The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-04-08 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN.

consideration.- A premature statement of it could be
productive only of embarrassments, because the in-
ference that must necessarily be drawn was, that
you would act upon it if you could, and that if you
did not, you bad only given to the world a confession
of your own weakness.—[Hear, hear!]—[t was,
he considered, singularly injudicious to introduce
into st motion for an Address, in the propriety of
which alt parties acquiesced, a discussion of prin-
ciples perhaps doubtful, but with respect to which it
was at present utterly unnecessary for them to decide.
As the question, however, had been introduced, and
he wished that as little doubt as possible should now
I exist respecting it, he would state, in a few words,
his own view upon that subject. In his judgment,
the Noble Lord had choseu the worst ground he
could have selected, on which to establish a right of
war, when he pleaded the violation of the Treaty of
Fontainbleau. Whether or not the stipulations of
that treaty hod been broken, and by whom, it was
impossible to ascertain without mitch fuller inform,.
tion. The some remark might be applied lo the
Treaty of Paris and the first Convention or Fon-
tainbleau, all of which might he regarded as dif.
ferent parts of one and the same important trans-
action. Bonaparte had, however, been removed from
his authority by means of these engagements, and it
was inconsequence of his abdication that we had felt
ourselves justified in entering into the relation of
peace with the country he had governed. A new
Government had been established, on which we de-
clared we could rely with security (we now see what
security) for a continuance of peace, and that we
would not therefore insist on those conditions which
we should have otherwise deemed indispensable.=
If that state of things, then, on which we placed this
reliance was now altered, the party which had con-
sented to terms only in contemplation of its con-
tinuance, was absolved from his obligations, and
might revert to the same system and principles which
he had previously observed, as essential to his own
security. Ile found this opinion fully supported by
a passage ia Vuttel, importing that whenever an ad-
vantage was communicated by Treaty to any Power,
it was to be considered as permanent, and not limited
I to the life of the Priuce on whom it was conferred,
unless conceded purely and unreservedly as matter of
personal favour. But it was not a matter of per-
sonal favour to Louis XVIII. but in the spirit of li-
beral policy to the Sovereign of a great country, that
we had released France from the conditions which
we should in different circumstances have judged it
expedient to impose. With the cessation of his ex-
ercise of sovereignty, therefore, ceased the motives
which led us to agree to terms of peace otherwise in-
admissible. The right of war was still only half
made out, till the exercise of the right was shown to
be necessary to our security. He knew the general
principle was, that Treaties between States were not
only abrogated by a change in their internal Govern-
ment ;hut this was a principle which he held to de.
pend upon circumstances, and he did not think It ap-
plied to the particular circumstances of the Ease be-
fore them. He conceived that this country possessed
at present a ground for claims, which might, if sound
' policy required it, be justly prosecuted by arms.—
Agreeing, then, in the sentiments so eloquently en-
, ferced by his NAM Friend, that the Message from
the Throne was highly proper and necesary, that an
intimate union and concert amongst all the Members
of the late Confederacy was essential to !ia. safety of
' each, and that there was no hope but in the dismissal
of all interested Counsels, and ; real adherence to
the magnanimous professions of their public declara-
tions, he not only did not objoct to, but cordially op-
roved of the Address moved for by the Noble Earl.
He trusted, that if war should at length appear tn.
avoidable, art opportunity would be afforded to Par.
liameat, of offering their advice previous to the
adoption of any violent measures. Towards the re-
lish of that calamity, if it should be found impossible
to avert it, he looked not with apprehension, but
deep sense of the difficulties and perils it involved ;
and should cherish to the last the hope, that it would
be found consiftent with our honour, and our se.
curity, to perserve inviolate the ;pace which had so
lately been concluded.—[ /leer, hear!]
The question was then put, and carried nem. die.
and the Address was ordered to be presented by such
Peers as are of his Majesty's must Jlon. Privy
Council.—Adjourned.

became of the other stipulations, what became of
Parma, e hat of the provision for his son ?—Was it
prudent or wise to give the semblance of justice to
liii cause ?--Aud this went directly to give him that
semblance; it gave it to him above all in the eyes of
the soldiery ; and slight as it might seem to us, it
was difficult to say what its strength might be its their
eyes and the eyes of France. The Noble Lord had
spoken of Napoleon as of a man treating with arms
in his hand, with something of the place and station
of independent sovereignty about him. It was at
least true, that he had been on the point of being'
Isuccessful, and that the event .of his fall turned on,
perhaps, 0110 of the doubtful and fortuitous chalices
Ithat ever decided a crisis of such magnitude. But if
he had those feelings of remaining dignity; if he had
but laid down the arms which he might have re-
, Wised, if there was still the spirit of sovereignty so
Imuch upon him, was he not then a more natural and
fitting object of vigilance ?—Why was not a stronger
precaution exercised upon his person, or why was
I not the Treaty more punctually performed ?
