The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-09-01 00:00:00

FRB4VCII P.tiPE RS.

Timm, Atm 28.—1 n pointing nut the importance
of the last development which the King has given
In a part of the Constitutional Act by his Ordinance
for rendering the Peerage hereditary; we announced
a wish, on whiciv we did not sufficiently insist, of at
fast seeing, as soon as circumstances: should permit,
the Constitution fulfilling all our hopes, and operat-
ing completely as a whole. We cannot be accused
of too much eagerness in espressing this wish, since
one and the same sentiment now unites the majority
of the French to their legitimate Monarch, and since
their accordance, on so essential a principle, renders
them worthy of all the b ,nefits• which the new order
of things promotes: besides no wish, which consists
of a call for a definitive settlement, can appear pre.
tipitate, after 26 years of revolution. If we are
not ripe for the destiny which awaits us, when shall
we—when can we help@ to be so ? Shall we not be
entitled to regard ourselves as still in revolution,
while the movement which has so long agitated us
does not give place to tbat repose and stability which
tan alone result from the full and perfect execution
of an invariable system of laws? Dues not the
granting the enjoyment of a part of that system, and
the denial of another imply that men's minds are sup.
posed not to be completely cured of the revolulonary
? Is not this in some measure arbitrarily pro.
longing their convalescence ? Is it not sacrificing
teal and positive good to a supposition which may
be chimerical, and which may be supposed inte-
rested ?

For twenty years we have helm] of nothing but
konstitutinns, and for twenty years no constitutional
system has been established among us. Malty con-
stitutions have been formed on paper, but none have
been put in practice. The work of the Constituent
Assembly was as solo destroyed as made. The Le-
gislative Assembly laboured only to undermine and
overthrow. The Conventittn drew op a constitution

which it hastened to deposit in an archive which be.
came its tomb, and for which the despotism of its
Committees was substitotetl. The Constitution of
. the year 3 had scarce begun to make us feel the ad.
eant3ges of a cart of regular Government when it
WAS annulled by the tyrannical violence of the Di•
'rectory. Bonaparte.seemell only to collect together
all the preceding constitutions, and to rest on the
boodle thus formed, in order that he might the better
annihilate the whole. In fine, it has constantly been
the practice to talk to the nation of her rights, and
seek far pretexts to rob her of them.
One essential basis was doubtless wanting to these
edifices, all raised on the same foundation, namely,
the legitimacy of the principal authority. Without
that beds there is nothing solid, and we cannot there-
fore be surprieed that constructions in which it did
vat exist should so soon fall to pieces, or should not
be capable of supporting themse:ves even for a ma.
ment. With it every constitution may be pod and
durable; but the best composed, the bPst adapted,.
ar.d most perfect constitutional act, will only exhibit
the inconveniences of a defective Government,, if it
be not carried into execution as a whole, and if all

its springs do not act together and at the same time.
Indeed the more wisely it has been plumed the greater
will be the relation of the different parts to each
r, and the more therefor* will the defect of liar-
- any be felt, when the action of some of those parts
`'"`is stopped or interrupted. It may be added that the
action of the other parts will then be purely illusory,
for in the reciprocal dependence which unites them
ail and directs them to one common object, that ob- ,
ject cannot be attained except by a perfect concur-
rence. The most certain menus of exposing a good
constitution to criticism and calumny, the surest
scheme for discrediting it would therefore be to make
partial experiments on it, to mutilate it in practice,
never in show it complete with all its proportions
and all its advantages except on paper and in theory,';
and thus to render it in reality law: °tinder the pen I
of the politic al calculator, it would then be a won-
,derfol tnechi-iie, but Ny a false. and deceitful experi-
ment it would he exposed to the contempt and deri-
sion of the vulgar.
An incomplete execution always resembles the'
artifice of a timid policy, which dare neither refuse
all nor grant all. It is obvious also that these partial
suspensions, *We they compromise the whole of the
administrative system, tend also to compromise the
very authority which orders them. There is in fact
such a force in certain springs of the political machine,
.that they cahoot he employed except in conjunction
.with those with which they are most immediately
•connected. Titus, for example, you suspend the Li-
-berry of the Press. and you convoke the National
Representation. But the connection between these
two parts of the Constitutional Actis so intimate, that
the activity of the one itecescarity carries with it that
of the other; and *e shackles imposed on the Press
-will Of necessity be either destroyed or exceedingly
relaxed by the mere fact of the meeting of the Cham-
Ifthis should not be the result, the other con-
sequence would he, that these two elements of the
Constitution would be'equally paralyzed, in spite of
the appearance of action which one of them might
possess. This is not the only example which might
render the inconveniences of these partial suspensions
!palpable, regarded merely with respect to the autho-
rity of Government, which they always more or law

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