The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-05-24 00:00:00

~7

ThE§tietitglittg:

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~..a,:d upon ta join, her standard—and, in fact, the year, but whether *e had a greater prospect of sec- cehtriCt must be made known to all parties,' aliens in whish be could not indulge. Ace certainly
, • „,1,,,t,,, of fpoliation which had been pursued by cess next year. If Bonaparte's army be so fermi- and this *as the ca.. respecting the exclusion imposed limits on the activity and am' ;lion of man
ti,.. Congress had excited such alarms as well 'driblet as the Noble Earl represented now, it would of Napoleon Bonapade and his family from I but that bad not as yet occurred. Little either could
as des;,est, that the same confidence and close- next year be more formidable. Then it was said that I the French throne. The question, therefore, was !he trace as to the amendment of his disposition. God
‘,„,, or ~,,ion which hod subsisted previous to the this was an interference with the Government of not on the abstract tight of interfering in the choice of I forbid he should suppose that no amendment could
. liettllrnw of the power of Bonaparte with
.France, France. To a Certain extent, we had a right to such i a Government for Fiance. but on the right of en. take place in any man : but in looking to the general
„2s 'WNW again likely to be established. All interference. lie protested against carrying this ' forcing a solemn Treaty. It mattered not what was : safety of nstions,-and to the happiness and existence of
these circute.tances combined ought to operate principle beyond what was absolutely necessary; ! the case of right, if it was atioweel;, se. no wan de- `his own country, he could not rest upon probabilities
as an additional reason for seeking rather to este. • but contended for the right, if necessary, with a hied, that France had the riglietio Conclude lawfully ! merely, ithereesperially he saw no reasonable hopes,
104 h a peace, than plunge into a new and a view to secure ourselves against serious and alarming , the Treaty.—'Phut gare to the Allittetheright of en. • and when the very act of the man which ocentioned
dmistell war. The Noble Earl then proceeded to danger. If a Government exercised its functions in , forcing it. The. Treaty was made, and it could not' the present crisis, wasea.„.ef thitst; ;ingest examples
„,,.:,,,, lilditionll reasons fur preferring peace* to war. a manner which should be dangerona to its neigh- !be lawful for France to break it. It was founded on 'of his faithlessness and afabition which his life had
ii...,ihnottsti did Bonaparte, in the course of his hours, those neighbours had a right to proscribe certain stipulations: but France breaks it, and re-
.'• offered. By any means'of information which he pa.
c„,,finemetit, n•ol had en opportunity- of viewing both the person and form of that Government, if
streets from part of the bargain ; her obligation was ;seised, he knew not how to estimate the proportions
the estispooelices of his nisi) inordinate, ambition, of necessary. The Noble Earl denied this, except on , the exclusion of Bonaparte's dynasty. The moment ;of those in. France who desired his return, and of
~.iirecialoes the m istlorn of adopting a different line occasions of large accession of territory; but in that that violation was committed, a just cause.of war en- : those• who wished for 'tiny oiler Government., It
(a relies, sii:l of abandoning thole errors for which • instance, it was because that was the nature of the :sued. They might, though it was not necessary, I was a difficult things° do so in tiny-ether coontry.--.