! All this- must have further elucidation. He
hoped the day was not distant, when that No-
ble Lord (Liverpool) would fulfil his promise of,
bringing down the papers explanatory of the facts
of the whole singular transaction. But whether that
Noble Lord would be able to satisfy the House or
not, he mast hope that time lesson would not be lost
j for the ftiture upon the Allies, that they would re-
consider the circumstances in which they were placed,
and that they would feel on stronger grounds, and
with a purer and more vigorous spirit, the necessity
of concert in all that they were henceforth to be
summoned to do. There were the observations
which the speech of the Noble Lord (Liverpool)
forced from him; he should conclude them by hoping
j that the great opportunity .was not yet lost, that the
I memory of the last war was not thrown away, that
i by our resources now understood, and by that firm
i concert with the Allies of which we had before sew
the glorious results, we should be enabled still to
, endure the struggle, if that were to be our destiny.
1 But whether that extremity was to be undergone or
j not, he could hare no question as to the other pro-
; minent feature of time Address: he was decidedly for
. strengthening the arm of Government, and giving all
lof vigour and weight that was to be found in a wise
and manly preparation.
1 Earl GREY expressed his concurrence in most of
the observations which he heard delivered upon this,
question ; and although there were one or two
points from which he was. compelled to differ, he
had listened to the greater part of the discuulon '
with the highest satisfaction. He agreed with the
opinion of the Noble Earl (Liverpool) that at the
• period of the Treaty of Pads, it was natural to op-1
prebend, that after so many years of war and con.;
vulsion, Europe would not suddenly or instantly :
subside into perfect tranquillity : but whilst he ad-
; mitted the probability of further dissensions and of
future struggles, he must still lament with his Noble
Friend (Marquis Wellesley) that the nreaseres which
WI Wen pursued, so far from settling those agitne
!lons, or curing the evils that threatened a renewal
of warfare on the Continent, had tehrbed only to
accelerate that calamity. It was painful to observe,
1 that as far as the information of which they m ere in
possession enabled then" to judge, there had existed
danger of an immediate war among the Powers as-
sembled to complete the work of peace, and that
such was the spirit of disunion and jealie..:sy which
prevailed, as to afford too much reason to believe
that hostilities would have ultimately become an-
'. avoidable.—[/least, hear g —Even the mild and be.
neficent character of the Sovereign who recently sat
1 On the throne of France, would not, he feared, have
been long able to protect the people blessed by his
paternal sway, from the consequences of a renewed
contest between the different States of Europe.—
What, thee, could have induced any set oL men en.
trusted with such high duties, to put to hatard, and
wantonly to sacrifice the best interests of the world,
but the most unpardonable negligence, or a degree
of ignorance disgraceful in their situation ? • The
Noble Lord had told them that it was the intention
of the Allies, and of his Majesty's Government, that
the peace should be honourable to France. How
clearly was it shown, then, that Ministers were in.
adequate to the accomplishment of their own views,
: when it was stated, and he believed correctly stated
by the Noble Marquis, that there existed causes of
!discontent in France, which disposed the people of
HOWE OF COMMONS.
that country to view the family of Bourbon as the I Mr. FINLAY moved the second rending of the Scotch Union
instrument of their degradation ? Upon this ground , Canal Bill.
alone, be trusted, his Majesty's Ministers would be : Mr. W. DUSDAS moved an amendment, that it should be
read on that day six months.
called to a severe account. The Noble Lord had ; After some observations from Mr. MA.IORIBANKS against
at length entered into au explanation of the dream- the Bill,,iitTddeta'rom Lord A. HAMILTON its support of it, the
stances attending the Treaty of Fontainbleau, trod it 1 ous;ur the second reading 5.) 1 Against it 83 I Majority 33
Iwas now confessed, that great advantages had been Lord CASTLEREAGH bronght op several papers relative
tiVhe Trees df Ennininhleaa and .irered to lie on derived by the Allies from the removal of the pre-
table.ati His Lordship also brought upParis the--t Pa capers relative to
sent Ruler of France, and it was not therefore true , nem,,
that he owed his life merely to their generosity. But ; Mr. WHITBREAD concluded, that those were the whole of
nwbbei:iiberthiehelyirtzs
elmredd
it7h(eiviedoirifi.utrse;
ctirweniiii he seen,
in proportiou as the interests of the allied cause had-. ehPew b•oriever,
gained by his abdication, was it incumbent on There masa paper which he intended 10 loose for yesterday,
the Declaration of the 19th of
the Powers in question to observe the strictest )bat had forgottenie itb. heirr;
good faith in the execution of the engagements that
hwis. Majesty's AL:assealors. lii)ew%evro6urd
attended it. The Noble Lord had said that there paper, ns the Noble Lord, perhaps. would inform the Ilau,e
Mould have been no violation of treaties on the whether it was genuine and authentic.
