The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-04-15 00:00:00

AT THE

EXTRAORDINARY EXHIBITION,

ROYAL LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-, T.REET.
ON and after THIS DAY, (Friday,) Aril 15th, (for
V a short time, will be exhibited a GRA. D CENTRI.
FUGAL RAILWAY, 200 feet long, with vertical Circle
upwards of 40 feet in circumference, roue hick a Carriage
200 pounds in weight, containing a Lady Gentleman, will
revolve at the rate of ONE HUNDRED MIL S PER HOUR, With
perfect safety; also, immense Iron Weights and Buckets of
Water will be placed in the Carriage, and, although the whole
will be completely inverted, not a weight or a drop of water
will be displaced. Also, a brilliant Display of the OXY-
HYDROGEN LIGHT, with other interesting Scientific
Experiments.
Morning Exhibition at Half-past Twelve o'Clock.

The first Exhibition in the Evening at Halt past Six
The second at Half-past Eight precisely.
Admission : Boxes, 2s. • Pit, ls. ; Gallery, 6d.

. . . .
(The Railway has been constructed by Wm. TARR and H.
RILEY, of Manchester, on a scale never before exhibited in
the World.)

TO CORRESPONDENTS

We have endeavoured to make room for as much of the cor-
respondence as possible which has accumulated upon us
during the assizes, but much must still lie over.

ebe Ethrrpool tttanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 15, 1842

We received last night New York papers to the 19th
ult., by the North America packet ship. The intelli-
gence which she brings will be found in another
column.

We noticed last week the allusion of Mr. John
Brooks, of Manchester, in his exhibition at the Music-
hall, to an exposure of the selfish objects of the league
agitators, by the Rev. Hugh M‘Neile. The speech
containing the allusion in question has not been thought
worthy of being reported by any of our Whig con-
temporaries ;—a circumstance which might convince this
cotton philosopher that, however much the graces and
the dialect of Tim Bobbin may be relished in the
Manchester Corn Exchange, or amongst the select
circles which he daily enlightens, they are not received
amongst us, even when emanating from an ex-digni-
tary of the corporation of that classic city, as more
worthy of being handed down to posterity than the
sayings and doings of any other individual who plays
the part of " Punch " for our passing amusement ; and
we should scarcely have returned to the subject but for
the discovery that the same exposure has touched the
sensitive spirit of our contemporary, the Manchester
Guardian.

The readers of the LIVERPOOL STANDARD may
remember that, upon the occasion of a certain public
meeting at the Amphitheatre, the reverend gentleman
referred to by both these high authorities denounced
the attempts of the league millocracy to overthrow the
native agriculture of the country, as influenced mainly
by a selfish anxiety to reduce the wages of the opera-
tive to the continental standard. In illustration of his
position he introduced a dialogue between a free-trade
factory lord and his workpeople, the home truths in
which were far too plain and striking, and its style too
effectually calculated to convince the working classes
that it was not for their interests that the agitators were
so earnest, to be received with equanimity by these
liberal and philanthropic gentlemen. The rebuke then
administered has hung heavy upon their hearts, and
still hangs there. The galling consciousness is felt
that to the influence of its reverend author over the
minds of the Protestant democracy of Liverpool is
owing the circumstance that the millocrat agitation is
tried here in vain. We know, and, more than all, the
operative body—the easiest to mislead, in some places,
but the staunchest and most trusty here—know these
men. We know their artfulness, their selfishness, their
hollow pretences, their oppressive and grinding ty-
ranny ; and, knowing these, it is small wonder that
millocracy is in bad odour—that "rebellion has ill
luck"—when it sports itself in this locality.
Yet Mr. John Brooks is in dudgeou with us, and
with Mr. M‘Neile, because we will not believe in, and
because that gentleman has counselled us not to be-
lieve in, the philanthropy of the league ! These amia-
ble personages have been belied most sorely, and their
apostle calls upon the reverend gentleman to recant his
heretical sayings. The Manchester Guardian too, the
prophet of the order, is outraged by his " political eco-
nomy." The league has no inclination to grasp at the
cheap loaf of the working man. Millocracy has no
"itching palm "—no yawning pocket—no grudging
spirit. Its members ask for more bread for the " tired
denizens" of their factories and loom shops; and it is
an outrage upon their character to hint, even, that it is
not more bread, but coarser bread and less priced
bread—bread which can be purchased out of lower
wages—which is the object of their solicitude.
Mr. John Brooks may bemuse the wishy-washy in-
tellects of the frequenters of anti-monopoly tea-parties
with such trashy professions. The Manchester Guar-
dian may attempt to whitewash his apostacy from the
ranks of the Anti-Corn-Law League by his stickling
for the purity of the league millocracy. But the pub-
lic have now the plain facts, and not professions only,
to guide them. We were told that the manufacturing
interest wanted only cheap food for their working po-
pulation to enable them to snatch that population from
beggary and hunger. The Manchester Guardian, the
organ of the manufacturing interest—of the league
millocracy—has, within the past week, declared (by
the signatures of its editors and proprietors to a peti-
tion to parliament, praying for the passing of Sir Ro-
bert Peel's financial measures) that in those measures it
sees the prospect of a portion, at least, of the good
which was sought for by the manufacturers of Great
Britain. In the tariff of Sir Robert Peel it is here,
and on all sides, admitted that important benefits are
sought to be conferred upon the working man. And
yet what is the course which is being pursued by the
league millocracy at the present moment ? Is the ma-
nufacturing interest, or is it not, at the present mo-
ment, justifying every word which the Rev. Hugh
M'Neile, upon the occasion referred to, and which we,
upon a hundred different occasions, have spoken as to
the motives of their free trade agitation ? Is it not a
fact that, at the present moment, with a large measure
of relaxation of our tariff—a larger measure than they
ever dreamt of gaining—before their eyes, they are se-
dulously enga-ed
in
reducing wages to the level, and
below the level, of the subsistence of their working
classes under that reduced tariff? Is this the case, we
ask Mr. John Brooks and the Manchester Guardian, or
is it not ? And if it is the case—and we are at a loss
to know how they can dare to deny it—where is the
immense philanthropy, so far as the manufacturing in-
terest is concerned, which was said to be involved in
this cry of cheap food, and where is the great crime of
those who, like ourselves, have from first to last de-
nounced it as a fraud—a juggle—a lying pretence—a
disgraceful and hypocritical swindle ?

