The Statesman.
London, England, 1820-03-03 00:00:00

TILE STATESMAN.

e eckery of sense and reason, the real representatives of
4 se population:of England--(Applause).—He owned that.
on this subject, he entertained very sanguine expectations.
•—lie yet hoped to see a properly-constituted House of
l'ocinu3ons. Ile knew, when first he commenced this
1.. rreer—whenfirst he enlisted under the banners of re-
f risi—that it was, at the time, a struggle difficult at
least, if not hopeless ; but still he felt that it was a
straggle worthy of being persevered in. Therefore,
when, at various periods he had seen this great cases—
tile cause of reform—retrograde a little—when he had
seen it advance slowly—when lie sometimes observed
that it was stationary. and at others, feared that It was
talmoyt hopeless—he did esot give it up; still he was ever
to be found at his post, exerting his best ability, and
doing every thing that la in hes power to ensure ulti-
mate success.—(Clierrin)—lle never permitted him-
a If to become faint-heart"]: he never suffered himself to
fail in the performance of his duty. And thus be acted;
not so much considering the probability of success itself,
as determining to preserve that which, in his own salad,
bore the highest of all price—the consciousness, even
in failure, of having deserved success—the conscious-
ness that his countrymen would feel, that if he had not
accomplished what they wished, nothing had been (mit-
t, I, as far as depended ea him, that seemed likely to
effect the object which they all endeavoured to attain—
the conscion hat, w hatever confidence they had
been pleased to honour him with, bad never in the
slightest degree been abused or betrayeal.—(lireat ap-
planse.)—This was a feeling, which no time—no cir-
euenstance—which noticing under the face of Heaven
should erase from his heart.—(Applause.)—lie had been
through his life, he believed, equally true in print iple—
true to the Ring, and tree to the country.—(Cheers.)—
But there was another point on which he set a still
higher value—he had been true to himself!—(Accla-
mations.)
" To the Ilege lord of my dear native lend
I owe s subjects homage !
Rat in my bosom reigns another lord—
Honour, sole judge and umpire of itself!"

There was " something, perhaps, too mach of this." It
was certainly, in general, unpleasant to speak of one's
self. But when an individual was brought before the
ryes of the country—o Iwo a declaration of his opinions
v as expected—thenn it might nut only be proper, but it
might become a duty, a public duty, so to do.—(Ap-
planse.)—lle ha 4 the greatest encouragement to believe,
n only that the cause of reform was rapidly advancing
is F:ugiand, but that it was prospering throughout the
is bole world. It was to him a source of the highest
11 Lea sliet ion to behold liberal principles advancing in
every splatter of the globe; for lie who loved liberty con-
fined it within no narrow hound., but wished to see it
I s roceed as far as the limits of human society extended,
;:nd was more especially desirous to see it flour'sh where
society was enlightened and civilized. In endeavouring
Bite liberty to such a society, a man, though nut an
i :habitant of it, would consider himself to lie act-
: .g• as it were for his own country. Therefore it
v As he rejoiced that the Spanish people were now
Lronsed from that apathy which seemed, in their
ci!pressed aml degraded condition, to preclude
cheering.)-llappily they saw •
that
t he nittritty energies of the human aiduel—happily they
P the !fie proud feelings for which the Spanish na-
-1 uohAst lung been celeberated in the world, had, in that
6:1011 period which elapsed since our army wss with-
sinewn from the Peninsula, exerted themselves with
tower awl effect. They had arrayed themselves against
t:tat atrocions tyranny, supported by superstition,
which disgraced a noble-minded people. That great
Lation had aroused itself, and began to put in practice
rano principles which she had learned during the Pe-
s.!nsular war. Though she proceeded slowly, she pro-
s ceded surely ; fur Spanish couraige, when once aroused,
was not easily denoted ; and, in his opinion, conducting
t!tinteselves as the Spaniards slid, with no less prudence
elan courage, they would advance, in an extraordinary
degree, the great cause of freedom throughout Europe.—
(Applause.)—And perhaps lie might add, looking to the
qualities of that people, they would do more than could
done by any nation in gnrope. They must become
every hour snore and more convinced, flirt every inha-
-I:itant of civilized Europe was in a greater degree than
ever interested in the cause of liberty throughout the
world ; because they knew hut too well, that at the set-
tlement of the last peace a Congress of Sovereigns as.
sembled, whose object seemed to have been to obliterate
from the minds of their subjects, as they had done from
their own, those proinises which in the hour of adversity
they made. They appeared to have met to consider
stbe.thee, if they could not remove those promises, they
vnigist not put flown, by meats of military force, the
groat principles which they, for the most treacherous
I orposes, had previously adopted, and had hypocritically
pretended to uphold and admire. lint their deception
could no longer be received; anti he knew of no man in
the world that gave a more salutary lesson to those who
had esnrpcsl in variants countries unconstitutional or ir-
rational, or improper plover, than the individual now
sitting on the throne of Spain : for if the Spanish people
sho ek off the yoke which hail been imposed upon them—
and there was no min present who would not wish that
tlirr might du so—then those usurpers of power would
perceive that
" There Is no sure foundation laid In villainy."

