The Statesman.
London, England, 1810-06-14 00:00:00

reform that did not proceed on the principle of
practical correction of abuses, could be productive
of any safe or salutary result. It had bath fre.
pently of late objected against the Constitution
and the privileges of the other House, that they
were not to be found sanctioned by any pub.
tic statute, or in any written code. But upon
the best consideration he had been able to give
tie subject, assisted too by the authority and opi.
niuns of thost4 great constitutional Statesmen, from
whom he derived his political principles, he found,
that what had been thus stated as an objection, was
by Mm considered the highest recommendation. it
was the folly and the presumption of the present day,
to decry every thing that was not to be found in
a written statute. The nation was now told,
that unless every salutary power •possessed by the
different branches of the Legislature could be

found recorded in the written Code, it was tsere.
fore illegal ; and the same doctrines were again
promuiaatci, which had once already nearly sub.
jected this kingdom to.an arbitrary government.
The convulsions and calamities of that period had,
however, happily since subsided into a system of
mild and 'regular government, which, though not
perhaps consistent with the theories of political,
speculators, was yet. practically adapted to the
spirit of * free People. If any thing could
more than ,another confirm him in the ()pi.
nions he entertained on this subject, it would he
the concurrent authority of a late great Statesman
iwo.soppose Nl.r. Fox], whose views respecting
,yeform ho h.d . frequent opportunities of learning
is the course of various debates. It was the
opinion of that great man, that the whole of the
Consligation of this country was a system of ern.
ticsl institutions;' and he had often declared, that,
if all the wisest, the ablest, and most virtuous
mu, that had ever lived in any country, could
be brought together and seated round a table, for
the purpose of devising the best Constitution for
a nation, he did not believe they could form a
system which it would be possible to live under,
without some practical deviations and alterations,
accummodated to the change of times and circum.
stances. This opinion he was accustomed to en.
force by an apt but homely illustration : that he
had scarcely ever known an instance in the build-
ing of houses, of any one having been provided
in the first instance with all "the conveniences
which, in the occupation of it afterwards, were
found practically necessary. To the principles
of practical reform, he was therefore deter-
!mined to adhere ; and these he should be
always ready to support, whenever the question
should be agitated : but he must again repeat, that

such reform as he was prepared to, support, mus'
provide practically for the correction of the Auses
of the Coustitqtion—must be limited within the
bounds of the Constitution—and not launch out
into the extravagance of theories. This was no
new opinion of his; and if their Lordships could
consent to attend to any statement respecting an
Individual so humble and inconsiderable as himself,
he should prove, to their satisfaction, that such had
always been his opinion. Fur this purpose, he
should go so far back as 179 t, a period whet
such opinions wore made the subject of more
political heat and contention than at any subset-
Tient time. At that time, a society was formed
Ho remised the cause of Parliamentary Reform, of
which he. had been a member. That society end its
different members collectively, and individually,
had at the time been ouch misrepresented, and
sahjected then, as the friends of temperate reform
were now, to considerable obloquy. • They had
been held out as no sincere friends to reform—no
real advocates fur the rights of the nation—be.
cause they were not- prepared to4ispport, what
was then, as now, called a radical reform. These
charges had been communicated to them by a so-
ciety formed about the said time, •for promoting
constitutional. information. The answer to that
communication would skew what principles of re-
Gan he mid his friends entertained at that time.
This answer had been signed by his noble friend
near him (Lord Erskine), and with their Lord-
ships' permission, ho should read some passages
from it. [Here the noble Earl read various ex-
tracts from the paper, to the effect that the soci-
ety never entertained the wish that the plan of
Parliamentary Reform should be carried into effect
un the principles maintained by the other society;
that they would not encourage innovation, the
probable consequences of which no wisdom could
foresee, nor no skill prevent or put a stop to; that
they wished no change but such would be con.
sistent with the principles of the Constitution;
that they desired to reform the Constitution, be.
cause they wished to preserve it; and the answer-
ended with a statement, that the would break off
all further connection or communication with the
society fur promoting constitutional information,
in whose views they could not concur.] These
were the principles which he then, and now en.
tcrtained. Theestraets he lad read would shew
the opinions of those with whom he and his friends
then renounced all intercourse or connection.
Fffech opinions he still condemned; and now, as
theft, should renounce all connection or inter.
course with those who entertained them. lie would
not be so uncharitable as to impute criminal two.
tives to all those wholseld such opinions. Many of
them, lie was ready to admit, were actuated by no
improper or unworthy motive, however they might
litre been imposed upon or 'misled t some, how.
ever, he could nut altogether acquit.- The path
they were treading was dangerous in the extreme,
and called for the must vigilant attention to pre.
vent any injurious consequences. Whenever the
people should take up the question of Reform
temperately and affectionately—for ho doubted
much, whether there was at present any very ge.
neral disposition to that measure prevalent—there
would be some prospect of accomplishing kin a
manner consistent with the security of the Coil-
stitution. But until that shoul.l be the case,
the examples of the other oatieas of Europe
should deter them from any precipitate at-
tempt to, carry into effect a measure on which
the best interests of the country so men.
deneeded, For his own .part, whenever
be' shonbl give his support to .such a measure,
it sboeld he open the priueiples he had already
lelttiOnWut Awl „wure approved by eatho •rust