xz.vsashwaiourainuw,

The revised tariff was laid on the table of the House
of Commons, on Monday last, and a copy of it is nor
before us. Upon comparing it with the original pro-
popition, we find a considerable number of alteration.,

romp ophosnj bilwever, at a vary fir pown natara, ar
affecting the general principles of the measure, A few
of the reductions upon manufactured articles, which
might possibly have had a severely prejudicial effect
upon national industry, have been modified ; and
amongst the number, those on gloves, straw plait,
starch, British gum, &c. A great many of the diffe-
rential duties upon articles imported from our colonial
possessions, and not at present largely produced there,
have been withdrawn, and the measure thus simplified
considerably in its details without, as it appears to us,
materially impairing its value. The duties upon seve-
ral articles under the head of " seeds"—as linseed,
flaxseed, mustard seed, &c.—have been furtherreduced.
A change has also been made in the duties of some

metals. The proposed admission of foreign fish it has
been found necessary, in accordance with the require-
ments of existing laws regulating the fisheries of this
and other countries, to restrict to such descriptions as
can be imported in cargoes, an alteration which, in jus-
tice to a large and deserving body of men employed upon
our coasts, we are sincerely pleased to notice. The mode
of taking the duties upon some descriptions of timber
has been altered, with a view to a fairer application to
them of the principles of the measure, as it affects this
article; and the period of the new duties coming into
operation is postponed until after the 10th of October,
1842, a concession on the part of government which,
we apprehend, will do away with most of the objections
urged against them by the trade. A similar postpone-
ment is conceded with 49spect to the articles of corned
beef and pork; whilst upon fish-oils, corks, and cork-
wood, the new duties do not operate until July sth,
1843.

There can now no longer be a question that the
measure, thus modified, and in connexion with it the
tax upon property and income, will be received with
gratitude by the great majority of the nation ;—nay,
more, that it is, and will be, loudly demanded. From
the very centre of the agitation, which has so long dis-
tracted the country, a voice has at length issued—a
spontaneous voice, not the mere cuckoo note of trained
and organized faction—before which the declaimers of
the opposition party in the House of Commons, who have,
night after night during the past week, obstructed the
government of Sir Robert Peel, ought surely to bow, if
even the claims of decency and the sting of shame have
no power over their envenomed and selfish hearts. The
great manufacturing and mercantile interests of Man-
chester have declared—in a petition which, in six
days, received the signatures of upwards of 24,000 of
the most influential of the merchants and tradesmen of
that town—that in these measures they see the pro-
spect of important benefits to their suffering commerce,
and " extensive relief to the industrious classes of the
community ; " and proceed to declare that

" The suspense and uncertainty caused with respect to all
mercantile operations by the obstacles and delays opposed to
the enactment of the valuable measures above alluded to, are
highly prejudicial to the interests of commerce in general,
and in particular to the interests of your petitioners, to
whom a revival of trade, which they anticipate from these
measures, has become a matter of the most urgent necessity."

The city of London, through its representative, Mr.
Masterman, has declared that it views the delay caused
by the factious adherents of the late incapable ministry
as " a great grievance;" and that it " had produced
stagnation in every department of commerce." Similar
appeals have been made by the representatives of other
important constituencies; a similar feeling exists in
every commercial constituency ; and we do trust that
at length the declared wishes of the people and of par-
liament will be heard above the frantic murmurs and
the expiring struggles of a defeated and despicable fac-
tion.