It would, indeed, he a salutary lesson, apd oppressors
could not too soon learn it, and profit by lit. It be-
hoved them to do so at once, as far as their own
.sfety was concerned, and the liberties and privileges of
t se people were connected with their conduct. Let the
acts of those in power go hand in hand with the light of
the age in which they lived.—{hear, hear!)—ll.et them
not imagine that they could keep the light of informa-
tion from the mind of men. wore than they could keep
away the sun's light from the physical eye, by adopting
any absurd plan for that purpose. The thing was im-
possible. The armies, the corporeal armies were at rest,
racer those that were employed to destroy the cause of
freedom; but the army of principles was on its niarch;
nothing could impede its progress: it was found irresis-
tible; and the force of intellectual power would over-
come every effort that was exerted against it.—(tireat
applause.)-If, again, they turned their eyes to Freon*.
they w mild there see the same glorious struggle going
on. It would seem as if at the present moment there
were no Ministers of any particular country in Europe.
For instance, Lord Castlereagh could not be called the
Minister of England; lie must be considered the Mi-
nister of the Congress of Vienna; and whosoever was
now the Minister of Louis XVIII. could not be deno-
minated the Minister of France, but of the Sovereigns
who assembled in Congress at Vienna.—(Applause.)
But it scented, because an atrocious crime had been com-
mitted in France, that therefore it was deemed necessary
to adopt measures for destroying the liberties of that
country. It was endeavoured to establish an absurd
connexion between the conduct of an assassin and the
principles of freedom; whereas, all that could really be
seen was the wish of arbitrary men to turn to mischievous
purposes. and in opposition to the principles of free go-
vernment, the act of an individual. They thought they
had a chance of throwing dust into the eyes of the
people; but be very much doubted whether that chance
would produce for them the slightest benefit.—(4-
plause.)—lndeed, it appeared to him that they had no
rational chance of succeeding in the effort. With respect
to France, it could not be denied that a much freer sys-
tem of government cow existed in that country than had,
he might say, existed there from time iutinetuorial.