Lord casTl,Eit EACH hail on iliflicolty in coasideriog the
part of the Allies, because Bonaparte had di ' Declaration authentic. nod arguitig upon it as such, He would,
' claimed any such ground of complaint. With alt Itawever, Produce it, if the Hell. lielltir111:111 thought proper to
due deference to the Noble Lord, this was nut a! whle fIPirtASONBY wished r. I a to know, whether the Nibble Lord
sufficient answer, lie had, however, seen in the . had any collection to produce the Declaration published b) the
public Prints, a copy of a Proclamation issuer, in l'Allie" the rapture of the uegociations at Chatillon.
f liseltd CAST4LERE A Gil did not roureive that :toy public in-
Bonaparte's name, soon after his landing on thlt isalktuce would melt fom producing that paper:
French territory, in which it was asserted, that the DiESSE•GE FROM Till; 11F.612.Y.C.
' Treaty of Fontairthleau bad been viideted in all its Lerd CASTIA li ttr:AG moved the order of the
1
parts, both as it affected himself, his Empress, and -day far taking into consideration his Rapti Highness
his son.—[llear, hear !]—lle trusted, for the pre.; the Prince Regent's most gracious Message.
sent, that, whenever this subject should be Wrestle l . The Message was then read by the SpeakergroundsH
gated, some grime of defence would be laid by Lord CASTLEREAG rose, and declared that,
i.
his. Majesty's Miaisters, more solid and satisfactory rift dtrecting the attention of the House to the question-
than the weak and pitiful subterfuges to which the f,.. new before it, he never in any period of his life felt'
Noble Lord had that day had recourse to colour and •
more deeply impressed with the importance of the
qualify the fact, that not one farthing had ever been (consideration, naisitig not of the gte tt events that had
remitted to Bonaparte, during his residence in Elba. Yletel, taken place in France: It would now be his
%Vitt' respect to our right of ear, in the present in.; let 4e endeavour to call flub attention of the House
stance, he should make one or two observations, but ;these events, in such a manner as• should remove
must, in the first place, express his regret, that this i.every kind of misconception that might hare pre-
question of right, It el been so prematurely brought.imailed respecting them. In all the cihirts made by
into discussion. It swat not a mark of meet, eisdorne, the Allied Powers during the late war at.,‘..tiost Fri ore,
to enter on the declaration of a right of this otature,lthey had not flattered themselves that they should he
at a time when • they were net premed to net ittis. able •to deliver the wand from all the dangers with
mediately upon it. The loesiioa of exercising OKI "thigh it bad been threatened. They hail hoped,
sight; supposin it to Mat was ono for alterlyel lower, that if they should not be able to restore

the ancient system of Europe to that equitable
lance on which it had long subsisted, yet that o.'
should be able to bring about suck a political sysie,
as should place the different nations of Europe /1
comparative safety. Whatever differences of opinion.
might have prevailed between him and Gentlemen n„
the opposite side of the House at former times, e. to;
the changes that had taken place, there was e general
understanding existing between them, that our of
every thing which hail been dune there was likely to
arise such a state of Europe as would serve to keep
up the different Powers in a cenditiOn in which thee
should be capable of supporting amicable relations
with each other ; and that the world was again like.
ly to be. governed by a solid and secure system es
policy, instead of being oppressed by an over-wets,
ing military authority, that threatened to ingtosaid
annihilate every State of Europe in one extensive (111!1
of despotism. No one who seriously thought on this
subject could refrain from asking, whether the event
that lately took place in France was to overturn the
labours of the last 20 years? Whether the preset,
sions of a military chieftain, founded solely on the
attachment of nn army, were to be admitted? This
chieftain, and the army which now supported him,
found a system of peace to lie wholly inconsistent
with their views and incompatible with their interests,
. they therefore effected a system ss hich did not originate
with, the mass of the French people, hut one which
, was forced upon the people by an army that could
not endure a state of peace. If this system went on,
it would its time inflict upod Europe all the call.
mities from which it was lately understood to have
, escaped; unless endeavours were made to bring
about that salutary kind of system in which the mill-
' tary should become subservient to the civil power.—.
