The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-03-01 00:00:00

tinued, looking to us in order to Fee whether we should, or
should not, ❑modifying our tariff; but they had already de-
cided not to make any change—their necessities, however,
would decide them, for they must have revenue ; but they
looked on the matter not merely as an affair of revenue,

s one or protection n'

of Decembc
lang

.Iso, and, accordingly, on the 4th

1832, we find President Jackson usi►•:g this
ess to Congress :—" That manufactures

cage in his all

adequate to the supply of our &mestic consumption would,

in the abstract, be beneficial to our country there is no reason
to doubt ; and to etTtct their establishment, there is, perhaps,
no American citizen who would not, for a while, be willing
to pay a higher price for them." He now thought that the

. .
extracts which he had read to the house-were quite sufficient
to show that the Americans proceeded upon the protective
system, and carried it to as high a point as existing circum-
stances permitted.
_Whatever had been done or might be

done, America would not abandon her protective system.
For himself, he must be allowed to say that he admired the

policy which would not sacrifice independent power to any

rconsiderations of mere wealth, and he admired the disposi--

tion of the French people to 'adopt that principle. There
might be doctrinaires who might teach them that it was wise
to buy only where they could buy the cheapest, but the

French did not listen to that. It-might be :adoetrine of

political economy to buy at the cheapest market ; but poli-
tical economy was not always political wisdom. (Hear, bear.)
At the late election he told his friends not to inscribe on his

banners " free trade ;" that which he wanted was " fair
trade." He did not understand that one-sided policy which
under the name of free trade produced unfair trade. But
fair trade, he confidently hoped, would be maintained by the
present government. He had no doubt that they would do
everything that was necessary to preserve the dignity of the
crown, and to promote the safety, happiness, and welfare of
the people. (Hear, hear.) He now wished to say a few

words about the pleasing dream in which the noble lord op-
posite appeared to indulge. Those visions of his would not
appear at all surprising if he were unsophisticated country
gentleman from the Hebrides, or from Wales—(a laugh),-11

he had been returned to that house by the influence. of a
maiden aunt, under whose care, aided by some Dominic
Sampson, he received his education—(renewed laughter)—
if the noble lord were such a man, he should not won-

der at his being duped ; but, remembering his real cha•
racter of the noble lord, he marvelled that, being sucl
a man as he was, and a minister too of such expo

rience, he should not be warned by the present poli-
tical aspect of the world ; for national rivalry was never
more stern; nor national antipathy never more wide awake—