The state of that country afforded a lesson to them
all on that subject, about which they were naturally
so anxioos—he meant the subject or the representa-
tion of the people. The representation of Praisee
was inadequate to any consideration of that question ;
the electors were too few for that purpose; but
because the representation was generally diffused—lw-
cense it was equal, though not very estensivo---the sys-
tem produced that species of representation which it
was found impossible for a Minister in that country to
corrupt.—(theers.)—With respect to South America.
there the spirit of liberty seemed to be proceeding with
giant strides, and with no less wisdom than celerity.
Wisdom and moderation, anal courage and humanity,
and whatever else could add dignity to a great cause,
fortunately accompanied it in that country ; so that the
enemies of freedom had not the opportunity as they had
Boring the unfortunate revolution in France (onion's-
, nate, not on account of the principles in which it ori-
ginated, but because it was disgraced by crimes. and
degraded by bad actions); those enemies had not the
means of holding up the conduct of those who were en-
gaged in the South American revolution as worthy of
reprehension. What they had done evidently emanated
from a spirit of liberty, and was worthy to emanate from
such a spirit. Those acts to which the enemies of free-
dom referred could be traced to any principles sooner than
to the principles of freedom. '1 hey arose from anarchy,
from momentary licentiousness, from despotism ; for thry
were committed by parties who made it their linty to
dominate over large bodies of their fellow-citizens. tint
none of those arts, which did undoubtedly scare and
terrify persons in this country from the exercise of those
principles of freedom which they themselves had once
warmly professed, were perpetrated by the friends of ge
noise liberty.—(Cherring.)—When they had considered
this general sketch of the sabjert, taking in at one view,
as it were, the state of liberty throughout the world, he
would, though last not least, call their attention to the
great republic of America. They hail, as it were, before
them, a map of the great land of freedom—freedom
originating with persons who cause from among them-
selves—(Atpplause);—freeiluto established by persons
who carried into time wilds and wastes of that • ease
country those principles of civil and religions liberty
nhielm they were not allowed to enjoy in their own.—
They sought in a foreign country for that liberty
which here they were deprived of. In a short time,
and under every disadvantage, they had arisen from the
most scanty beginning( to an al t immeasurable height
of power and greatness. They were feared and re.
specteml throughout Europe ; and yet, in his own time,
he could recollect when the name of America was
scarcely mentioned; or, if that country were spoken of,
it was treated as something almost too small and con-
temptible for notice: but now it bail arrived at such a
degree of civil and commercial importance, that, though
placed far from us, it had become almost a component
part of civilized Europe.—(Applause.)—lf any body
would reflect a little on the conduct of that flee govern-
ment—that government which carried the principles of
freedom to the wildest, as they were called here, to the
most visionary extent—that government under which
universal suffrage, that anathematized thing in England,
was in effect practised—they would see much to admire,
and much to imitate. to avoid cavil, he would
admit that not every man of twenty-one years of
age was absolutely entitled to a vote. This, however,
was the case in souse large States ; and in all the (pleb- ;
tication was so trilling, that it was not unfair to say that
the whole object of universal suffrage was really effected
in America.—(Brest applause.)—This too was dune in
a country where one would suppose that all the objec-
tions ntalle against the system in this would be adopted,
soul would have moth greater weight. What did they
bear in this country ? they were told, that, if such a
system were introduced, all would be confusion, all
