The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-02-22 00:00:00

TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 22, 1842

We commence with this publication the fourth year
•of our.proprietorship of the LIVERPOOL STANDARD;
.and we cannot permit the opportunity to pass by with•l
out returning our cordial and grateful thanks to our
friends for the prominent position which their kind
support has enabled us to assume amongst the journals
of our own town and of the district in which we cir-.
culate. The STANDARD is now confessedly a LEAD-
ING ORGAN of the great Conservative party in Liver-
pool; to its columns a great majority of the press of
Great Britain look for a faithful transcript of the opi-
nions and transactions of the commercial body of this
the second port in the united kingdom ; and to them,
as well, they look as the'vehicle by which those sound
constitutional and PROTESTANT opinions, in the
maintenance of which our town has stood forth so
proudly pre-eminent, are circulated, and from which
they are echoed throughout the length and breadth of
Great Britain.

We commenced our present undertaking with no
very flattering prospects before us, but relying, with
full confidence, in the honesty and determination with
which we were prepared to advocate the cause of con-
stitutional liberty and the best interests of our fellow-
townsmen, to enable us to press it to a successful re-
sult. " In the course of our exertions we have kept
steadily in view that cause and those interests; we
have never truckled for support to any party, high or
low ; and we can look back with pride upon our past
career, and say, with confidence, that we have never
sacrificed a principle or betrayed any who have placed
their trust in us. It is with pride, therefore, no less
than with satisfaction and thankfulness, that we view
the success which has attended, thus far, our exer-
tions; and to a discerning and discriminating public
the position in which its kindness has placed us is no
less honourable than to ourselves.

A reference to our columns will show the degree of
favour in which we are held by our advertising friends,
whose favours, we are happy to state, as well as our
circulation, are steadily and weekly increasing, not-
withstanding the exceeding depression of the times.
For the purposes of those with whom it is an object
that their advertisements should come before the notice
of the leading capitalists and influential middle classes
of the district, our journal offers, now, advantages not
exceeded, if, indeed, they are equalled, by those of any
of our contemporaries ; and we can, therefore, with
confidence and perfect justice, impress our claims in
this respect upon their support.
With respect to. our political principlesand themode
in which the LIVERPOOL STANDARD is conducted,
we need scarcely do more than refer to the past. We
have endeavoured hitherto, whilst maintaining fear-
lessly the integrity of the cause of which we set out as
the advocate, to render our columns attractive, as well
to the general reader as to the politician—equally suit-
able for the family circle and for the table of the news-
room. We shall stand fast by the same great cause ;
we shall still endeavour to maintain, unimpaired and
unimpeached, the Protestant principles of our consti-
tution in church and state; we shall continue to watch
over the welfare of " ships, colonies, and commerce ;"
we shall still be the faithful defender of local interests;
and, above all, it will ever be our pride so to mingle
the "utile et dulce"—so to blend in our columns in-
struction with amusement—as to entitle us to be re-
ceived, with the same favour which we at present en-
joy, in the houses and by the firesides of our fellow-
townsmen.

Our contemporary the Liverpool Journal appears to
think—for we can scarcely convince ourselves that so
astute an observer of the world is serious in expressing
such an opinion—that we have treated too lightly the
threatening attitude assumed by the anti-corn-law peo-
ple, in their determination to refuse payment of all
taxes until their demand of a total repeal of the corn-
laws is conceded by the legislature. The Journal would
fain have the world believe that there is something be-
yond mere balderdash in these ravings—something hor-
ribly alarming; that they are " signs and portents of a
kind not to be misunderstood," and which ought to put
a Conservative government and the Conservative people
of England in a state of indescribable and unutterable
consternation. We really must be excused, however,
for differing with our contemporary upon this matter.
We have lived long enough in this world to distinguish
between Bobadilism and serious and active determina-
tion. We could tell the difference between the voice
of " Bully Bottom the weaver" and the roar of the
king of the forest ; and, however irreverent it may ap-
pear in the eyes of our contemporary, we must, posi-
tively, have our laugh out, and continue to enjoy the
outrageous absurdity of these absurd people.
The Journal, simple man, believes, we presume, that
the cottonocracy of Manchester have nothing to do but
simply hold up their fingers, profess adherence to the
five points of the charter, join the anti-corn-law agita-
tion to agitation for universal suffrage, and reign at
once and for ever in the hearts and in the confidence
of the working classes of the manufacturing districts.
We are told that the proposal of Sir Robert Peel has
" gone far to reconcile all dissensions between masters
and workmen ;" and are to conclude that the Brookses
and Harbottles, the Cobdens and Potters, are to be-
come from henceforth the leaders of the moral and
physical force of Yorkshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire.

