most in- . position of the people, and that could only be
jurious. He thought the Honourable Gentleman found by his presence in France. This circumstance
bad done well to give notice of his intentions; and it was a main point to watch over. It was soother
whenever he should bring forward his motion, be , consideration how far the Treaty with Bonaparte
pledged himself to oppose it, and to debate the clues. ' had been faithfully observed. There was an attor-
tion fully end candidly. He should then endeavour ney-like sort of argument as to the dates on which
to prove that the Tax was altogether foreign to the be was to receive his allowance. According to his
habiti, conditions, and financial situation of that own statement he was involved in considerable difil-
country, which would prefer more productive taxes ;catty, and got money by advances from bankers at
to the particular tax in question. At present be Genoa, &c. Another point was, the case of his
' should say no more upon that subject. and merely rwife and child withheld from him. If the Treaty
add, that the measure now before the House had his recognized him as the independent Sovereign of Elba,
most cordial disapprobation. whir was this done ? So far as respected the princi-
Mr. FITZGERALD said, he had no intention, palities of Parma and Placentia, the Treaty of Fon.
as the Tax was to be proposed only for one year, of tainbleao was unquestionably most material. It af-
recommending the extension of it to Ireland at pre- , fected the interests, and the most important In-
sent. He did not think it necessary, therefore, to terests, of his wife and child, and must, of course,
I express any opinion on the question of how far, tot- be nearest to his heart; and it was, besides, signed
der ditietent circumstances, such an extension of the by several of the most celebrated Marshals of France,
measure might be just or expedient. It was to be who could not do otherwise than consider their ho-
recollected, however, that a considerable time had nour and character bound to the fulfilment of it.—
elapsed before this great measure of finance could be j Their honour was pledged to this, and the honour of
practically accommodated to this country. if it had a soldier renowned in arms was not to be trilled with.
' cost bath time and labour to render its machinery It bad also been rumoured, and was pretty generally
fit for use in this part of the Empire, the same {task ! believed, that there had been an intention in Congress
would be probably attended with similar difficulty in to remove Bonaparte from Elba to some other place
Ireland. He considered it, however, undeniable, of confinement; and this he thought was clearly
that great exertions, when compared with her finan- shown io a Proclamation (from which he read a short
ciel resources, had already been made for the general extract) issued by General Vessoult two days after it,
interests of the empire by that country. I was known that Bonaparte had landed in France.—,
After a few words from Mr. ELLIOTT, the There was also another document, he meant the de-
llouse divided on Sir J. Newport's amendment: fence of Sir Neale Campbell, who was entrusted by
!II nes . • • •
—69 his Majesty's Ministers to watch the motions of Na.
atsjeri
Ayte . • • Poleon, in Eltie ; and that It 'appeared that Botta.
On the Gallery being re-opened, 'ty .
• preterbad shown by his conduct that he meditated an
Mr. Alderman ATKINS was speaking on the sub. escape. Sir N. Campbell had given intelligence oI
this to the Government of this country, Uit re•
ject of the Income Tax, which he thou groper EM
maimed farther to their whether they had taken the
modifications, might be rendered cOmfortihlo to the
country at large. A necessary precautions to prevent with escape. If
Mr. WM. SMITH did not so much object to the they'
.had not, they were certainly amenable to the
Tax as to the system by which it was enforced. It country for those mischiefs which might result to the
brought revenue to the Exchteoper, certainly, at the interests of this country and of Europe, from
least expence; but he must gay; 'that lie hardly ever such escape !tering been allowed to take place.