would be anarchy. Those who said this slid not reason
on the question—they never comulearentled to reason—
they confined themselves to the language of terror and
alarm ; and the mouths of the people must, forsooth, be
shut, because some individuals were, or pretended to in,
very much frightened at the introduction of the suhjsset.
He did not say, and never hail said, that this or that de-
gree of reform could alone ensure liberty. He bad al-
ways contended that the line might be drawn from vari-
ous points, any of which would be sufficient for effecting
the great purpose. That line he was anxious to see adopted
which would be the most efficient, and would at the same
time include the greatest possible portion of support—
(loud applause):—for lie had no hesitation in saying,
that it was impossible to make any change, even the
change proposed by Lord Joho Russell, that of refusing
to issue a writ for the borough of lirassipound (though
that was a drop of water in the ocean, and certainly
would not make it sweet), that would not be beneficial to
the country. No change could by any possibility produce
a system so bad as that which existed at the present nsonseat.
Indeed Ise Imesitased not to declare (and he hoped when
he said it, that he would not be accused of harbouring
a democratic spirit), that he should prefer the King s
nominating the Parliament rather than its being re-
turned by that combination of corrupt borough interest
by which its Members were now returned.—(Applause.)
—lle hoped that this would he thought sufficiently
loyal.—(A laugh.)—But, lino ever he might be disposed
towards the Throne, he never could fed respect, he
never would pay respect, he owed mmo allegiance whatso-
ever to that sovereign boroughmonger faction which
sat cheek by jowl with the Sovereign Isimpelf. It was
easily seen that the bills lately passed were not directed
against traitors, for those who assented to them knew
well that there were none in the country ; they were
evidently passed to put flown the growing spirit of re-
form. Still, however, the power of the boroughmongers
might be attacked ; that as yet was not treason, but he
did not mean to say that they would not ultimately make
it so. lie should 1w glad to know the meaning of the
following words, which were introduced into one of the
laws secretly passed, where a seditious libel was defined
to he " shy thing tending to bring the tioveromeol, as
by law established, into hatred and contempt."—(Hear.)
Om was circumlocution, here was ambiguity ; and yet
it required no very piercing eyes to see, he thought a
blind man might almost perceive, what was intended.
Those who agreed to such laws, would wish it to he
made, and perhaps they might at last snake it high trea-
son to petition for a Reform in Parliament. This seemed
to be their object, and till they had done this, they had
done nothing. Up to this present moment, at least, they
bad not had the courage to go so far : but when they
did it, they would make the great body of the people of
England (if it were not &solecism in language to say an)
a body of traitors. He had been speaking with respect
to the futility of those alarms which some people seemed
to feel (sad it was a strange time to entertain such
alarms) at their fellow-countrymen demanding too great
a portion of liberty ; and he illustrated his position by
referring to America, where that state of things existed
which the people desired here, and where, if in any
place, it would produce anarchy, confusion, and the ut-
most tyranny. If ever there were a country in the uni-
verse which, e priori, was so situated as to render clan-
g a too extensive exercise of elective rights, that
country, beyond a doubt, was America. It was situated
in a manner peculiarly unfavourable for such an exercise.
Had Washington wished to be a traitor, had he fostered
the desire of ruling that country, he could not bare
succeeded, because he would have been controlled
by the independent spirit of the people. But if it bad
been otherwise, if he bad become the Bonaparte or
America, it would have been said, " He is a great man

