The Statesman.
London, England, 1821-03-21 00:00:00

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'changing their Government, it was unreasonablk is
our ancestors to find fault with France for opposing a
change of dynasty at a former period in this e•estry.
—(Hear, hear.)—But it was mockery to suppose that
the Emperor of all the Russia' was afraid of the es-
tablishment of a military despotism. He who ex-
tended his sway over a great part, not of Europe, but
of the world,—whose will was law, and who, as his
jurists say, could leave the kingdom to whom be
pleased,—was that a Sovereign who was likely to fear
a military despotism ? The Home ought to consider
the slow degrees by which their own Constitution had
risen to its present excellence; through what crimes
and difficulties they came to possess that Constitution
which they so highly valued. On the other hand,
the revolution at Naples did not cost a single life.—
But the question was, whether they had a right to
dowse a Constitution without the consent of Austria.
—lf Austria apprehends that her States will
atch the same and follow the example of
Naph-s, what does that prove, but that she has
made slaves of then*? With respect to the sentence
the Noble Lord denounced against the Carbonari sad
other societies, he (Mr. Ward) entertained no disk
but the best and bravest men in Italy belonged to
that society. The Noble Lord could not forget ffital
the King of Prussia owed his restoration to secretes.
cieties. But even if the Carbonari and other societies
were suppressed to-morrow, that could operate no al-
teration in the minds of the people, wherever those
who were enslaved desired to rise to their proper
limit, particularly in Italy.—(Hear, hear.)—All the
States of Europe were destined, at no distant period,
to receive a change in their constitutions.
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to ask the Noble Lord
opposite, whether any pledge had been given, on
the part of this country, to guarantee to Austria the
possession of Lombardy and Venice?
Lord CASTLEKEAGH replied, as we understood
Lim, that there were no other treaties existing than
slime which pledged the different countries to a strict
adherence to their recognised territorial possessions.
Mr. CANNING said, that in the situation in which
he was placed, he felt it is ditty to offer a few observa-
tions on the question before the House. In duty to
himself and to his Majesty's Ministers, he was hound
to justify the orders which were furnished to the Bri-
tish Amitassador at the Court of Naples, because he
filled a situation among Ministers when those orders
were issued ; and lie should be dealing unfairly and
Omatolidlv ii he did not claim his share of the re-
a ,nsibility for all the consequences of those orders. For
those orders he would fearlessly claim the responsibi-
lity, and was ready to justify them to the House, to
the country, anti to the whole world. Those orders
were given with the fishiest determination of preserv-
ing a strict neutrality in the affairs of Naples and the
Allied Monarchs ; and that was not a neutrality of
word only, but one which they were firmly resolved to
maintain in the strictest sense. He concurred iu the
instructions, as far as they could go, for the preserva-
tion of the Royal Family. It was not the duty of Mi-
nisters, nor their intention, to mix in the discussions
hero ern Naples and the Allied Powers. The Gallant
General, its bringing forward his motion, alluded to
the conduct of the English Government in the war with
France. In the beginning of that war a direct pro-
ptrition came from a Member on that side of the House
on which the Gallant General sat to make an effort to
ante the Royal Flintily. net the proposition was wett-
ed with caution by those on his (M r. C.'s) side, because
it slid not seem possible to carry it into effect. If the
city of Paris was situated on the ocean, and not on the
Seine, tittle would not be any hesitation in acceding
to the proposal, hecanse it would in that case he prac-
ticable. The case was now reverse I. When the very
same proposition had 111.4.81 made with regard to the
Royal Family of Naples, and when Gerse were means
of enforcing it, objections came from that side. Two
gentlemen of the most upright character had been
employed —the one a political gentleman, and the
other a gallant officer, both of whom, lion be
thanked, had regulated their conduct with the
greatest prudence and circumspection. With re-
spect to the paper whirl' was the subject of
the debate that nigh', the opinion of his
Majesty's Ministers, when he had the honour
of sitting among them (and he believed ever since, al-
though be had not any official: knowledge of it). was for
a decides' neutrality. Rut it was impossible to listen to
the speech of the Gallant General, and not to see that
its object was to recommend war to the country.—(No,
us. front the (lppositiott Benches.) Ile appealed to the
Gallant General if he did not say, that if an armed ne-
goci oion was set on foot, and if that negociation ended
in a 4:l•Jaration of war. what man could there be found
in the country, who world refuse to hear his portion of
the burdens ? He would appeal to the House, if that
was not the argument the Gallant General made use of.
The question was, he would repeat it, a question of
peace sir war. His voice was for peace.—(Hear.)—
No une could look with more satisfaction than he
(Mr. Canning) slid at the aspect of affairs in Europe. He
was not one of those niggardly persons who could grudge
Others those advantages with which be himself was
blessed. Ile grudged not to others a participation in
that liberty which he had valued so much. in advert-
ing to the Constitution of England, it had been formed
rertaialy through crimes, dangers, and difficulties, and
they Ini;I obtained the desired results. Yet he could not
approve the means. Ile hoped he should never arrive at
that cool contemplation with which the Gallant General
could view the murder of Charles I. Nothing could induce
hilatolook hack on that act hut with the greatest horror.
Whatever he might think of the facts contained in
the paper of the Duke de Gallo, and whatever he
might feel as to the difficulties attending the present
state of Naples, and the conduct of those who had
Proc. ceded to hostilities against that country, he must
declare that to take any part with one side or the other
trit:,l he engaging in a struggle of no short duration:
and they must indeed be visionary statesmen and an
narrriectittg. Parliament, if they suffered their feelings
to carry them away in a manner contrary to the in-
tere•ts of their own conntry.—(Hear, hear.) The
'Ambling spirit of freedom would he carried to the
Terre of a dangerous precipice, if they were
to unfurl its standard before the battle was
decided. Thvefore he conjured the Members of that
House consider I w rat a task they would impose on
tliestwelves if they engaged in a cause so uncalled for
Is this. It was mighty well out of doors for people
to list" questions of this kind as between tyrants
and shaves ; but while taxation was at its present us-
mulled height, they had only to look to the interests
°f their Own country: and if they were to engage in
a war for the sake of liberty, it would be no excuse af-
terwards to say, that they had been hurried en

