The Statesman.
London, England, 1818-09-25 00:00:00

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COURT er COM 'ION GOLTACIL.

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office.
Mr. BROW% said he had a Petition to present from
a Barrister who was not a freeman. be, therefore,
moved, that he shoold be admitted a candidate on an
understanding that, if chosen, he should take out his
freedom withi►► one month from the date of the elec-

tion.
Alderman WAlTtimas thought the Court right not
to be swayed or biassed by attending to the consider-
ation of one particalar case.
Mr. Dixon said, that if the candidates had been
aware that it was absolutely necessary that they
should be freemen before proceeding to the election,
they would have rendered themselves eligible.
Mr. IlanvEv was of opinion, that the motion
could not be sustained, inasmuch as the candidates
could not have been ignorant that they ought to be
freemen before proceeding to election. The Court
ought therefore to make its choice instantly, as
otherwise- it would be casting a deep injury upon
(he professional character of the candidates who were
eligible, if they sent them back in order to get fitter

persons.
The Court was then proceeding to the election,
when it appearing that only two out of the five can•
didates were eligible,
Mr. JACKSON moved an adjournment, which, at.
ter some time, was carried on • division of 77 to 61.
—Adjourned.

The two worlds, as they have been, tor sow.
denominated, are daily presenting themselves to oar
minds, in new points of comparison and of contrast.
In Europe the Monarchs are confederating, in order
to bold the People down : in America the People
are confederating in order to be able to set the power
of European Monarchs at defiance. As the Mendel
of Freedom and of the happiness of the human race,
we have all along shown ourselves more Mocked to
the Confederation of People than to thit of Kings.
If Kings cannot maintain their authority without the
assistance of each other, they do not deserve to pos-
sess any authority at all; but the coorederation of
the People is the real social bond by which free and
happy communities are at once formed and preserved.
It is worth while to ezantioe some of the most pro.
minent particulars that have presented themselves to
the public notice during the course of this week, re-
lative to these two different confederates.
In Europe all is in motion. in anticipation of the
determinations of the Allied Sovereigns at their Con-
gress at Ais-la.Chspelle. The leading circumstance
in the business of their proposed Meeting is to re.
move the Army of Occupation from France, bat
they have another very pointed and very puzzling
affair to consider, and that is how they shall cajole
and controul each other, and how each may cajole
end cositroul his subjects. In withdrawing their
armies from Freese, they still fear that they may in.
deed liberate the People of France : a People who
can only be held completely in a state of thraldom
by a Louis XI V. or a Napoleon. But the time for
reflection is past. The time 19 come when their
Army of Occupation serves not to suppress the in-
clination, hut to irritate the antiety of a vast nation
of soldiers. They know, or they ought to know
the character of that Nation: it is tractable only
while one pad of it is in the ranks, sod the other is
rising to the ranks; it can he directed only while it
consists of an army and of a nursery of Conscripts.
They opposed the only chance it ever had of changing
its habits : of domesticating its ardour by an enthu.
siastc love of itself—of exchanging its love of glory
for a loved liberty—and of converting theservility of
military discipline into the more liberal spirit of social
order. They opposed this ; and they have seen and
felt the conseqoence. They foresee and they dread
still more tremendous consequence; they are aware
that France must either he completely military or
completely free. The latter they fear on account of
its imaginary contagious influence on their unhappy
and insulted People; the former they tremble at,
even in idea, on account of its real—its experienced
results upon themselves. France—colour the truth
as they may.—France is still their terror. In this
sense France may be proud of the chains to which
she has been condemned. The Army of Occupation
was a proof, though a galling one, of the apprehen-
sions of her foes ; and the imprisonment of her great
military leader on a rock in the midst of the Atlantic,
must be to F. enchmen a mental triumph. The Allies
snatched from them their sword of war ; but they
dared not to suspend it in the hall of their trophies
—they threw it, with cowardly ahhorreoce, from I
their sigla--they cast it into the ocean, and they
only now dare to think on it, hut as they hope the
waves may have corroded it with rust.
May Napoleon and the military enthusiasm of
France perish together end for ever ! She has shown
symptoms of a better and more durable enthusiasm :
she has displayed a love of liberty, as liberty ought
always to be loved, that is, connected with the love
of social order. She was interrupted in the indul.
gence of this—the hest end the most comprehensive
of the social affections. She was interrupted by
Premien., and Getman', and—no, not by the English,
but by Mr. Pitt and an oligarchy of English
Boroughmongers. But, let not the advocates of
real pacific liberty despair; the Boly Alliance is
sensible that France cannot become the dull and
heavy slave of the dull and heavy Boorbons. She
Oust be milithry, and conquer them; or she must be
free, end sets seductive and elevated example of
freedom to their subjects. The Allies, with respect
to France, stand between two evils : they might
MIMI' one, and convert it into a benefit to all man.
kind ! they dare not ; and, like a man centendiog
against two combatants, one of whom a single wdrd
might convert into a friend, they wilt probably ulti-
mately fall, the victims of their own decision.
Were we to look more minutely into the circom.
stances of Europe, we should discover many other
causes of alarm, both to the Sovereigns and the Peo.
pie. Every thing is misplaced : the natural connec.
tion between Prince and People is out of joint; it is
jargon, and jostling, and confusion. On the Conti.
nent there have been changes and interchanges of
territory ; the People have, in numberless places. no
legitimate obedience to the Legitimates who presume
to rule them. Government, not only in England,
bat throughout the Continent, is much too dear: it
is costly far beyond its worth. A good Republic
would at the price which is now too generally given
for a proud, petalent, and perverse despritism.be far
too dear. Men had better return to the savage state
than submit to give two.thirds of the produce of their
labour to have the other third precariously protected.
Men need not be afraid of the savage state, w hen they
are so robbed by their Governments that they have
no sasterrauce left for their dependents, and the mid-
dle class of society is obliged to see those beneath
them, compelled to become either guesses or slaves.
Yet that this is generally the case in most of the
countries in Europe, we cannot hesitate to tenet',
when we cast our eyes round to the present state .t
society. Government every where in Europe is in-
cessantly calling for money; money agents are .itr
general request ; taxes ere first laid end them they
are mortgaged, so eager are Sovereigns ip makteeven
posterity subservient to the power and the luxury of
the present day : nor does coin suffice for their eztra.,
essence, they must have credit also; and the value
of the goods of the merchant is often expended
through a hundred modes of Imports and customs be,
fore their arrival.
The Government of England has had most 'tee-
(ice, and has therefore arrived at most proficiency
The price of labour is no where more

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