met with a Commissioner under the Act who did not , —Under all these circumstances, he thought he
consider his duty as extremely disagreeable. The had established a cast sufficiently strong to
worst part of this inquisitorial tax resulted from the call upon Ministers to show if doe and effectual
agents and inspectors, , cautions had been adopted to prevent the escape of a
Gen. GASCOIGNE was in favour of modifica. I man they had always declared to be so dangerous to
• I the peace and security, not only of Europe, but of
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIEQPER. ob- the world at large. It might be said, that it was im-
jected to any proposition fora Committee to enquire possible the Island of Elba could be hermetically
into the subject (alluding, we suppose, to something sealed; but that was no answer to repel his call for
that passed while strangers were excluded), as it such papers as should evince whether the necessary
could only lead to delay, and would tend to derange itistruct; as had been issued to our Naval COM-
the whole machinery. menders in the Mediterranean, to watch the motions
Mr. Alderman ATKINS explained. I of Bonaparte, and to take care that he did not•effect
Mr. BARING.— his This Tax came rather ungra. s escape from Elba ; and if they could not show
they had taken such necessary precautions, it was, in
ciously, after a refusal of enquiry into the expences
his opinion, impossible that the House should refuse
of the civil List ; particularly when it is considered
how the majority on that question was composed.—
to grant his motion, which was—

The Message of the Prince Regent was not of itself
a sulTicient foundation for such a Tnx. Ile did not
desire a Committee, but was willing to take it as
temporary tax fur one year, and not, by means of
modifications, as a comfortable thing for life. The
Tax was, however, oppressive on the middling
classes, and its consequences were dangerous to Go.
vernmeut and to the character of Parliament. He
should oppose its renewal as a permanent measure,
but would not have objected to its continuance
for one year, which might be for the public advan.
tage.
Leave was given to the Chancellor of the niche=
quer to bring in the Bill.
A Petition was received from Dundee for the re-
peal of the Corn Bill.
TREATY OF FONTAINIMEAtI.
Mr. ABERCROMBIE rose, pursuant to his no-
tice. He felt that the return of Bonaparte to France
was a matter of the highest importance to England
and to Europe. It would be a desertion of the du-
ties of the Members of that House, to their Consti.
tuents, and to their posterity, if they did not enquire
whether foresight and wisdom on the part of Govern.
ment might not have prevented this occurrence. It
appeared necessary that Ministers should be put on
their defence on this question. It could not be fairly
maintained, that it was now too late to call for ex-
planations. Arlin earlier period many reasons might
have been urged against enquiries ns to the securities
which had bear taken oil this subject. it' would
have been said ton, that this pnint might be Pert to
the wise and sound discretion of Goverument. Now,
he wished to know whether that discretion had been
exercised with wisdom And prudence. The point
could not be argued, without reference to the Treaty
of Fontainbleau, and to the accompanying circum-
stances • of which it was said by some, that it was
the result of a mistaken magnanimity : but according
to a Noble Lord; It was a .case of necessity. He

I An Address to the Prince Regent, requesting that he would
give directions that there be laid before the /loose Copies'or
• Estrada of the Instructions given to our Naval Commanders in
the Mediterranean, respecting Bonapute in Elba.
! Lord CASTLE REAGH said, that the Ilonourable
Gentleman, and those with whom he acted, seemed
always to proceed on a system which uniformly
proved them to be ton early or too late. When the
Treaty of lontainbleau was taken into consideration,
they approved it, and saw none of those defects
: which now appeared in such gigantic forms of dis-
approbation. It was their mode to take up the pro-
! clamations of the French and other foreign Generals;
and to argue on them without knowing on what au-
thority they had been issued, as if they were pro.
duced from the most authentic sources, and were the
emanations of the heat and highest authorities. It
was material, when Gentlemen took upon them to
descant so broadly on the nature and faith of treaties,
that it should be known how far the Treaty of Fon: !
taiiibleau was obligatory on this Government ; and
he could assure the House that the British Govern.
ment was only pledged to their own acts, and not ti
those of any other Government; and he thought it
was most clear, that from the morheet of Bonaparte's
departure from FAba, the Treaty of Fontainblean
ceased and determined, and was as mere a nullity,
as if it had never been made : end if any agreement
made by Congress during his stay there had been
I broken, Great Britain was bound by nothing but
i what she had actually stipulated speCifically to per 7
t
i roan. He did not deny that there were questions
agitated in the Congress as to the situation of the
Empress ; and no One who had read the Treaty', of
Ftmtainbleau would deny, that there was any ar-
rangement respecting Parma awl Placentia ate did
not admit of a. change. He was certain, however, i
that no change had been proposed that Bonapaite
had any right to interfere in those Principalities hav-
ing been settled on the Empress and her so:11 as