Under ordinary circumstances we should not com-
plain of the efforts of Lord John and his venal follow-
ers to find " a lower deep " that that which they at the
present moment hold in the estimation of the public.
We care not into what pit and through what miry paths
they crawl. We care not how soon they draw down
upon their smeared heads the heel of a nation's con-
tempt—how soon they are cast aside to rest amongst
congenial garbage and in congenial obscurity. But
even to ensure these results—and they are not undesi-
rable ones—we cannot consent to witness, passively,
the suffering and the embarrassment which we see
around us on every side. The industry and the en-
terprise of the nation are palsied whilst contemptible
whiggery is earning for itself new contempt: Bank-
ruptcy, insolvency, and dishonour approach nearer,
day by day, to the thresholds of those men to whose
giant energies Great Britain owes so much of her past
glory and greatness, whilst penury and misery look out
upon us from the gaunt faces of the poor to whom the
stagnation of their enterprise is death. A large mer-
cagoile marine rots idly in our ports ; our public chari-
ties—our workhouses—our streets—are crowded with
hunger-enfeebled, and despairing beings : and all this
progressive ruin—all this intense wretchedness is pro-
tracted because a venal and reckless minority in the
House of Commons sigh after the flesh-pots of office,
and long to climb back, even through the instrumen-
tality of a popular convulsion, to those seats from which
their incapable hands have already perilled the honour
and security, and well nigh wrecked the happiness of a
great people !
How long will England endure to be thus mocked
—thus trampled upon—thus racked by faction ? We
devoutly trust—NOT LONG !

A conservative contemporary accuses the noble re-
presentative of South Lancashire (Lord Francis Eger-
ton) of having contributed his valuable aid to the Whig
party in their despicable attempt to impede the pro-
gress of the financial measures of government. It will
be remembered that upon the first discussion respect-
ing the privilege of presenting petitions to the House
of Commons, which was raised by Mr. Thomas Dun-
eombe, the noble lord distinctly intimated his intention
to vote against the views—impolitic we think—of Sir
Robert Peel and his colleagues. We must distinctly
maintain, however, that there does not exist the slight-
est ground for the imputation that, in so voting, he was
influenced by the unworthy motives referred to. The
question itself involved in this vote is one upon which
men of the most sterling integrity and the soundest
Conservatism may reasonably differ. In our own opi-
nion, the view taken by the noble lord is one in every
way more constitutional, and more suited to the temper
of the present age, than that maintained by Sir Robert
Peel and the supporters of parliamentary privilege; and
with the present changed practice of the House of
Commons there is, we think, little fear that the con-
cession of the right of petition contended for can now
be practically inconvenient.
On a subsequent occasion his lordship intimated
that, if no other member chose to take up the subject,
he should himself be prepared to submit a motion, re-

cognising the right of petition contended for; and last
night, in his place in the House of Commons, his lord-
ship was to move resolutions " confirmatory of the prac-
tice of the house, as laid down from the chair in 1839,
with respect to the reception of petitions, and permitting
the reception by the house of petitions against taxes
to be imposed for the service of the year ; the said
resolutions to be standing orders of the house."
But what is there in this to warrant the imputation
that Lord Francis Egerton is willing to lend the sanc-
tion of his high character and influence to the paltry
obstructives of the House of Commons ? We main-
tain—nothing. On the contrary, a reference to our
parliamentary proceedings will show that to the course
taken by his lordship upon the occasion of a threatened
repetition of an "obstruction debate," by Mr. Cowper,
on Wednesday night, may be attributed the circum-
stance that the house was permitted at length to pro-
ceed to business, notwithstanding the evident inclina-
tion of the shabby Whigs to prevent such a consum-
mation.

The cause of that truly valuable association—
the Church Pastoral Aid Society—was brought
before several of the congregations in this town
on Sunday last; and the general annual meeting
(as appears from our advertising columns) is fixed
jor Monday evening next, in the Music-hall. It
is much to be wondered at, that so small a measure of
support is extended to an institution like this in such
a town as Liverpool, which enjoys the deserved reputa-
tion of being foremost and "fruitful in every good
work"—the amount paid by the Church Pastoral Aid
Society towards the support of curates in this town
s to
being more than double what Liverpool contributes to
its funds; whereas the contrary ought to take place,
o a
a fsurplus
relieffrom of t
thish
the
and other opulent
towtsl
availables leave
destitu-
tion which prevails in leas favoured districts. We can

on►y egount iQr ‘4,5 on the suppnapn that the prin-
ciples and plans of the society have not been suffi-
ciently explained to the pious and wealthy churchmen
of Liverpool. It is emphatically a church society, pro-
viding for the wants, and at the same time consulting
the order and submitting to the discipline of the
church; and its professed object is "the salvation of
souls with a single eye to the glory of God." We
cannot suffer ourselves to admit that an institution of
this kind languishes in our town, except by reason of
its being imperfectly understood. 'I he meeting on
Monday night will be (as we anticipate) numerously
attended, and the reverend gentlemen who compose
the deputation will, no doubt, supply details of the
principles and operations of the society. This is what
we want ; and we are bold to predict that, to a corre-
sponding extent, the claims of the society will be fa-
vourably acknowledged and its resources progressively
augmented.