The Statesman.
London, England, 1820-08-24 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE

" Qs{ petite, taxortti swam delinquero, matrimnaiump

" SWUM sontesnit. quip',

non koilipatur,

" poems adulteruas sou ialligltar."
Digest. Lib. 49. tit. 6.
" And should 1 at your harmless innoeesee
" Melt. as I do. yet public reason just,

" Hotteur and Empire, with menge
--------- compel me now
" To d• -what else though doomed I should abhor.
" So spoke the }lewd, and with Nactsstry
" The Tyrants Pkg. excued his devilish deeds."

Paradise Lust, Book 4.

Sta.—The Judges in Parliament baying decided
that the prosecution against her Majesty cannot be
founded on the infraction of law, it fullous, that the
Bill of Pains and Penalties, if proceeded in, must rest
upon the ground of Siete asereesity. This plea of Ne-
e riSITT Of EXPRDIENCT Of Si' ATR, involving in its
consideration the feelings and opinion of the whole
body politic. and emanating from a presumption that,
the State has been damnified by an Art, for which the
existing laws afford no remedy, it becomes the duty of
every British individual to investigate with scrupulous
exactness,. the merits of this extraordinary pies, and
as a component part of the State, to c iiiii 111.1110 dispas-
sionately with his owu heart, and interrogate with
himself in the following manlier :
Is it essentially necessary or expedient, and will it
operate for my comfort, advantage, or general good,
that I should require a law to pat.!, in order to punish
any person for as offence, which is nut contrary to
the known established laws of the land ? Ought I
not rather to wish that the number of penal lows
should be diminished, than that they should be
?
Is it expedient that I slotild prrjndt•e or condemn
any one, before I have received indisputable evidence
of guilt, or such strong presumptive proof as indures
ronsiction, seeing that the lan ennsiders every one
innocent till-the contrary be proved?
Is it expedient that I should allow any one to be a
Witness. Judge, or Arbiter in his own cause. knowing,
as I do, that it is repugnant to the laws of civilizes
society, and especially to the fundamental principles
of the British Constitution?

Is it just and necessary, that I should con,ider my-
self personally aggrirt ed. if it should happen that a
wife, after haying been unmeritesily shut out by her
husband from the pale of polished society, limns do-
mestic protection, and from the endearments of an
only child, abandoned without pity or prayer, forlorn
and encumintinirated to the iioritl—slimild Lsll undel
the Imputation of infidelity to said% it husband !. Should
I .not deem such a woman " more sinned against titan
sinning ?"
Can any thing he more ahlioc-ma to religious feel-
ing, than that the nuptial ceremonies alsonitl ever be
profaned as a preliminary measure to indulgence in a
notorious cuncubinage ? What, if an innocent female
should afterwards be beguiled into legal matrimony
with the Sensualist,—should lot-Dior contaminated 1,)
Isis vices, and subsequently commit adultery, is it
expedient for me as a blersber et the State..es ery for
vengeance, and visit this sin upon the head of the
woman alone

1,4 it expedient that I should desire the enactment
of a law, by which one would br virtually permitted
to take advantage of his own wrong, convinced as I
mu that the existing• laws expressly prohibit it

Is it expedient and neresiary, and will It Jo me
any good, to expose a rife to public ignominy fur in-
fringing the laws of decency or decorum, at die in-
stance of a husband, tvLo has live.'" In the constant
violation of them ?

lias my own conduct been altogether so irreproacb-
mile and sinless, as that I can conscientiously be-
come the first assailant of a matrimonial delinquent?
is it expedient fur me to consider a diffelence of sex
as constituting a difference of crime
Is it necessary or expedient fur me to consider the
presumed incontinency of a wife more enormous than
that of her husband, or of hi, brothers or sisters, in
the sante class of society; and dues not the turpitude
or delinquency of one r. quire public atonement by
Bills of Pains and Penaltis s, as well as the other,
considered in a moral point of view ?
Is it expedient that I sliauld permit the malevolence
of party, or the rancour of individuals, to flyers/de
the principles of distributive justice, in an accusation
against a Queez whose innocence nas avowed by a
King who could do no wrong?
Can I consider it safe, folitic, and essentially ne-
cessary, with reference to the future, :o establish so
dangerous and inconsistent a position, that a King,
who, by the law is declareilincapable of doing wrong,
may inflict an Nur), by assenting to a Bill of Pains
and Penalties, to degranle or divorce a Queen Consort,
who, by possibility, may succeed to his Throne in Ler
own hereditary right ?
Lastly, do I in my conscience believe, under all the
circumstances, that the Bill of Pains and Penalties tsew
pending, is promoted from a sincere love of Justine
and a regard to the public good, and will be fulls!
idequate to improve the "morals of the country, and
establish the security of the State on more lasting
foundations. If Idu not believe all this, I must ne-
ces.arily conclude, that the. e exists no State necessity
or expediency, for the present proceedings against the
Queen.
•
boilers' Comusipots, CASSIUS.
Ang.l4l 19, IS2O. .

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