I:, Earl alesely paid so dear. lie thesi adverted to ' danger : he instanced the case respecting Holland, 'look hack to the Succession War and the Treaty of 'lt appeared, however, that be wai:tiplaced by the
N.,. loclia,.iii!y, if it war took place with 10' ranee, of .in the Treaty of Peris, .as to the stipulation in the , Utrecht, and the original principle on which that war active efforts of the military.. There were no trace*
.-oporico re-asserting that point respecting maritime event of the marriage of the Hereditary Prince of was founded. The Allies, he would not sty whether of any other interference. Though he could not
,L. ,s nhirt. remained ntisettled at the late negocia. Orange with the Princess Charlotte; and also to whiely *or not, did relax from the original principle estimate and distribute the. different proportions of
eon ; and ti.ially exhorted the House not to Saisc- ' our interference with Holland in 1787, as sanctioned o[e:eluding the Bourbon family from the Spanish? the opinions of • the French, yet from all he ha&
'tiea a war, which. by being interminable with the :by Mr. lox. l throne; but they ivisted on the means for prevent-, , from every report on the subject that be had
present Coveinnieot of Fiance, would leave no op- I Lord GRENVILLE considered.the present Ruler log the Crowns of the two nations being worn by the.= it did appear . that under Louis the XVIIIth
reunify of futs re tranquillity without manifest .of Freuce as the commononemyof Europe and this same person. It might then have depended on the !thaeamv felt a radical discontent at ohe pacific pane'
disgrace to the councils of this country. Tile • No. country, and had no doubt that if he had hem, placed life of a weak and sickly child, whether Philip would ciples of that monarch. Illittnoderatints and pacific
hie Earl, in conelasion, proposed an Amendment to .in the situation of Ministers, he should hove given not became the rightful heir of France. Had the disposition was the •very tease, for whidt, as for a
the original Address, the whole of which he moved the same advice as to the present state of war. Now contemplated event occurred, then France would crime, he was deposed. He was the victim of peaces
rsigut be omitted, except the first word ‘. thee"— : that Parliament was called upon for its pepped, he have desired and attempted the annexation of Spain ! Ile was the sacrifice of his gond faith:--qfferre !)—e
'saw Amendment, ist.Autestance, thanked his Royal . could not, after all the consideration he had been as a province of France; not as it was; afterwards, a ' He had suffered, not like his unfortunate brother
jiisjeless the Miners Regent for his most graciodt . shirt to give the subject, bring himself to doubt that virtual province, but an actual added province or , Louis XVI., not upon chirges-btftesd against him,
ates,iee—expressed a firmta determination to support it was their duty to declare their determined rejoins kingdom. If the policy, the, was admitted to be • for designing to violate the li of Fratice, or
all those measures which were necessary to maintain ties. to support the Crown to the utmost in theright, what wes the inference resPecting the present for any harshness of proceedings. Ills-Gotesitneet
th.. (ligoisl and the honour of the Crowe, and to secution of the war. But. if any hesitation had ap- circumstances? 'Flue point then was, not the exclu- I was a Government of lenity. It rolild ifot beoliarced
.%•ao•ish an intimate connection with the great . peered on the part of the Executive Government, 'ion of all Bourbons or others from the throne of against him that he was shaking •the Constitution
powers of Europe, for the protection of the rights strong as his impression was, he should not have Spain, but to prevent Philip V.. from wearing the that had been formed. Thetigh it was the ic.
of all—assured his Royal Highness that they should presumed upon the imperfect, and, perhaps, erro- French crown ; and we now said that by the Treaty ; terest of the present Government to find out e herget
ei. (deep ready to tremor in such engagements as Demos information which a Member of Parliament Bonaparte cannot lawfully be, considered: as the Em- of a disposition to unsettle the pident state of pro.
were entered into for such purposes ; but at the same was able to pick up, to' advise the Government to peter of. France. This Milksorr ground, and as to ! perry in France, he had been able to diectiVer notaa
time stated, that the did out feel themselves justified commence n war which Ministers did not think ex- - the enemy_ nothing more was reecessary. The case ; single proof of any such Accordion ; nothing mare,
in Opprfivi* those resolutions of the Congress, of i pedient. He expressed some concern that the House was this : he had violated, •andllte Allies claimed t indeed, than loose and f earn! assertions. Tl.itLavis
th.• rieteibeof which they were wholly uninformed.-- : were not called upon to consider this subject earlier, the Observance of the Treaty. It was fitting to levident in all publications on that subject. riere
the" the -'. were anxious to estnhlish the peace and for the sake Of giving more satisfaction to the coon- ' show to France that We were justified in those steps ! appeared no such grounds ; and the hie fat assets.
equilibr item of Europe, but did not think that going . try, of counteracting many unfounded opinions, and which might bring•on France all the calamities 9f i blies under the new Constitution paid him 01 tile.