the propensity to war was never stronger;—(hear, hear)-
yet, in such a state of our foreign relations, it did surprise
him to find the noble lord say he desired to see the word
protection" erased from our commercial code. He chal-
lenged the noble lord to go along with bun in a comparison,
point by point, country by country, and class by class, in
connexion with this question, and he would engage to prove
that if all protection were abolished, that the noble lord
could no more raise a revenue to pay the national debt and
the current expenses of the country than be could fly to the
moon. (Laughter and cheers.) He would ask the noble
lord what would be the situation of the agriculturist of the
home market if protection were withdrawn ? What would
become of the colonies? (Hear, hear.) He did not hesitate
to say, that if in the present artificial state of the country,
loaded as it was with debt, the noble lord were to erase the
word " protection" by any instrument whatever, he would
find it necessary to perform a corresponding operation—that
of erasing the national debt, and thereupon the blotting out
of majestic, imperial Britain from that high station to which,
in the rank of nations, she had attained. (Cheers.) An
hon. member had made a declaration in that house by which
it would be seen that he was perfectly aware that the majestic
greatness of this nation had not been attained by carrying
into effect those doctrines of political economy which were
professed and lauded by the hon. member for Bolton, whom
he greatly respected, and whose talents, notwithstanding
that he dissented from his political opinions, he admired. In
spite, however, of those principles, he would tell the lion.
gentleman that the little islands which composed the United
Kingdom, bounded and limited as they were by stormy seas,
but inhabited by a hardy and industrious race, had been ex-
panded into such an empire as the world never saw. May
we be able to maintain that great empire in that vast ascend-
ancy to which she has attained (exclaimed the hon. gentle-
man,) in spite of the principles and predictions of those
who say that we have pursued a wrong course ! (Cheers.)
I have been reluctantly called upon to take a part in this dis-
cussion, and I shall finish by thanking the house for its atten-
tion, and by assuring hon. gentlemen that I shall not often
trespass upon their patience ; that I shall never speak except
when I have something to say. (Ironical laughter on the
opposition side, and cheers from the ministerial benches.)
I repeat, that I shall never speak unless I have something
to say, and that I shall finish when I have done. (Laughter
and cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN asserted, that the men of England were worse
fed in proportion to their toil than its dogs and horses, and
contended that the right hon. baronet, Sir R. Peel, was try-
ing to keep up the price of corn by legislation, but he would
not try to keep up the price of cotton and silks ; which proved
that, in that house, they were legislating for a class and not
for the whole people. Why legislate to raise the price of
food when they acknowledged it was beyond their power to
prevent a fall in the wages of labour? It would be better if
the oligarchy of the country were to pursue the course
adopted in ancient Venice, and inscribe their names in the
golden book, drawing from thence the produce of the labour
of the community, rather than seek to crush the people by a
tax such as this, upon the chief necessary of life.
Mr. FERRAND.—It would be folly and ingratitudes in me
were Ito take advantage of the kind indulgence which has
always be shown to me by the house, and inflict a long speech
upon you at this late stage of the debate ; but I trust you will
give me a hearing for a few moments, when you recollect
that for the last few days I have been the objet at which
nearly all the hon. gentlemen opposite have hurled their
pointless darts. (Cheers.) lam happy to say that, clothed
in the mantle of truth, I have come through the one-sided
war unscathed and unharmed. (Cheers.) It is true the
hon. baronet the member for the Tower Hamlets came down
the night after I bad addressed the house, and said,—" Even
had I the ability to reply to the speech of the hon. member
for Knaresborough, I do not think I should have the incli-
nation, for though his speeches may amuse the house, they
are more calculated to damage the right hon. baronet and
the party behind him. I, therefore, make a present of him
to the right hon. baronet, and wish him joy of him." (Laugh-
ter.) Sir, I will support the right hon. baronet when I can
conscientiously do so, and my support will be given without
any hope of reward or expectation of an honour so high as
that bestowed upon a gallant officer below me (Sir H. Har-
dinge), for many years of toil in the service of his country
(cheers), and for the loss of limb which he has sustained—
(cheers)—an honour which was bestowed upon the hon.
member for the Tower Hamlets, for what services I know
not, by the late self-denying no-patronage Government.
Then, sir, next came the attack of the hon. member for Shef-
field (Mr. Ward). With that blushing modesty (laughter) for
which he is conspicuous—with that positive authority by
which he has become notorious—(roars of laughter)—he de-
clared that my speech was one of scandalous levity. Then
followed the honorable member for Wycombe (Mr. Bernal),
and he told the house that my speech was one of bombastic
declamation. (Laughter.; Now, I quarrel with neither of
the hon. members. I shall leave them to settle the dispute
as best they may, contenting myself with offering up a fervent
prayer that it may be settled amicably. (Laughter.) My
next assailant was the hon. member for Salford (Mr. Bro-
therton). I ask the indulgence of the house for a moment
while I defend myself from and expose a most despicable