The nations of Europe must either assume a predo.
minant military character themselves, or they mast
submit to that system in France which now menaced
them all with its re-creation. After the ardeous
struggle in which they had been so long engaged,
after a war of twenty-three years carried on against
the most formidable Power that ever existed in the
world, the Powers of Europe would act with injuv.
tice to themselves if they suffered that Power to re.
viva in the form in which it already existed. lie felt
the deliberation to which Parliament was now called,
to be the most awful which the imagination coeld
conceive; and he should be guilty of a dereliction of
his duty, if he omitted to state all the circumstances
accompanying it : he was not, however, as yet, pre•
pared to submit the question to the House in all its
bearings, and, therefore, forthe present, it must be
narrowed to those points to which the House shoed
be called on to give a decision. The Message which
had just been read, informed the House, that events
had taken place in France in contravention to exist.
ing treaties. Those events constituted in themselves
a justifiable cause of war against France, if his Ma.
jesty's Government and that of the Allied Sovereigns
should think that coarse advisable. No one cola
I doubt but that a state of things like this, necessarily
called on the Executive G (averment to adopt some pro•
ceediugs or other; bet whetheretay measures should
be subsequently taken in concert-with the Allies of this
I country, must be a question of ulterior consideration.
The House could not wish or ripest at this moment
I that the nature or extent of such a co-operation
should become a subject of diecussion. Nothing
could be more inconsistent with the energy of
the Crown, nothing could be- more inconsist.
ent with the duties 'as well as the privlttiges of
Parliament, than that the Parliament should inter-
fere with a question which rested in the Crown, end
assume a responsibility which belonged only to the
Government, and which could only be exercised
when the transactions to which it referred arrived at
a certain stage. Jt was necessary then that the
House should narrow its *pinion at the present ma
ment to the simple statement contained in the Ws-
sage. Events had occurred which were likely to
disturb the general tranquillity of Europe; and the
moment these events were knew'', it was impossible
for the British Government to avoid increasing es
armaments. We should be prepared to take pre,
cautionary measures until the causes and COO.
derations carne to be discussed. Ile Wiiherit ja
the best place, to submit such considerations 0
should serve to remove many erroneous impree-
sions that had gone abroad respecting the trestle,
that had been contravened. A general impression
had gone abroad, that the Treaty of Fontainblem
was most improvident; that the Allies bad entered
into it hastily, unadvisedly, and with false memo
of generosity and forbearance. He had himself
discessed this very question with many persons, and
the impression he alwass urged was this, that the
, Allies had gratuitously, and in the excess of their
generosity, granted to Bonaparte a great Wel.
gence, which he has since abused. He had obtained
an asylum iu the Isle of Elba, with a sovereigief
over the place, and liberty to retain his Imperial
title; and his Lordship was confident he should be
able to satisfy the Mouse that Bonaparte,
in coo•
tempt of all treaties which he had entered into, is
his disregard of every indulgence extended to him,
in his ambition and his art ogance, lie disregarded
engagements, that he was not controlled In al-}'
thing except the went of means to curry his perfidious
plan into erect. He boldly raised fOr himself a ix-
destal on which he took his station, with I blew of
subjugating all mankind, and he boldly and impiously
declared, that be would raise himself to rape.
It was impious to break through the solemn eugsr
°lent into which he had entered. 11.1e'n Sig"ing
this engagement, he declared lie would net shed
a drop of French blood, awl afterwards cattle
with au of rued force, prepared to stir u p a on,
war, and seized upon the throne which hit had At/'
dicated ! Was it possible that ary Power coned
ever rignin safely enter into an engagement *eh
a man who had acted in tint way ? It had awn
said, that a gratuitous and general sacrifice had
been most imprudently made to Bonaparte--
For his own part, lie never deprecates! *IA
had beet, done to him by those Powers
came with their victorious armies to the gat" '"
Paris. But if the conduct observed towards him 00
too generous, the only feeling which could rcpt 1"
the breasts of the British people was, it Ot a ferl.ll-1",
regret, but a consciousness that the Mile., had ecteJ
on great moral principles, and in a miellierwhilli
tnust cause their character to stand h ighlts thti_
world. If there had been an error in ruloptine
conduct, it was en error on the side of magnatettli's,