to wit against the present fluter of France was removing many groundless prejudices. If he might war. His (Lord G.'s) opinion was, that there was nolgiance up to the very element, that be becimewil
Moly to Wain those !lids, Inasmuch Its Ise ahem.. separate his private wishes from his regard for his bplinii left us ; nor any grounds for long delibera-lexile. It was because be ices the friend of peace,
tieseecould be left bet the &world of the power of •country, the delay had personally afforded hint the lion : we were placed by an imperious necessity in a !and was desirous to keep peace with the ether coelie
lewnapatte, or a humiliating abarolonnutut of our consolation of delaying the fatal necessity of nitres- state to do what could not be avoided. The first fries of Europe, that n soldiery, accustomed to raa
professed objects.—nengrettOnteti Ms Royal Highness' sing a difference of opinion on this great and mo- great point of importauce was.the observance of the i pine, and raised by their former:Chief, as his Noble
that histilities hall wit yet rominenced, and entreated intones subject, with a person of whom he should treaty. It was no light matter, after twenty-five i Friend had expressed it, " to principalities had
that new negotiations might be opened, upon prin- be afraid to speak as he felt inclined, if he had not years of trouble, and even nt the close of war, to ! powers," carved out of the jest rights of other papa
ciptet eliferesit from these recognised in the Declare-. heard the flattering terms in which the partiality of 'find in France that tie prevailing passion which oc- • ple, were discontented, and desired no Monarch last
slot, ISt the Allies 'cif the 13th of March, and ratified friendship had led him to speak of him. The delay Calioned the early calamities, a passion under the a General prepared to reties*. the• work of
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in the Tseety of the 16th of the same month.
On the questinti being put,
Ea.l BATHURST made some observations on the
Address which was first moved, and then prOceeded
to the consideration of Feel Grey's Amendment,
,ihich he considered would be a means of completely
breaking up all ulliance with the other Powers Of
Europe. • It had been stated, that there were no let-
ters erf marque, or no embargo, but he did not con-
sider these as indispensibly necessary to constitute
ear. We might, whatever might he said to the con-
trary, consider ourselvPs at present in a state of war,
sr:alive tpsestion was, w hether the Message etas to he
agreed to or no, so in other words whether his. Mae
lest tWenriliiiinent had been justified in advising him
to place this country in a state of war. The Noble
Earl, he conceived, had not, in any degree, weak-
ened the principles on which his Noble Friend had
justified the war. The Nettle Nut had said a great
deal upon the war's heitie justifiable; but to hint it
appeared that he *confounded, in many instances, the
two topics, the justifiableness nod the expediency
of gning to war. The Noble FArl had then pro.
c., piled to state many violations which the Allies bad
made of Treaties entered into with Bonaparte, but,
he should show that there was not one single viola.
lion on the part of the Allies. It was stated, that,
Bony- wets pension had hope withheld : this it was.
the tv.ines% of LouiS.AVIII. to pay ; therefore, if.
it was a violation, it was not on the part of the Al.'
lies. A reedier instance of riolatiosi wee, that Parma
and Placettitia had not bent giten tip to Maria Louisa,
as had been stipulated. In this there was no direct
violation either. It had been likewise stated, that!
there had been souse design In contemplation for dis..
posSessing Bonaparte of Elba, and transporting him
elsewhere t he did not believe that any design of such
a nature had ever been set on foot, or if it boil, he
saw no direct violatiou, for Bonaparte could as
easily live in retirement in one place os another, if
he had nit some treasonable plans in consideration.
--He considered the vier most justifiable in every
sense of thr.word. The Allies had declared, that
whilst Bonaparte was on the Throne, they could
not make• peace with the Government of France ;
tad the ['rends nation had po right to the peace which
they had fortherty purchased by the dissolution of
Batiapartefe Ciocornmeut, till that Government, so
oangerous In itself to the vital interests and welfare
of Europe, should he again dissolved. If Bona-
parte's abdication was not recognized, we were at
un.r on the same footing as we were before he abdi.
seed. The a Numents which bad been used against
the ear With Bonaparte, Were some of them very
singulti, but not very conclusive ; that be. was Past
40 years of ego was one, and in the coi.re of 10
'srs, may not be able to obey the prompting of
is warlike spirit of enterprize and ambition. If
Mot peace till the close of the 10 years, this might
a good aigtintetit. Much had been said of the new
nen Consi it wino ; but until that had been estab.