quibble. (Cheers.) The hon. member, speaking of my
speech, said, " If 1 am to judge of the correctness of his
speech by what I know to be untrue, I shall not value it very
highly. I know that there are some statements that are en,
tirely destitnte of foundation." It will be remembered that
I stated in a former speech, that the hon. member for Stock-
port (Mr. Cobden) worked his mills night and day. The
hon. member for Salford said, " he spoke from his own
knowledge when he said, the hon. member for Stockport
never had a mill in his life." (Cheers.) I instantly gave my
authority up to the house. (Cries of " No, no.") I placed
my authority in the handy of the house, and said if the name
were demanded I would instantly give it, but I was met with
a general cry of " No," from this side of the house, which
was most generentsly responded to from yours, In a few
minutes after the hon. member for Salford left the house, I
followed him and offered him the name of my authority, to
show him the letter, and to give him the date and the name
of the place from which it came. The hon. member laughed
in his quiet way, and said, " But we call them printworks in
Lancashire, not mills." (Loud cries of " Oh, oh !") But
in justice to my authority I trust the house will indulge me
to read four lines from a letter I have received from my cor-
respondent since. He says—" I notice in the paper this
evening that the Rev. Mr. Brotherton—(loud laughter)—
has contradicted your statement of Cobden working his mills
night and day ; but 1 know they will not deny working his
printworks near (Thorley night and day, and I have no doubt
hp is doing so at the present." Sir, I now come to what fell
from the hon. member for Westmister, the champion for the
liberties of the people ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Those gentlemen out' of &ors say they will treat me with
contempt ; but have not my stater:44o caused a sensation
throughout the length and breadth of the rand. (Cheers and
laughter.) Yes, 1 will tell the lion. member for Wycombe
that that is true. They have destroyed the Anti-Corn-Law
League. (Laughter.) You may laugh, but my statements
have destroyed you, I have forced you to join with the
Chartists ;—(Cheers)—it was the only way left you by which
you could continue the unholy and selfish agitation you have
carried on for years. (Cheers.) You have coalesced with
those who hate you in their hearts. (Cheers.) I can prove
the.; ; and if you urge them on to rebellion, as you have been
trying to do,—(cheers, laughter, and uproar) I warn you that
their first outb4ret will be to plunge the knife in the bosoms
of their oppressors. (Cheers?) Let me assure you that if
you goad them on, there is suhlciunt force and th in
the country to make you quail before it. (Cheers.) 'ow,
Sir, I would call the. attention of the hon. member for 'West-
minster to a letter I have received from a poor working man;
and perhaps the house will oblige me by allowing me to read
a few lines from it. (" Read all.") I shall do so with plea-
sure. My correspondent says—" Sir,—l hope when you
have read this you will pardon the liberty. I have taken in
addressing it to you. The speech which you delivered on
Monday has caused more sensation than any that was made
during the whole debate; because we all have witnessed
similar transactions to those you then related, and many
working men have experienced worse treatment than you
have described. Nobody has ventured here to deny your as-
sertions. The rooms of the Leeds Operative Conservative
Society were besieged by strangers anxious to have a peep at
The Times of Tuesday, all of whom confirmed your state-
ments. The " Leaguers" are raging at their exposure. But
fghoad not have troubled you had not Mr. Bernal doubted
your statements respecting the anti-corn-law petitions. Why,
in Leeds, on several occasions, the Leaguers have been de-
feated by the Chartists at public meetings. The very num-
ber of signatures to the petitions proves them to be forgeries.
In the township of Leeds, which contains about 87,000 in-
habitants, it is said that no less than 13.000 signatures have
been obtained, and in the whole borough (including the
women's petition, 23,000) no less than 66,000 signatures,
or nearly the half of the population of all ages. Besides
this fact (I have a rather extended circle of acquaintance)
I meet with numbers who are indifferent to, numbers
who are positively opposed to, the Whig scheme—num-
bers who are favourable to the repeal, who will not sign any
petition whatever. The petitions have been hawked round
the machine-A4p4 and factories. They have been placed
in all parts of the Own ; men have been engaged to go from
house to house with cheap iircad petitions. One young
nun, by name Robert Whitehead, who game to work in
the same room as myself the day after the petitions were
closed, informed me that from Monday morning to Tuesday
noon he procured 850 names, for which lie was paid Bs. 6d.,
at the rate of ls. per 100. In one yard, which the printed
statistics of the borough states to contain 34 houses, this
man says he obtained near 300 names. This man is a re-
pealer, and a pretty fair informed man, and no doubt could
tell how hundredS of sham signatures were obtained. I could
fill sheets with incidents which have been related to me, but
I forbear, merely assuring these are facts which! can prove."
Sir, I have another letter from another correspondent.
(Cries of " Name, name.") No, I will not give the name
now, but I will give it to any hon. member who will apply
to me when the house is up. He says—" In all the parts of
the manufacturing districts in which I have been I have
heard the ' workies' declare that it is the truth you have
told them in the house, and that if you wanted any to corro-
borate what you have said, you might have hundreds of thou-
sands to affirm it. I will now put you in possession of a fact