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THE STATFSMAN


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wee tewhom be bad referred, and not nisei+ the
views or principles of those with whom be uniform-
ly'resiounced all connection.—lle could not have
avoided stating so 'ouch upon this most important
subject, beeause nothing, in his view of the case,
could tend so.etfectually to frustrate the wishes eF
those it ho were friendly to temperate and prat.
tical reform, as the attempt to force a reform by
the clamours of the people. If ever the Govern-
sent shonI•1 take up
.the Measure, there would
then indeed be a prospect of its being mecum.
'dished without any risk of inconvenience ; and
the more his Majesty's Ministers reflected upon
the subject, the more they would be convinced it
was a measure indispensably necessary to restore the.;
decayed energies of the nation to revive the lost con.
fidettre of the public, and to promote the best inte.;
rests of the empire. In proportion, therefore, as
this rptestion was agitated by the pfeblic, he was de-
sirous that his principles should he known, be.
cause they appeared to him the only principles up-
on which reform could be effected, without endan.
gering the security of the 'Constitution.- But he
was still more anxious that these principles should
never be lust sight of, in reference to a question
which affected the privileges of that House, and of
the other Howie of Parliament, now al•wr attacked.
fie was not disposed to do any thing so improper,
as to enter into the consideration of a case ilteu

submitted fur decision in another pl.tce k and

more particularly, as it might eventually be
brought before their Lordships. All he wished
to do, therefore, was to state some general princi.
ciples upon the subject, in order to correct these
pernicious errors which were entertained, and MU.
dioesly circulated, respecting the privileges of Par.
lianient. These privileges clepended upon their
acknowledged public utility; and the indispensa.
ble necessity of their existence. If they were not
founded upon these principles, they ought not to
be maintained, anti the vsercise of theist would be
unjust. These privileges, therefore, he con.
tended, rested upon their known utility, and the
necessity of their existence ; and were conform.
able to the principles which pervaded every
branch of the Government. They were evi-
dently supported epos Me same grounds as the
common law of the 'intl. The privileges of Par-,
liament were given for the purpose of enabling the
two braitchowof the Legislature to perform their
respective functions. So tar as they were neces.

say, to that end, they must possess them, but lip
farther ; and all such privileges must be inherent
in Parliament, whether sanctioned by a written
or any other law or not. It was necessary that
Parliament should have the power to protect itself
from obstructions ; to protect its legitimate au-
thority from being slighted or questioned, to pro-,
tect the freedom of its deliberations, a privilege
which was more immediately connected with the
rights and interests of the people. Whatever
power or privileges were requisite for all these
purposes, 'Parliament must possess ex necessitate
rei ; and if even such power should be carried
to the extent of imprisonment of offenders, it
should always be remembered that it was,exer.
cased solely for the general protection of the
liberty of the subject.----Against what was
it that the privileges of Parliament were in•
tended to be a guard ? Was it against .the in.
finance 'of the Crown ? 'Most certainly. But was
there nothing else to be guarded against ? Were
not- the calumnies and slanders vented against the
legislature—was not the cieiuns ardor prams jet.
bentium to be also guarded against, es well as•the
influence of the Crown ? This, then, he cane
tended was the trite doctrine respecting the privi-
leges of Parliament ; and these-were the objects
for which their Lordships Wert called neon to
assert them. • The powers of faClienseat must be
commensurate with the Misc, and exercised inter.
nally and separately by either Inure, without re.
coning to any other branch of the legislature.
These were the doctrines of our aneeetors ; these
were the doctrines Uniformly held out since.
' the Revolution; these were the doctrines which
he had at • all times maintained,• and. would
ever adletits to. it would, he believed, be
readily admitted, that the Revolution had saved
this totintry from arbitrary power. Who-
ever should tilled Upon the history of that Retro.
lution would be convinced, that if Parliament had
not then exercised those powers which had of late
been questioned, they would nut be now debating
as a House of Parliament. Bet even in the pre.
sent times, when it had become the fashion to viii.
fy and defame public men, these doctrines had been•
sanctioned by great authorities. The late Mr.
Fox, whom no person could suspect of nut having
been a strenuous assertor of the rights of the peo.
ple. had often contended in support of the pri-
vileges of Parliament. His opinions upon the
subject had never been controverted by his
great political rival (Mr. Pitt). Mr. Berke,
too, and other eminent men of the day, had
maintained the same principles : and when SO
many persons, who differed on so many other
subjects, agreed upon this, it did not require
any great exertion of charity to conclude that
they had not all conspired against the
beetles of. the people, and in support of the
privileges of Parliament which were not %pi so&
eutistitntionat. It was an old and a sound obser.
cation, that even laws, not put in force, if ntr
inconvenience resulted from their existence ought
•
not to be repealed without proper deliberatioai
and the moment of their repeal often proved the
wisdom of their enactment. 'rho same observe.,
tion would apply to the privileges of Parliament,
which having been supported.hy all the great moo.
of modern times; and uniformly Maintained since,
the Resolution, (slight not to be*tiow precipitately
repealed:- But it was not upon the ground of au.
thority that he should rest the defence of the
privileges : they were essentially necessary for the,,
performance of the fooetioes of Parliament, and
ought therefore to belong to it.
.110 was aware
of the populer argument, 'which were generally
employed against these privileges, six. that
Parliament was a Judge in its own cause ; that it
punished the effender without trial ; and that for
the injury thus inflicted, 'there was redress. AII
this he was well acquainted with ; hnt sorb a
power was nothing 'nitro than neceasorily holongt.tt
tg brour.ll fif le;islature, ingasitnnq
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