'NI some °lme, it ss9s impossible to foresee its belie-
• "%its ilisadvatitagnv. That Government, though
aright for a time prevent war, would not ulli-
'oly• ill cowidei.Kl, indeed, that we could
go to war with giea ter likelihood of success
at the present time. The Saxons were not in
a slate of disaffection as had been represented;
wei-e the forces of Prussia, ltucsin, or Austria
.such infei jar to what they had been last year, as
had mider•toorl the Softie Earl to assert. As to
British army, there were, unquestionably, many
intents whirl. Government was .not able now to
7.e under the-command of the Duke of Welling-
, which had been AO last year; but when the
de Karl represented his army as no longer so
.'art GREY interrupted the Noble Earl to say,
his olvervation applied only to the diminished
hers of the British troops.
continued, that the qiteition
Dot whether ti Wereiii powerful as we were last

. spoliatisse.
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bad also ufforded him the opportunity of examining dominion of which she was preparing to commence [near!) Was it nothing now to be desired to note
' and re-examining opinions, of the correctness of anew war. Could France alone have a right to ex- (ion a system under which Europe had se long
which he had so much reason to doubt, when he amine, question, or cancel treaties, without • essign- groaned, with such an army and such a Chief aelts '
found they differed from those of him of Whose ing any reason shy she was not bound by them ? If head 1 If his cliaposition was said to haeseinidergene
judgment he thought so highly. To give an opinion there remained any hope for Ike maintenance of peice some change, his situation again was now chinged;
in favour of a continuance of the calamities of war in Europe against such a power as-France, it must be and as the army was formerly upheld by spellatiola
was a painful task to• tidy man; but it was some grounded upon a determination that she should be and plunder, so now,• for the same objects, bevies
consolation to feel that that was the opinion bound by the force of her contracts. Europe has recalled by his former instruments, who alone 'could
of a matt whose whole public lire had expressed a ge- not to tolerate her principles of deStroying treaties, maintain him in his regaided power. As .tte dew
neral abhorrence of war, and who thought that to be such as site avowed in the case of the opening of the Constitutions, he was firmly of oplitimi that good '
just, a war must not only be necessary, but unavoid. Scheldt, for instance, some years ago. Se now she .Constitution could may be formed by the adaptation
able. The first question wits, whether we bad just renounced her coniraet by one of the most insulting' of remedies kont time to dew- budge -*he vitteetele
grounds to consider ourselves it war? There yes a Igapiespeee. knots nin Site entialsuf diploniney, Called stances which required them. • That seemed the bury
itayiepeof Burke recorded in those volumes where,if so by Cantaincourt a proposition for peace, u hick na s .means of accomplishing that difficult work. Tile only
many things were often applicable, it was because • founded only' on this, that France might, at • her : instance of exception mentioned was that of Ame-
they were all founded on the solid principles ortruth pleasure, dispense with all compacts. What arca- ' rica : but that did .not apply. •The founders of that
—that neither a profitable e rong, nor an unprofit- 'ion was there now for the question, whether relations Constitution acted with great wisdom. II wit framed
able right, were fit to be pursued by war. Though should be entered into with France, hut-that she had ,anas to prOduce as little change as possible in the
it were demonstrable that the greatest possible edvan- shown that she would not abide by any treaty ? , existing laws and manners under the altered forest of
tage might be derived from the prosecution of war, She gloried in violating a•treaty. She scattered It to i government, which, though a Itepuhlie, ass cone
yet if it could be shown that, however profitable in the winds. She said et effect, that by 25 years' ex- Istructed as nearly as the difference would admit, on
itself; the war was unjust, the waging an unjust war perience, she had taught Europe haw she appreciated • the monarchical form of our own Constitution., if
was more unprofitable to its interests than nay ad- treaties. Other securities must be found for her than !any person would consider the present situation el
vantage could benefit them. Much had been of ne- those of solemn complaints. Not only on this, but on.. Bonaparte in France, it must appear Lao judge gby