think you of the manner in which yotlr pet.tions ire got up ?
Sir, in detailing the misery, the plunder. and the robbery
that is committed upon the poor working man by the manu-
facturers belonging to the anti-corn-law league. 1 am prepared
to prove that they used the truck 'system as one of the en-
gines of their destruction. I will now read to the house a
statement that will make you stand aghast. (Laughter.)
Yes, it will have that effect upon any hon. member who has
a heart to feel for the sufferings of the poor. I'wish the
house to remember that I never did charge these crimes
upon the whole manufacturers of the country, but I distinctly
charge them upon those manufacturers who are members of
the anti-corn-law league. 1 know many manufacturers
in my own neighbourhood who are men of the kindest
natures, but they tell me that they cannot compete with

hose thanufacturers who are connected with ti.

because they paid their labourers in money, while-the
leaguers paid theirs upon the truck system. I will now
give a broad sketch of no isolated cases, but of many
of the most flagitious nature which are now occurring
_ _ _

ihroughouiLanca- shire. " Messrs. blank and Son." (Loud
cries of " Name.") I again tell hon. members, that I am
_

prepared to prove'everyihing which I assert. If any hon.
member will move for a committee, I pledge myself to sum-
mon witnesses to prove every word of what I am going to
read ; but I trust that, under present circumstances, the
house will agree with me, that it will not be fair to give to
the world the names of the parties. (Cheers.) "'Messrs.
and Son, --, three Mills. There is a shop in the
immediate vicinity of each of these mills, and each shop is
kept by a son-in-law for his own advantage. The work-
people are also supplied with coals by the same firm.—Mr.
—, two mills. The work-people are obliged to procure
both food and clothing at a shop in the neighbourhood of the
mills, which is kept by his brother for his own benefit.—Mr.
, one mill, close to which is a shop, over the door of
which his son's name is placed, who is a minor, residing with
his father.—Messrs. ----- and Co., one mill. They.have a
shop, which is kept for their own benefit.—Mr. , one
mill, near which a shop is kept by his son-in-law, for his own
benefit, who is also manager of the mill. There are five more
mills in this very neighbourhood, which have cottages at-
tached to them, and belonging to the owners, and which are
occupied by their work-people." (The reading of this docu-
ment was interrupted throughout with loud cries of " Name."
In order to make members aware of the manner in which
these manufacturers evaded the penalties of the law, I will
state how they arrange matters. On the Saturday night the

