The Statesman.
London, England, 1812-05-29 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN.

Only, and for ever, disappeared. A gallant effort,
which called forth the whole energies of the nation)
bas'cut it at a distance ; but still it is one of those
spaliks which peer over the horizon, and excite alarm
even in those least liable to it. The war ha the Pe-
ninsula, which livers, require! strong armies to sop-
-1 Port itt fhe maintains an army in Sicily ; another
i in haide; and a strong force in Ireland; and along
ihetlyiwn coast, and iu the West Indies. Can any 1
null believe, that, under such circumstances, the Bri- i
tish G.vernment could be so infatuated, or rather
mad, as to send troops here for the purpose of inn-
' sion ? The experience and the fortune of our revolts-
' tion, *ben we were comparatively in an infant state,
have doubtless taught her an useful lesson which
cannot have been forgotten. Since that period our
population has increased three-fold, whilst her's ,
has remained almost stationary. The condi- i
tion of the civilized world, too, has changed.—
Although Greatllritain has nothing to fear, as to her
independenceand her military operations are extensive
and distant, the contest is evidently maintained by
`her rather for safety than for conquest. Have we ,
I cause to dread an attack from her neighbouring pro-
i vines ? That apprehension is still more groundless. i
Seven or eight millions of people have nothing to !
dread from 300,000. From the moment that war is
declared, the British Colonies will be put on the de-1
fensive, and soon after we get in motion must sink
under the pressure. Little predatory incursions on
our frontier will not be encouraged by those who
know that we can retort them ten-fold, and pursue
and penis} the authors, retire where they may, if
: they remain in this hemisphere. Nor is any serious
danger to ve apprehended from their savage Allies.— i
Our frontias may be easily protected against them.
The Colonial Governments, aware of our superiority,
land of the tertainty of their subjugation in case of war,
will feel their responsibility for the conduct of the In-
dian tribes, and keep them in order. But should the war
I lately terninated be renewed,the struggle will be short.
i Numberless expeditions from different quarters may
be led fork agajnst them. A single campaign would
Idrive these unfortunate people into the most distant
and descrtwilds. But our coast and sea-port towns
me exposei and may be annoyed. Even this danger,
which exists in a certain degree, has been much ex-
aggerated. No land force can be brought to bear
against them, because Great Britain has none to
spare for such a service ; and without a land force,
ino great impression can be made. Ships of war can-
not approach near the coast except at the entrance of
our great bays and rivers. They cannot annoy the
sea-coast generally by their cannon ; and if detach-
ments of marines should be sent on shore they may
be repelled by the militia where they land. It is,
however, unusual for incursions to be made on
land from ships of war by sailors or marines.
The law of nations forbids, and humanity revolts, at
the idea of mere wanton desolation ; and in that
light only can such incursions be viewed. In the
present war between Great Britain and France,
which has been prosecuted with so much violence and i
animosity, no example of this kind, on either side,'
is recollected. In our revolutionary war in which
the object of Great Britain was conquest, no great
injury was sustained in this mode. Some of our I
, towns, it is admitted, may be exposed to danger 1
from ships of war, hut with suitable precautions it 1
will soon vanish. No ship of war can stand long
before a good battery well manned and well supplied
with heavy artillery. An attack by ships of war
only, on any of our towns, could have no ob.,
ject but that of distressing the inhabitants, and if
those towns are put in such a state of defence, as
Ito enable them to repel the attack, as all them are,
or soon may be, it is not probable that the experi-
ment would be made; or, if once made, that it
would be repeated. The importance of the pro-
ftection of our seaport towns is sensibly felt. It is
a subject which claims the particular attention of the
Government ; aid that attention has doubtless been
already bestowed on it. The great question on
which the United States have to decide, is, whether '
they will relinquish the ground which they now
hold, or maintain it with the firmness and vigour
becoming freemen. That the sense of the nation fa-
t 'ours the latter course, Is proved by a series of im-
portant and solemn facts which speak a language not
to be misunderstood. From the first attack by
1 Great Britain on our neutral rights, in 1805, to the 1
I present clay, these facts have been multiplied yearly,
1 by the Acts of Congress, by the proceedings of the
1 State Legislatures, and by the voice of the people--
I Let net the Representatives of the people, there-
fore, in either branch of the Government, disappoint
their reasonable wishes and just expectations.—
The pretensions of Great Britain, so unjustly set
up, and pertinaciously maintained by her Orders in
Council, not to enumerate other wrongs, particular-
ly the impressment of our seamen, arrogate to her
the complete dominion of the sea, and the exclusion
of every flag from it, which does not sail under her
licence, and on the conditihns which she imposes.—
These pretensions involve no local interest, nor are
tl4y of a trauscient nature. In their operation they
violate the rights, and wound deeply the best In-
terests of the whole American people. If we yield
to them, at this time, the cause may be consider-
ed as abandoned. There will be no rallying
point hereafter. Future attempts to retaliate the
wrongs of foreign powers and to vindicate our most
sacred rights will be in vain. The subject matt be
dismissed from the debates of Congress and from our

•'4

dipleinatic diseassions. M anusion to it will excite
contempt abroad and mortification and shame at home.
Shasta any of our vessels be hafeafter seized and
condemned, however unjustly, and that all will be
asked and condemned verg be confidently expected,
we must be silent, or be heard by foreign Powers in
the humble langutigs of petition only."

WASHINGTON CITY, APRIL 11, 1812.
Nothing official from the Hornet. A private let-
ter to one of the heads of departatimts here from
JOEL BARLOW,. our Minister at Paris, informs that
lie has concluded a COMMERCIAL TREATY
WITH FRANCE upon advantageous terms, led
that the southern boundaries of the United States, as
acknowledged by the treaty, are as follow:—Begin-
ning at Amelia Island, at the mouth of St. Mar)'s
river, thence in a direct line to the Bay of St. Ber-
nard, and thence to the mouth of Columbia river.
FROM THE PCBLIC ADVERTISER, Aram 17.
The above letter is dated March 3, and came by
the Rossie, which arrived at Baltimore on Friday,
from Bourdeaux ; it further states, that Mr. Baatow
detained the Hornet to send out the Treaty officially
signed. A doubt is not entertained at Washington,
but the Treaty is on board the Hornet. This for
ever and for ever puts a period to doubt, difilealty,
or procrastination. Folly can hardly miss the only
honourable path there is now left for the United
States.

In addition to the above, our private letters state,
that Mr. Lowsots had declined calling up the Bill
to permit the importation of goods from Great Bri-
tain, under certain circumstances ; and no expectation
was entertained of its being taken up ey any other
Member. Mr. LOWNDES declared, if the further con-
sideration was moved by any other Gentleman, he
should vote against it. Vice-President CLINTON is
dead ; and STRONG, the i'ederalist, who is contend-
ing for the Governorship of Massachusetts with
GERRY, had, by the last accounts, a majority over
his antagonist of 1600. The Lady Madison had
been cruizing of Sandy-hook ever since the Em-
bargo.