cessity said respecting the general rights of interfer- every other reason, the necessities of the present case:. all human probability, it would•he necessary for nim
Ng with the Government of other tuitions. In the rested, like saw Sovereigns supplicating Bonaparte,he (even supposing we were inclined to remain in peace
abstract principle that no Government had a right to should say,• that to what Bonaparte proposes, there I with him) to keep his army in humour with-him,
interfere with another every body would agree. The was an insuperable objectiou. lie could offer no by leading them on to some fresh aggression against
right was unquestionable, like the rights of men in a security. We had now a duty imposed upon us. lie ; some foreign nation ; ,illich Would .force us into the
' state of nature; and if any political state could be had flagrantly broken his faith ; and because he had contest, however we might he disinclined to it. II
found in a state of nature, the rights of a state so se- done so, were we to break faith with our Allies?--. we were to look at all his former policy, we would
parated from the other states would be +absolute and If they called on us to enforce an unjust demand,! sea that he With under a sort of necessity to emits-
undeniable ; but it was with societies as with indie we might reply, that we were no party to the mat.' your to maintain his power by the same means by
' viduals, with Governments as with matt—when they ter. If they called on us to support one, which, I which he had acquired it.. Against his recurring to
stand in any relation to each other, they must be though just, was yet new, we might say, that the' kis former policy, his Noble Friend (Lord Gray)
contented to see their rights regulated with respect interest of the country was to be tirct coosidered.-.- appeared, by the amendment he had moved, 'to coq-
to the mutual right of all. The rights of others in But our Allies .now called upon us only foe the ob. skier that it would be sufficient secotity for this coon-
relation to that state were as sacred as the rights of
.servance of a Treaty agreed to by all, and we could try to continue in peace with him. The state of
the state itself. Ile did not apprehend this principle not consistently set up a plea of our own, interest peace did riot, however,. now exist between us and
could be denied; every page of history of every as a reason for assisting to secure its ohservance.— Bonaparte. We had now no Treaty with him, and
country furnished examples of its being acted upon : 'To refuse to maintain the Treaty of Paris, would ihe would wish to know upon what grounds we could
his Noble Friend had mentioned two striking in- be conduct towards our Allies of a character simi- i stow negociate with him i In that overture, as it
stances which had lately occurred. That this prin. lar to the bad faith of Bonaparte. There were yet was called, that Bonaparte made to thh country, be
ciple must not be made the pretext of oppression and other grounds for deciding on this fearful &Items- I mentioned nothing about the 'Peace of Paris, nor
injustice, was true of every other ground of war ; tive. lie held good faith to oar Allies to be indis- , even condescended to say any thing about the term
rand there was 00 legitimate ground of war which pensibie; but his real opinion was, that it was essens •on which he was disposed to treat with us. It sp.
'I might not by abuse be distorted to the purposes of tial to the general security to all (he kgew not how ; peered, however; by Lord Clancarty's letter, that
' injustice. There was no country which had not to make shades of difference) that the stipulations , the proposal which was forwarded to Vienna, was
tried the effect of a Treaty with Bonaparte, and ex- of the Treaty should be enforced. Whenever the ; that he was content to abide by the Treaty of Paris.
perienced that to restrain his power, or to diminish system of 'car should be recommenced by France,' He,foehispart,hadalwaysthoughttlialbytheareety,
his aggressions, Treaties were of no avail whatever. experience showed. that it could not be stopped by 1 the great points which' remained to be settled for she
If the House had not been of this opinion, the mo- another common effort of the whole of the States of ' future. peace of Europe, were left "too undefined.
ment for them to have declared it was when our do- Europe. It was therefore for the preservation of It was settled, indeed. that France 'should preserve
vernment signed the Declaration to that effect: they Our faith to our Allies, for the•general security, and' herencieettrontiers,and that see were Terestore to her •
should then have required Ministers to withdraw for the interest of our own country, that in this ! the greater part of her colonies.
