The Statesman.
London, England, 1815-05-16 00:00:00

THE STATESMAN.

against America. This news was given as copied from
the I ienna Gazett,.. The Vienna Gazette is under the
immediate cootroul of the Government there. The

font-mouthed abuse of Napoleon and the French
peop!P ; but for some proof of our right to interfere
against him.

Having seen all these things; having seen what we
and our Allies have been at in every part of Eu-
rope; having seen that the people of France is the
only people in Europe living under a Government
approaching towards a resemblance to their own,
they will want very little to assist them in forming a
correct opinion as to the real object of the war
against France, if such war should now, without
provocation on the part of France, be resolved on.
1. epee irs to me, therefore, that the American
people will, at least, feel great interes' in this war,
much greater than they felt in the last war; and, that
as they have just laid down their arms, after a con-
test in defence of their maritime rights, they will, the
moment they hear of this war, prepare again for that
defence. America, in all likelihood, will again be
the only neutral nation. There will he no Milan
and Berlin Decrees to give a pretence for Orders in
Council. So that, if we trench upon her rights, her
ground of war will be cleared of all confusion.—
She will stand upon her indisputable rights. And,
if she be left in the full and free enjoyment of her
advantages as a neutral Power, she will carry on
three-fourths of the commerce of the world. Our
cruisers may keep at sea, lint it will be only to wit.
Debi the increase of her mercantile marine, and all
the proofs of her wouderful prosperity. France will
receive all that she wants from foreign countries by
American ships. America will supply her with colo-
nial produce, and with certain articles of manufac-
ture. The latter will, through the same channel,
find an outlet for much of her abundant produce.—
These two countries will become much more closely
connected than ever, and we should come out of the
war shorn of our means, while the means of all sorts
of America would be found to be prodigiously in-
creased.
But, my Lord, is it quite certain that the people
of America would not feel str,tigly disposed to take
part in this war against us ?—They see that France
is the only country left with a Government re-
sembling their ow st. Great as is their distance from
Europe, they have felt, that, when left to be dealt
with single-handed, their very existence, as an in-
'dependent nation, was put in jeopardy. There were
many persons in America, who loudly blamed the
President, Washington, for not taking part with the ,
French, even when America had not a single public
ship of war. They reasoned thus :—that England
was, from the nature of her force, as well as the;
situation of her dominions, the only enemy that
America had to fear ; that she had never ceased to
demonstrate a hostile mind towards America ; that
she saw in America not only a successful example of ;
r'emncratic resolution, but a dangerous rival in com-
merce and maritime power ; that she only waited for
a favourable rroment to use all her force to crush
this rising rival ; and, therefore, it was less dais-
genius to declare, at once, for the Republic of
Fr•ince, earl make common cause with her, than to I
wait the issue or the contest, in which, if FrauCill
should fall, America could not long survive without, ;
at oat, another long and bloody war upon her
own soil.

Americans paid great and deserved attention to this ;
and, must they not have lamented to see France re-
duced to such a state? They afterwards saw, that
there was no safety for their ships of war or their
prizes in the ports of France. They saw, in short,
that the Bourbons, holding their power almost at
the mercy of England, afforded not the smallest
hope of any support against so formidable a power
as England. Then it was, that many Americans
blamed Mr. Madison, not for resisting the exercise
of our alleged right of impressment ; hot, on the
contrary, fur not having sooner made war against us
in alliance with France. They told him, that he
was, at last, in a state to be able to appreciate the
wisdom of keeping aloof from France on account of
the title of her ruler. They laughed at him for his
• scruples to make common cause with an Emperor,
while he saw England having Allies in the Turk,
the Pope, the Algerines, and the Indians; and they
laughed at him the more, when they recollected,
that America had won her independence while in an
alliance offensive and defensive with a.Bourbon King
of France.
However, many of the causes which kept America
aloof from France are now removed. The prin-
ciples of 1793 are again adopted in France; the sys-
tem of reforming by means of conquest is abandoned ;
Napoleon will have learnt how to respect the rights
and to value the character of America. Experience
has taught the Americans what they have to expect
under certain circumstances. The latter are in no
danger from France ; they never can be in danger
from France; and, Frenchtown and Alexandria will
remind them what danger they are in from England.
It is said, by some persons in America, that,
though it might have been wise to seek permanent se-
curity in 1793, by entering into the war on the side
of the Republic of France, it would not be wise
now, seeing that America has become so much more
able to defend herself than she was in 1793, a proof
of which she has given in her recent war against the
undivided force of England. On the other hand, it
is contended, that, though America be so much more
powerful than she was in 1793, England, loaded as
she is with debts and taxes, is more formidable than
(she would have been in 1793, even if she had then
subdued France; for, though the people of England
suffer, the Government has more force at its corn-
mend ; and, what is more for its advantage, the
country is brought into that sort of state which makes
war almost necessary. If her paupers have increased
three-fold,her armed men and her means of destruc-
tion have increased five-fold. She is become a nation
of fighters. She possesses all the means of destroy-
ing. And, say these reasoners, it is not only sub-
jugation against which America ought to guard : it is
her duty to guard herself also against devastation
and plunder. Besides, say they, England has now
less powerful motives to the exercise of forbearance
towards America. While the latter was without ma.
nufactures; while England had almost a monopoly
in the suppl)ing of America; the former saw in the
prosperity of the latter the means of augmenting her
own riches and power. But now the case is differ-