_

by the enthusiasm of the Moment. Before peo-
ple went to war for opinions, they ought to know
whether they were likely to contribute to the happiaess
of mankind--or at least that they were likely to give
effect to the recommendations they had made. If he
were to offer the British Constitution to the Neapoli-
tans. they might say that the British Constitution was
good for little. Many gentlemen in this country
were now of opinion that the British Constitution was
good for nothing ; yet they were ready to cry out,
" Come, my merry men all, let us go and fight for the
British Constitution."—(Loud laughter and cheers.)
Spain, Portugal, and Naples had recently adopted
Constitutions of their own ; and was it to be said that
they would abandon those Constitutions and adopt that
of Great Britain? But it was well known that even in
our own country the British Constitution wasa plant of
slow growth, and that it was a thing which could
never be propagated by the sword. Onr business was
to consider if there was any thing that should induce us
to embark our treasure in this perilous struggle. Let
those who bad their work to perform, proceed to do win
their own way; but let us not act like knight errants in
forcing our liberty all over Europe. No obligations
rested un us, and this was not the moment to contract
them We had a monarchy which was sufficient to
'reserve, by its transcendent authority, just and per-
fect equality ; where there was just as much demo-
cracy as was sufficient to correct its caprices and 1s
swine assumption of power. Let us then preserve a
perfect independence and neutrality in the whole or
this mums, for this was not the time to contract new
alliances ;—our duty was to proceed in a steady
straight-forward line, and whatever might be the issue
of the contest abroad, the time might come when we
should be called in as arbitrators to settle the raging
storm, and, by our superior power and authority, com-
pose the differences existing between foreign nations.
—(Loud cheering.)
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said he did not rise
for the purpose of following his Right lion. Friend in
all the topics to which he bad adverted ; nor did l►e
moss ft follow him in his discursive wanderings. In-
deed, it seemed to be a practice with the Right lion.
Gentleman occasionally to retire from office, in order
that he might have a better opportunity of pro-
nouncing panegyrics upon late colleagues. On the
present occasion, the chief object et his Right lion.
Friend was to neutralise the indignation which that
House naturally felt towards the Despots of the Holy
Alliance—(Hear, hear.)—whose clnduct was
such as to have produced only one unmixed feel-
ing of disgust and horror. In doing all this,
his Right Honourable Friend seemed to have
created an imaginary opponent, who was not iu exist-
ence, in order to obtain an advantage over their real
opponents. His Right lion. Friend bad told the
House. that if remonstrance had been applied, that
must mean war ; but that was not the thing recom-
mended. The Ministers were blamed for nut taking
measures which would have saved all Italy from its
present state of convulsion. The olortoine never was
known before that au amicable expostulation could be
construed into a war. If England and France had, at
the out-set. expressed a strong disapprobation of the
principles evineed by the German Courts, was their im-
portance so low that they could have produced no effect ?
It was impossible fir him. without indignation and
horror, to view the degrading spectacle of an aged
Kies, bolo,. brought heist, a seei•eosseitweed asmi