But is this so ? No! We must tell our contem-
porary that much more than has, as yet, been con-
ceded by the cottonocracy to the working classes,
is necessary to enable either Mr. John Brooks or Tho-
mas Harbottle, Richard Cobden or Sir Thomas Potter,
knight, to play the part of Jack Cade, and lead a mob
of weavers and spinners to Blackheath or London-
stone. " The Ethiop" must " change his skin" before
the Lancashire operatives will place their trust in a
free trade factory lord ! We have some trifling ac-
quaintance with the habits and the feelings of these
men. We know the value which they place in " libe-
ral " professions. We know that they have minds and
memories; and have no idea, therefore, that they will
become the dupes of anti-corn•law agitation, although
it may be glossed over with coincident professions of
anxiety for universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual
parliaments, and the other panacea of ultra Chartism.
We have no fear, then, of the threats put forth by
the Manchester leaguers, and for these several, and,
some of them, very weighty reasons. rn the first
place, the party who compose the league are a very pal-
try portion of the manufacturing interest, are devoid
of any great influence amongst the manufacturing
theeo n
munity, and have no hold upon the confidence of
working population. In the next place, they are a
very, very selfish set ; and are wise enough in their
own generation to know that the consequences of any
outbreak would devolve upon themselves. They can-
not lead the working classes from any feeling of love

borne towards their own persons or confidence in the
sincerity of their professions; and although it is true
that they may, as it is threatened, 66 close their mills
and turn their populations into the streets" in the hope
of wringing from their violence the objects of which
they are in search, we are confident, however, that they
will not resort to a proceeding so diabolical—although,
on other grounds, some of them are quite capable of
it—for the simple reason that, whilst it would probably
plunge a great portion of their duped dependents into

the clutches of the law, it would, with equal certainty,
lead not a few of themselves into the London Gazettc.

We have hitherto given our contemporary of Mon-
day the credit of exercising a little more discernment
and fairness, in remarking upon men and measures,
than the mass of his brethren of the Liberal press.
In his publication of Monday, however, whilst express-
ing his condemnation of the policy of Sir Robert
Peel, the Albion seems to have exerted himself to ap-
pear as absurd and as stilted as the rest of his frater-
nity. That statesman, remarks our contemporary,
" has proved himself to be exactly a man of the stature
at which we ever rated him." Mark the magnificence
of that WE "He has fully justified the notion that
he is no master statesman fit to preside over the desti-
nies of a mighty empire, but a mere journeyman,
ready for any kind of jobwork for the faction whose
convenient tool he is." What a mistaken notion the
world has hitherto entertained with respect to Sir Ro-
bert Peel's " stature" and capabilities ! The Liverpool
Albion thinks him "a mere journeyman:" We would
give something for his opinion of the Liverpool Al-
bion. Looked at through the same diminisher which
has brought down the first statesman of the age to the
" stature " of " a mere journeyman," the Albion, if
visible at all, would, we should imagine, be a very
small 'prentice indeed !
But what, it may be asked, has Sir Robert done to
lessen himself in the eyes of this great magician
Why, he has let slip the faireSt opportunity ever pre-
sented to a minister of distinguishing himself as the
prince of apostates and"the most unprincipled of pre-
tenders. He has not proposed a Whig settlement of
the corn question. But—most grievous sin of all !
he has not appreciated correctly the amazing virtue of
the "liberal party" ! Had Sir Robert Peel been wil-
ling, after good Whig example, to turn his back upon
and despise the power which has so lately placed in his
hands the administration of the government, we are
assured by our contemporary that " the liberal party,
true to their principles whether in place or out of it,
were prepared, laying aside all political hostility, with
heart and soul to help" him in so excellent a stultifica-
tion of himself. Beautiful disinterestedness ! • Con-
summate patriotism ! Really we scarcely know whe-
ther most to laugh at the notion of a 6` liberal party,
true to their principles whether in place or out of it" (!
or to wonder what kind of a settlement of the corn
laws that would be which this " liberal party" would
aid him to carry. Will the Albion tell us ? Or, will
he tell us who compose the liberal party ? Upon either
of these matters it would be a treat to all mankind to be
enlightened.