This was the reasoning against neutrality in 1793. ; ant ; England sees in America even a manufacturing
Bow these reasoners must have tuiumphed in 1814! i rival ; and, what is still more provoking, she sees in
When they-saw all ground of dispute between Eng- America a rival in naval power and renown. There-
land and America removed by the close of the war in I fore, say they, she must and she will desire our de-
Europe. When they saw, that iosteatl of thisproduc- I struction ; whether she will attempt it again will de-
fine in England a disposition to make peace, it wily pend upon her and our means of attack and resist-
produced redoubled activity in the war. When they ance.
read, in the very same English newspapers that told It must be confessed, that our infamous News.
them of the abdication of Napoleon, that now, now, papers have given but too much reason to the Ameri-
now ! was the happy moment for crushing America cans upon this head. For, they have published lists
for putting an end to " the existence of the ntis-; of the American navy and accounts of the American
chievous example of democratic rebellion" exhibited . shipping and manufactures; and, having dwelt upon
in the American Union. When they heard their !their magnitude and on their rapid increase, they have
"'resident and the majority of the Congress deno- ' called upon your Lordship and your colleagues to
miretted, in these same papers," rebels and traitors." 1 prosecute the war for the purpose of destroying these
When they saw, in the report of a speech of a Lord i evidences of rising power and wealth. They have
of the Admiralty, that Mr. Madison was to be de- i contended, that it was just to carry on war against
poked, as Napoleon had been deposed. When they ! America to destroy her navy ; to destroy her ship-
saw the breaking up of the American Union re- ! ping and manufactures; and to obtain, at least, a
prey-rated 84 absolutely necessary to the well-govern- . stipulation from her, not to build ships of war beyond
ing of other nations. IVheit they saw the fleet called . a certain number and a certain size. They have con-
upon officially by the Lords of the Admiralty to . tended, that such a war would be just ; that we should
finish the American war in such a way as would in. ; have a right to impose such condidions; and that our
sure the lasting trangailli& of the civilized world.— ! safety demanded that we should.
When they heard the English prints call upon the ! If lam told, that these are the sayings of a set
people of New England to separate themselves from ;of foolish writers in Newspapers, my answer is,
the Union. When they heard it predicted, in these : that I have seldom seen any of these people promul-
pointc, that Mr. Madison would be to put to death,: gate any political opinion without its being, in the
and that the people would form a connection with I sequel, very clear to me, that it was not in their
the parent State. And, when, upon the heels of all i own foolish heads that !he sentiment had been
these predictions and threats, they saw an army I hatched. These men are, in fact, nothing of them-
artually sent otf from France to fight against Ame- I selves; they have no principles, no opinions ; they
rira ; when they saw that identical army, which had ; care nothing about the matter. They are the mere
been engaged against Napoleon, sent to invade Ame- : tools of those who speak through them, whom they
rice by the way of Lake Champlain ; when they : not unfrequently despise, but from whom, and
saw the war of fire and plunder carried on upon their' through the means of whom, they live comfortably
sea-coast. When those who were for war on the I and sometimes get rich.
side of the French Republic, in 1793, saw all these 1 Upon the whole, therefore, my Lord, is it not to
things in 1811, how they must have triumphed ! be apprehended, that, if we make war upon France
America must feel great confidence in herself from for the avowed purpose of deposing Napoleou, the
her past achievements. The skill and bravery of her ; people of America will feel a strong disposition to ,
seamen and land-troops must give her great confidence. take part with France in that war ?—And, if they
But, there is no man who reflects (and the Ameri- ! were so to do, have we not great cause to fear, that ;
cans are a reflecting people) who will not perceive, the war would be extremely injurious to us by sea
that, with all her valour and all her virtue, America as well as by land 2—The American privateers,
has had a very narrow escape; and, that, if all had though without a port to take shelter in on this side ;
been quite settled in Europe, she would have had to ; of the Atlantic, did great mischief to our commerce ;
carry on a much longer and mere bloody contest.— , even in the Channel. What, then, would they do 1
It cannot but be evident to the American Statesman, I if all the ports of France were open to them and
that, if France were to be completely subdued ; if shut against us ?—lf, in short, America were in
she were reduced to that state to be obliged to re- •• alliance with France, what English ship unarmed
ceive a ruler dictated by us and our Allies; if her could hope to escape capture ?—And, is it to be
hands and feet were thus tied for ages; and, if the hoped, that, in such a case, the skill, the discipline,
situation of all Europe were such as to leave the and undaunted bravery of the American Navy would
whole undivided power of England to be employed not he communicated to that of France ?—Emula.
against America, the situation of the latter would tion might do a great deal towards sending forth
he, at least, very unpleasant, not to say precarious. fleets able, in a short time, to cope with those of
And, if -uch a person considers what were the real England. Really, if we wish to keep these two na.
objects of England in 1814, the manner in which lions asunder, it appears to me, that we have no way
the war terminated, and what an excellent memory of accomplishing the wish but that of keeping at
she has, he must he a bold man indeed if he feel no peace.
apprehensions at the total subjugation of France. 1 If America were to join France in the war, we
It has not been forgotten in America, that, di. should, doubtless, tell her, that she was acting a
redly after the abdication of Napoleon, there op- very base part; that she had received fromus no pro-
peared an article in our Newspapers, stating, that vocation; that we had not meddled with her; that
there was a Sem: Article in the Treaty of Paris, we had expressed our anxious desire to live at peace
s• ipulati ,g, that none of the parties, Russia, Prussia, with her. But, my Lord, might she not answer ?
AtAria, and Fiance, should lntetfere in our war.. Very true; and you have received no provocation