despotic Tribunal of Sovereigns at Layliach ; and all
Europe bad read with disgust and abhorrence the ac-
count which the Duke de Gallo had given of his recep-
tion at that place. lie was not allowed to be absent
for a single moment with his own Sovereign ; and
when that Sovereign had to speak to his Minister he
was brought out of his prison by the Sovereign and
could only speak in their presence, and speak nothing
except what they chose to dictate. The object then
could not be to protect the King of Naples against his
own subjects but against the violence exercised towards
him by the tyrants at Laybach. It was an affront to
the people of Naples to say that they hail offered awy
violence to their King; and nothing could exceed is
baseness the act of making that aged Monarch issue a
Declaration contradicting every thing wnich be hsi
voluntarily sworn to in his own country. I I ever there
was any contrivance that contributed more than another
to accelerate the downfal of Monarchy, it was that act.
—(Load cries of hear')—The Monarchs of Laybach
at first set out with a declaration that they were to
have the co-operation of England. The Noble Lord
said the contrary. In this conflicting testimony,
could our Ministers be said to have observed an honest
neutrality ? In former ages, this country interfered
in the most generous manner in favour of distressed
nations, and was successful iu her interference. Such
was the case in the glorious reign of Elizabeth ; and
that did not involve the country in war. Nor was
there any reason to suppose that the remonstrance
now recommended would lead to a war ? It was trot
on the principle of defending the Constitution of
Naples he would interfere, but solely to defend the
independence of nations; and the atrocious attack now
made by the Holy Allies on Naples tended to nothing
less than to destroy the independence of all nations.
Mr. CANNING explained.
Sir ROBERT WILSON replied at some length,
disclaiming any step that tended to war, hut such as
must have led to peace. The Gallant General con-
cluded by stating, that in consequence of the ex-
planation given by the Noble Lord of Sir William
A'Court's letter, he should withdraw his motion.
The motion was accordingly withdrawn.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
brought up a Bill for the gradual Resumption or
Cash Payments by the Bank, which was read a first
time.—To be read a second time to-morrow.
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR gave notice, that on the
17th of April he should move for leave to bring in a
Bill to put a stop to the nuisances arising from the
smoke of furnaces.
At a quarter past Twelve the House Adjourned.

Ten millions of specie, in gold, have lately. it is
said. been coined in the /loyal Mint, and are now
ready to be issued at the Hank of England.
The subscription for the loan required to complete
the little Theatre in the Haymarket, was, as we pre-
dicted, soon filled up. The building is of consequence
proceeding with rapidity. The new house will, as
we stated, be much more commodious than the old.
The passages will be two fret wider, and there will
be the additional secoontodation of as elegant Coffee-
MOIL

4SiA

PRICE OF STOCKS THlti
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Red. shot.
Sper Coat. C0n.3111 091
pot Coat. shut
4 per C•nts. shut.
3per Ct. Navy 1041 ISM
Spur Cont.
bong Ann. shut
Imp 3 per Cent. soli
Irish 6 per Cent.

RICH NAM! AT LONINOS•RRIDGII TO-BORROW.
Morning 1 min. after 4.—Evening 16 pita. after 4.

VA SotattOtnan.

" TIIE MIMI= STATSSIIAII" IS I.IICORPORATSD WITIS TES
sTATSUMAN."

LONDON:
WEDNESDAY EYENINU, MARCH 21. 1821.