• b-1 .

o—die has acted wisely—he has achieved a mighty action.
America is a large uncultivated place; there is no mode of
carrying on Government there except by a despotic
power, lodged in the hands of one individual ; it is mad-
ness to think of public elections as they are managed in
this country." The event, however, was very different :
although the inhabitants of America were not one people.
though they rune from various parts of Europe, though
they spoke different languages, and scarcely understood
I each other ; though they were composed'of F.nglish.
I Spanish, French, Danes, and Swedes, for there was
hardly a nation in Europe hut had a colony in that
country, still the Government was conducted on the
principles of pn • freedom. A people tons brought to-
gather, having no common ties, no common religion, no
common prejudices or institutions—having none of those
things which were deemed necessary to hold tuitions to-
gether—to have said of such a society, that the ordinary
rule of Government could nut connect them, would have
been a feasible assertion. To argue that nothing could
hold such a comumnity together, that nothing could
connect such discordant elements, but the strong arm of
power, would not have been unreasonable. lint what
was the fact ? Those principles of liberty which were
described as having a deleterious and destructive na-
ture—which, like the leprous distilment poured into the
ear of Hamlet's father, poisoned and destroyed the func-
tions and powers which were before in full vigour
were introduced amongst that society, and were found to
possess the most salutary and healing qualities. Provi-
dence, as if to put an end to the assertions of despotic
power, as if to destroy the statement of sophists and
sham reasoners, here formed a ground fur a stronger
argument than any that had previously been ad-
vanced to the world ; an argument belying all the
dednetions of those who had contended against the
principles of freedom.—(Great applause.)—This situation
of America showed that those principles of freedom, so
far from being of the nature described—so far from
being of a baneful and poisonous nature—were, in fact,
of that healthful kind, that when diffused into the most
disproportionate body, into the must unhomogeneous
materials, converted all that mass of contradictory, of
'opposing matter, into a compact body, and made its
different parts consist with, and operate to, the
looked
and
happiness of the whole.—(Applause.)-11 they to
the contrast between the conduct of the two countries—
but particularly if they looked to the conduct of that
country which was once called our colonies (anti which,
hut for the unfortunate American war, the greatest curse,
next to the French war, which ever happened to the
world, would he still so denominated), they would find a
stronger exemplification of his position. They would
perceive that, on difficult occasions, in cases of emergency,
the two governments were just as far asunder as they
1 were in every other point of view to which he had adverted.
When America was invaded, when her capital was in the
possession of foreign troops, when it was slot known that
she could resist the veterans sent over from this country
to conquer her—when a conspiracy existed to separate
the northern from the southern States, which. they were
i always told, were joined so feebly together, that the
' slightest convulsion would shake them asunder—what,
under these disastrous circumstances, did the American
Government du? Did they suspend any act that affected
the liberty of the subject? Did they make their situation
a pretence (if they were not so foolish as to proceed by
an open declanoion) for Netting additional power into
the hands of the executive, ur fur granting additional
authority to any part of the Government? ?so; they slid
precisely the reverse of the British Parliament. 'they
stood tine to the constitution—they raised the banner of
liberty higher than ever, and under it they expelled the
invaders from their country.—(Great applause.)—All
history, then, and all esperienre, ancient and modern,
taught him that liberty WOW not that dangerous sad
poisonous weed which some, from base and corrupt
Ilpothes, would induce t:oein to believe. On the con-
trary, it was the tree of life as well as of knowledge;
and to that tree of life and of knowledge no curse was
attached.— (Applanse.)—it was the sacred cause ofliberty
in which they were embarked: in that cause, under all
disadvantages, they hail unitedly fought. They had for
a time seen their hopes obscured by the clouds of error
raised by the arts of corruption, but they were now dis-
sipating fast. The eyes of this country were opening
wide, and the people saw their error. having seen it,
thee would soon, with one voice, with one accord, and
with the expression of one irresistible will, demand the
constitution of England : for more than that they sought
not; the constitution of England, founded as it was upon
the immutable principles of liberty, and supported,
maxi, lie was going to say, but he would say clay, by a
proper representation of the people in Parliament. lie
feared he had taken up too much of their time—(Cries
of no, uo :)—but lie would merely add, that lie conceived
sanguine hopes, front the spirit which he witnessed
around him, that Westminster would Jon this occasion
put itself on that high ground of character for wisdom,
aid virtue, and independence, for doing which a great
opportunity was now afforileil.—(Loud applause.)—Such
a course would make her, as it were, a beacon to the
rest of the country, a bright example to the whole world;
for they could not think that the first city in the king-
dom, perhaps in Europe, the capital of England, could
be an object of indifference in the eyes of enlightened
men of every nation. It would be viewed with peculiar
attention in their own country ; and if they succeeded in
placing their representatives in Parliament on the prin-
ciples which he bad been discussing, and which the
electors of Westminster hail long adopted, they would
achieve a great and important victory. This was the
opportunity fort fleeting it. and lie firmly believed that
the electors would place the city of Westminster on a
rock, from which in future it would never be removed.
The lion. Baronet sat down amidst the loud cheers
of the company.
- -

. .
Sir F. 111'11DETT, after a short pause, proposed the
health of Lord Cochrane. He said his Lordship had
been an advocate for freedom, and in consequence bad
suffered as much as any of them. His tongue was row
in his sword, and he who had fought the battles of
liberty at home, was at that moment opposing the ene-
mies of freedom abroad.—(Lond applause.)
The toast was drank with three times three; (oast,
" The Spanish people ; and may they rapidy destroy
the despotism of the ungrateful Ferdinand.' —Drank
with great applause.
Mr. THIELWALL, after a speech delivered with uncom-
mon animation, proposed " The liberty of the press; it
is like the air we breathe ; if we have it not, we die."—
Drank with acclamation.
Sir F. Bunorry proposed the health of Col. Williams
and the Concentric Society of Liverpool, which was
drank with three times three.

At a quarter part nine o'clock, Sir F. Burdett, Mr.
Hubbouse, and most of the gentlemen at the upper table,
left the room, and the remaining part of the company
soon after separated.

STATE OF IRELAND.