working-people go into the counting-house, where they are
paid their wages in money ; hut instead of being allowed to
come out the same way, they are obliged to go through a
room, in which is sitting the person who keeps the books at
the truck shop belonging to the mill, and there they have to
pay every farthing of the food and clothing which they had
required during the previous week ; and if it could be proved
that one man had spent even one halfpenny on any sort of
goods out of that shop. he would be instantly, and without
one word of explanation, discharged from his employment
(Cheers.) Now I call that a tax upon foocl—(cheers)—that
I call a tax upon provisions. That is your free trade system.
It is notorious that the masters obtain 25 per cent. upon the
whole of the goods they sell, and that they make 10 per cent.
upon the cottages' they oblige their workmen to reside in.
A key is placed in the hands of any workman who applies
for and obtains work at any of these mills, and it is well
understood that that is the key of a cottage built by his mas-
ter, who will not let it to him under 10 per cent. for the out-
lay of his money, nor give him employment unless he takes it.
I will now tell the house how the members of the anti-corn-
law league contrive to enhance the price of corn. Are hon.
members opposite aware that, according to a calculation
which has been made, 100,000 quarters of wheat are annually
consumed by the men of the anti-corn-law league, to enable
them to defraud the public by daubing their calicoes with
flour paste? (Great laughter, which continued for some
moments.) Some lion. gentlemen opposite do not laugh ;
they see the murder is out. (Renewed laughter.) I can
prove what I have just asserted by the evidence of manufac-
turers of the highest standing in the country, who are pre-
pared to come forward and bear out my statements, and
expose this system of robbery and plunder. (Hear.) It
was only the other day that a poor man was transported for
seven years for selling to the noble lord the Secretary of the
Colonies (Lord Stanley) a few bricks for a chandelier. (Loud
laughter.) I have received the following statement from an
individual who, as well as others, is ready to give evidence
on the subject before a committee of this house, if required
to do so : " Immense quantities of flour are used in the cot-
ton trade to give a false appearance to the calico." (Laughter,
and cries of "Oh !") I assure the house it is true. (Hear.)
I assert the fact, and I ask hon. gentlemen opposite, who are
acquainted with the cotton trade, whether it is not true?
(Hear.) My informant proceeds, " Some manufacturers use
from 2,000 to 3,000 packs per annum. The calicoes are passed
through a machine, in which they are stretched in length and
breadth. The interstices occasioned by stretching are filled up
by paste, which is applied by a brush. Afterwards the calico
is passed between two rollers, which press or calender it. It
then comes out apparently a beautiful, fine, stout piece of
calico. Its real quality is discovered in washing, after both
the purchase money and the expense of making it into wear-
ing apparel has proved it to be a dead loss to the confiding
purchaser." I will now, with the permission of the house,
read an extract from a letter written by an English mer-
chant, exposing a process which is adopted by certain ma-
nufacturers of buying, up all the old rags they can obtain,
which are torn into pieces by a machine, and converted into
a kind of dust, and are then mixed with wool, which is even-
tually manufactured into cloth. This dust, from its nau-
seous nature, and from its engendering numerous diseases,
has been christened by the manufacturers and workpeople
of Yorkshire, the "devil's dust." (Great laughter.) The
gentleman to whom I refer writes :—" Things are worse in
Huddersfield ; and it seems that all is over without any hope.
The trade is leaving this country most rapidly. 8— is
paying off nearly 200 of his weavers, because the foreigners
are sending the same sorts of goods over at very little more
than half the price that be has been selling them at. I wish
you could get a full account of this shoddy trade ; it is mon-
strous. They now put scarcely any wool into their yarn,
only just as much as will keep the devil s dust together. The
rags, as you know, are collected from the most filthy holes
in London and Dublin, and are brought from the most un-
healthy regions, infected by the plague and every epidemic,
and of course they are full of deadly poison. 13— S—
has had a boat load of this rubbish, and also buys a good deal
of the Dewsbury people. When his goods are made up, the
first time they are worn they split up, and then the game be-
gins. Mr. informs toe that B— S— has sent out a
large quantity of doeskins,' charged ss. 9d. per yard, which
have proved to be not worth one farthing—not worth tailor's
wages. They will all be sent back from America to the manu-
facturer, with a charge of ss. Bd. a yard upon them for duty,
carriage, freight, commission, &c. ; and this, of course, be-
sides the loss of the goods, they being worthless. If this
won't cure him, I cannot tell what will. Mr. has been
on the continent recently, and there he saw a small manufac-
tory of ' doeskins,' all made of wool no devil's dust in them.
The man, before this season, he believes, had never made 18
pieces of goods in one year. He had then in hand an order
for. 1800 pieces, considerably below the price of English
devil's dust goods, pretending to be of the same quality. Thus
the manufacture is leaving us as fast as it can—thanks to the
knavery of our avaricious, covetous, cheating, canting selves.
Nothing can show our baseness and deceit more than this.
These things prove clearly, that our ruin is deservedly brought