STOCK ElC'--HANGE, ONE O'CLOCK.

The Funds have had another fall this morning, af-
ter having recovered, in a great measure, the depression
of yesterday.—Consols for the Account closed at 70, and'
shortly after the market opened were done
at 693. They have since rallied, and are now
from 69/ to 70, at which latter price they have been
buyers. It is now very evident that the public
in some measure Att getting into week from
above rally, and from the depreciation that has
taken place in Exchequer Bills, which have beets this
morning at is. discount ; and India Bends, which were
a few days ago at As. premium, are now only ISt.

Sir ROBERT Wit.sox's motion in the litmee of Com-
mons last night, relative to Naples, Bare rise to an
interesting debate. We have only room to add, that
we are glad of the occasion it afforded for those senti-
ments which were expressed in favour of the noble
cause in which the Neapolitans are engaged, and
against the unprovoked and °thong aggression of their
Austiian invaders.

Our readers will have perceived by th• express we
published yesterday, that the Censors of the French
Press interdicted the news from Turin until the official
gazette of that city bad mentioned it. Although we
are fully aware of the extent to which this political
inquisition has carried its despotic sway during the
last two years, we are bound solemnly to protest
against the exercise of its anti-social functions under
the present circumstances of Europe, when it is of
such vital importance to the people of England that
no obstruction or delay si Id take place with regard
to ►what passes at the seat of the patriotic war.
Had the old Government of his Sardinian Majesty
not been happily replaced by a Constitutional one, it is
by no means likely that The Gazette of Teri*, would
have contained any articles of intelligence favorable to
the patriots.

Of all those causes of jest complaint existing in
France, there is assuredly none so galling as the
Censorship ; it ha• done more towards stifling the voice
of truth and returning the cause of humanity, than any
other invention of modern Statesmen. When the history
of this detestable instrument of Ministerial oppression is
made public, Europe will no longer wonder at the un-
popularity of the lio+•n:IoNs, or why the wisest heads
aril best hearts in France, think the dynasty totally
incompatible with the happiness and prosperity of the
nation.—We know how shamefully the monstrous
powers of the Censorship have been exercised, and
shall take a future opportunity of more fully elucidat-
ing this subject ; meantime, most heartily do we con-
gratul.►te our friends at Paris, and in the Departments,
on the prospect they now have of being' shortly relieved
from this frightful incubus on the human niind and
public opinion.

From the muerte our attention is called to the mo-
tion of Gen. Mot ssittLy, purporting that the King
should be petitioned to remove lois present Ministry as
Anti-french and appoi rt another. Here it may be pro-
per to inform the public, that M. DONNA me is what
the French politicians call an ra-rxragi, and that he
has been above all others, distinguished ler his
severities against the liberal party, more particularly
dnring his well known cammand at Grenoble. What
kind of men be ..ould substitute for those now in
power, we are therefore at a loss to conceive; but
to judge of his former history, we presume that
Messrs. CHATS:A(*OSi ND, LAVAL Motstmonaticr,
and CABTLEUYAre would become the leading mem-
bers of his administration. If so, heaves defend
France from the benefits General DossAnitu would
confer on her !

Allusions to the criminal law established amongst
our neighbours have frequently appeared in the
STATESMAN ; and we feel that no greater services can
be rendered them, then by occasioally recurring to
numerous imperfections not to say asonsttuosities.
Many of these will he made apparent when the trial
of M. Sort.it:se is published. We shall now only
mention the fact silted by his counsel, M. DM Bea-
-1 II Lt.t, on the openitpx of his trial, viz.--that the first
thirty pages of the act of accusation, was tilled with
prirate lettere which had no relation whatever to the
cause : We will ask any man in England, no matter
11 what his politics are, or by which of the parties that
divide this country his opinions are infineneril, lobe.
ther sack a system of jurisprudence can or ought to
continue ?

We do not, however, regret the publication of those
letters, since many of them are from that patriarch of
human liberty LAFAVETTR, and breathe nothing but
those sentiments of exalted philanthropy, which he
has not only preached but practised for more than
sixty years!

Yesterilay, at two o'clock. a Cabinet Council was
held at the Foreign-Alice, which sat till a jostler past
three.