' such Declaration in the name of England. lie cor- situation we were called on to adopt the means interests of Europe were, howe'
' .dially approved of the Declaration: on that founde. calculated to avert the greatest dangers. No discussed at the Congress, to whi
lion France.accepted the offers of the Allies ; and words of which he was master, nothing that the her Minister. Now, if 'it were
l that Government (which was originally a military page of history recorded; appeared adequate to int- ' elate for peace with Bonaparte or
•
usurpation), had it been the most legitimate in the press on their Lordships minds the situation in which ' Treaty of Paris, was it also to .
l'iorld, would, by the misconduct of its throne, have we were now placed. If such means were required to interfere in all those arrangemet
forfeited' its title to its King, and have produced the . from any, to place in full view the dangers of remiss--' Treaty were left undefined, but we*
extreme case of the necessity of driving from the ! ing the barriers against French ambition and aggres- agreed upon by the different Pot
throne the person who had so abused les authority. I sion, and the necessity that must exist if they were • this was the case, even although
;If France possessed the right of choosing her own' not removed, lie should despair. No reasonable Treaty of Paris as the foot/latex'
.Governmeut, and had, after so matte, years of war,' man, certainly no man in that House, could confide • soon find ourselves entaegled-it
by which she had been so great a sufferer, made some in the security to be found in treaties with Bona. dots with Bonaparte, about those
sacrifices for the advantages of the restoration of party.. SecitritY must be looked for in 'other means. points 1.6:-L ' -
tranquillity, her own limitation or that right could Speaking of the security or insecurity of treaties, lie ,: deli
not be doubted : and so the bargain was made at
..shnuld not attempt a statement of how many viola- sor
Paris. This would appear the true sense- of the firms Bonaparte had been guilt); ; but he would pak ,wl
Treaties, looking on the whole business as one great any one to show him one country during the last 10 :.ter
transaction. id civil transactions, sums competent or 12 years, which had sought peace or safety by' the.
tribunal or jurisdiction was referred to, which pre- treaty with him, that had not found itself visited . had
scribed certain forms as necessary to be attended to with the aggravation of the very evils it had so et- j the
for the regulation of a cntifract ; which he who did tempted to wird off. Instead of enumerating viola- ' Ho,
not act upon, neglected at his peril. But its affairs tions, he would ask, who would rest his security i thot
betwee'' nations, there was no common authority or on Bonaparte, and who would point out .a treaty nape
tribunal to refer to, or which had authority to pre.- with him that was not followed by the disadvantage Ur,
scribe : and all that could be required was to hit- and detriment of the other contracting party ? His ties
pose on both parties the duty of reforming what Noble Friend, in a laudable anxiety fur levee, which coal
'they undertook; The intention to pederre the he full! shared With hies, bad indulged la expect. rem

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he greater part of her colonies. All the other great
aterests of .F.orope were, however, reserved' to be
iscussed at the Congress, to which France also sent
er Minister. Now, if it were proposed to nego-
iate for peace with Bonaparte on the terms of the
'reaty of Paris, was it also to be left open to hint
a interfere in all those arrangements, that by that
'reaty were left undefined, bat which had since been
greed upon'by the different Powers at Vienna ? ff
As was the case, even although we might take the
'reaty of Paris as the foundation of peace, we would
aon find ourselves entangled' in a hostile negocia-
on with Bonaparte, about those *titer interesting
obits which had bees; happily Settled, after long
elilkration, by the Congress at Vienna. NVith
tch a wide field of discussion thrown open,
'hat hopes could there be of the defensive sys-
tin' being lohg maintained? It was impossible for
teir Lordships not to recollect what differences
ad existed between the Powers of Europe upon
tole points,. wheri they were ender dismission:—
low greatly eruuld those differences be increffsed, if
lose discussions were now to be re-opened, and UN_
sparse was admitted to become a party in them.-:-
Trider such circumstances, and with all the °platten ni-
es he would then have of sowingdiviaions,what hope
said be entertained of preserving the defena ve system •
*commended ibthe.amendatrat to Cup Atlantis?
•