upon us by our own villainy. It is well known that the
Sheffielders passed cast-iron cutlery upon the foreigners for
steel, until they would not have it given ; and they have had
to find new countriestto send it to, and their former customers
have been obliged to manufacture for themselves. Thus our
Canting, professing Christians, are ruining their own conntry,
, and all the wile blubbering
and cheating the poor pagans
about trusting in providonce,' and are trying to make par-
liament believe that they care for the poor!" [While Mr.
Ferrand was reading the above extract, Colonel Sibthorp,
who had been conspicuous in cheering the hon. member in
the course of his speech, was observed to leave the house,
and soon afterwards returned with a large orange, which he
presented to Mr. Ferrand amidst roars of laughter.] I will
only detain the house a few moments longer (the hon. gentle-
man continued,) while I call their attention to a meeting of
manufacturers which was held some years ago in New York.
4n account of it appeared in all the. American papers, and
the account I will, with the permission of the house, read is
from an eye-witness. He says :—" It was my good luck to
attend a meeting of merchants and manufacturers convened
in the Town-hall, for the purpose of considering the best
means of protectingthe manufacturers of the United States.'
The meeting was composed of manufacturers of all grades,
and very numerously attended ; and a spirit of unanimity
pervaded the assembly. Specimens of cloth of John Bull's
manufacture were held up to the gaze of the meeting, all in
tatters, and motheaten by the paste. These were compared
with their own honest domestic manufacture, and the follow-
ing resolution was agreed to :--` that it is the opinion of this
meeting that it is the duty of Congress to protect the ma-
nufactures of the United States by an augmentation of the
present- tariff, to prohibit, as far as possible, the importation
of foreign manufactures.' " (Hear, hear.) I will just call
the attention of the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the
Treasury to a fact which has net yet been brought before the
notice of the house, yet a most important fact. It is, that
if the corn laws were to be repealed there would be an im-
mense body of industrious labourers in the north of Eng-
land not only thrown out of employ, but ruined for ever.
That ruin would result from this cause :—lt has been fol.
many years the custom of the chief landed proprietors in the
north to let pieces of waste land to working men on leases
of 14, 21, or 30 years, at a small rent, on condition that they
shall break up that land, and repay themselves by the sale of
the corn which they may produce from it. Now, if the
corn laws were to be repealed, all these men must be
ruined.; yet they have as much right to protection from the
country as hon. members opposite have, and they look to the
government to protect them, in order that they might reap
some slight reward for their labour, They never dream that
they can possess such wealth as those gentlemen ; they say,
" Live and let live," that is all they aspire to. Then why
refuse them such an offer ? They say We have let you
live—we would scorn to rob you of your own, and it is un-
just, cruel, unmanly, nay, dishonourable, and beneath the
name of Englishmen, to come forward and advocate a mea-
sure, the object of which is to plunder the poor." (Ilear,
hear.) The hon. member for Manchester, who spoke the
night before last, offered his advice to the farmers of Eng'-
land. If the farmers of England look to the political con-
sistency of the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson),
they will not, perhaps, think much of him (a laugh) ; but
this I will say, the farmers of England look to the laws of
their country for protection • and when they lose that pro-
tection, depend on it, if they fall, you fall with them.
(Cheers.)
Mr. BROTIIEkTON said when he used the word " mill,"
he did not think that he should be understood to include
" print works." He had no intention to mislead the house.
Mr. GILL argued in favour of a fixed duty.
Mr. HINDLEY, Mr. FIELDEN, and General JouNsroN
supported the motion.
Mr. VILLIERS replied ; and on a division his motion was
negatived by a majority of 393 to 9Q.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, in reference to the bill for
the purpose of legalising certain marriages which had been
celebrated between presbyterians and members of the church
of England by presbyterian clergymen, that the bill would
be one of enactment, and not a declaratory bill.
Lord LYTTLETON postponed his motion respecting the
bishop of Jerusalem, in consequence of the absence of the
Earl of Aberdeen.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FitivAr,
Mr. O'CONNELL asked if it was the intention of the
government to bring in any bill for the amendment of the
Irish Municipal Corporatidn Act.
Lord ELIOT said the subject was at present under the con-
sideration of the government.
The house having resolved itself into a committee of the
whole house on the corn laws, Mr. CHRISTOPHER moved
his amendment to (he scheme of Sir R. Peel. He proposed
that under the price of 51s. the duty should be 255, which
duty should decrease one shilling for every shilling increase
in the price up to 735., from whence the duty should remain
at Is. By beginning with a duty of 255. instead of 205.,.as
proposed by Sir R. Peel, he terminated with a Is. duty at
the same point—the surplus ss. being equivalent to the two
rests in the scale of the government. He proposed this
scale with regret, because of its being opposed to that of
his right hon. friend; but he felt it to be his duty to do so,
convinced as he was that a higher protection than that pro-