Our contemporary of yesterday, under the heading
" American flour and provisions," furnishes us with
the following unproved assertions and unauthorized
deductions—the staple, by the way, of anti-corn-law
diatribes :

We have been favoured with an extract from a circular
addressed to the Liverpool Asti-Monopoly Association, by
Messrs. F. de Lizardi and Co., dated New Orleans Jan. 17,
1842. It shows how admirably the soil of the valley of the
Mississippi is adapted for the growth of the food of man,
and what supplies of flour and provisions might be drawn
from New Orleans alone for the subsistence of our people,
thousands of whom are now famishing for want of the bare
necessaries of life. Nor would it be necessary to export
one farthing in money to pay for this flour and these provi-
sions. The farmers of the United States would gladly
receive British manufactures in return for the produce of
their farms. Thus a most extensive and rapidly increasing
market would be opened to our cottons and our woollens,
our cutlery and our hardware, giving employment and good
wages to artisans, as well as supplying them with bread at a
lower price than they could ever hope to buy it while, our
own agriculturists enjoy the monopoly of the home market.
We fear that the corn-laws, with Sir Robert Peel's latest
" improvements," will'effectually seal the Mississippi, so far
as the export of flour and provisions is concerned, and cut
us off from all supplies from that quarter, while, even under
a moderate fixed duty, not to speak of a system of free
trade, an extensive import from the New World would take
place.

We will not dwell upon the gratuitous promise here
held out, that the American farmers " would gladly
receive British manufactures in return for the produce
of their farms," for it would, in our humble judgment,
be much more " germane to the matter" if our con-
temporary could have assured us that the povernment
of the United States would permit this barter—which,
however, he knows they will not—by relaxing, one iota,
their almost prohibitory tariff. We must, however,
deny that the operation of Sir Robert Peel's tariff " will
effectually seal the Mississippi, so far as corn and flour
is concerned, and cut us off from all supplies from
that quarter ;" and we shall substantiate our denial by
the data furnished us from Messrs. De Lizardi, as
quoted by our contemporary.
These gentlemen state the price of superfine Ame-
rican flour at New Orleans as " dull at 5 dollars 75
cents per barrel, or 225. 6d. per 196 lbs." Let us add
then to this price the freight from New Orleans, which
ris 3s. 9d. to 45., and we find the price on board in Li-
verpool 265. 3d. to 265. 6d. Something must be added
for charges—say ls.—and the account will stand thus:
Cost in New Orleans per barrel 225. 6d.
Freight, say
Charges in Liverpool

275. Gd

Duty per Sir Robert Peel's scale upon
average of this week

345. 2d.
Latest price for best American flour in Liverpool, 365.,
leaving for commmission or importers' profit, at pre-
sent prices, is. tod. per barrel-

A very brief examination of the law which regulates
transactions between principal and factor cannot fail to
convince those, even, who are the least acquainted with
the intricacies of commercial matters, that a change is
imperatively called for. The act of 6, Geo. 4, c. 94,
was undoubtedly an important amendment of the then
existing law, which held that a person advancing money
to an agent, upon the security of goods entrusted to
him, could not retain them for his advance, although
he had no means of knowing the fact of agency. But
whilst legalizing advances in the case of an agent,
known or riot known to be so, this act imposed a re-
striction which, in practice, has neutralized almost all
the beneficial results which it was doubtless intended
to effect.

The objections to this act, in practice, are prinCipally
those which arise out of the 2d, 3d, and sth sections;
and the mode of their operation has for some time. been •
felt as a very serious drawback upon the safety Of com-
mercial transactions. By the 2d section it is enacted,
that "Any person entrusted with a bill of lading,
India warrant, dock warrant, warehouse-keepers' cer-
tificate, w.harfingers' certificate, warrant, or order for
delivery of goods, shall be deemed the owner of the
goods, so as to make valid any sale or pledge thereof,
for advances made upon the faith of such documents,
without notice that he is not the owner." By this
clause it was evidently intended to protect merchants
and other parties in making advances upon bills of
lading of goods consigned to them, or similar docu-
ments of title pledged with them, with a bona fide
intention. And yet it is doubtful whether, in accord-
ance with decisions of law, in cases where advances
have been made upon an advice of a consignment and
before the arrival of the bill of lading, which is the
ordinary course of business, such advances would not
be barred by the third section, and treated as an ante-
cedent debt, which the arrival of the bill of lading in
due course would not secure. It has been held also—
so closely has this clause been construed and the
facilities it was intended to confer narrowed—that an
advance made on a Saturday upon a promise to deposit
documents of title to goods on a Monday, which were
ach-ally deposited accordingly, was not within the pro-
tection of the act, because the advance was not made
" upon the faith of the documents," but only upon a
promise of the documents, and before they were really
pledged, and that it was therefore defeated by the third
section, which enacts that " no person shall acquire
security upon goods from an agent for an antecedent
debt beyond the agent's own lien."
The sth section enacts that "any person may take
goods, or any document, in pledge for an agent, though
known to be such." But the application of this direct
permission is immediately narrowed by a proviso, which
it must be evident to every one who is acquainted with