The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-25 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

long oppressed, why should we endeavour to V'
i a state of feverish agitation in order to obto
, which the course of events is likely soot), kept tr--,------------
.... ...._.,_.....__.
• the virtue of Reformers consist in collectinit *
carried on with a system of regularity, peace, and so-
t fanning the flame of an interminable excitemdt. ere
that the people went to and from the poll as they did
:ommercial people, do we not need some repohseet(fietY •
t the further want of it be destructive of our et 414 from their several places of worship (loud cheers) ;
adverse at once to individual happiness and to demeile in., the slave states, as he emphatically denominated them,
ere to viva voce system of voting was carried on, every spe-
of crime, bribery, strife, and even of bloodshed, and all
e-
t, gentlemen, your faithful and-devoted servant; e,les
" ROBERT WAlTHMAllo•hhauner of corruption, VMS most disgustingly prevalent. I will
,Firk.e that gentleman's character for veracity against that of
:Ams said,—Brother electors and fellow-citize
have Stanley or any other man. (Hear, hear.) Our opponents
mists have intrusted me with the task of introd,
e gone a eareat way for the purpose of invalidating the vote
the first resolution. That resolution embrao
-Y ballot; they have travelled 3,000 miles across the Atlantic
teat important topics for the consideration fi
' -teen ; but why have they not crossed the straits of Dover, and
T assembled here this day—namely, to petal
ked at the population of France ? It was generally corn-
Parliaments vote by ballot, and for a repeal
eted that France had 32,000,000 of population, ant) only
axes. Gentlemen, I and you, as well as the co
expected there would have been no occasion ,000, till lately, of electors. If these hart not been protected
iro riet of etitionin for the ballot and the Y the ballot, would they have returned those 222 members, the
py p g
Septemal Act, as it will be in the recollection
tre'lebrated majority who, in the Chamber, led to the expulsion
ford. John Rnssell, when he brought forward Charles from his throne and country? (Cheers.) Gentle_
did promise not only to the House of Commoo
.en, the Frenchmen of all parties regard the ballot as their
nintry at large, that as soon as the Reform 13
rered shield at elections. (Cheers.) There is no individual
rried, those two important questions should 'ls• 4nY_Varty who thinks of doing away with that system of vot-
ird in a distinct manner. Those measures we I;
None of the inhabitants of that country ever expressed a
d to the last Parliament, because every one w l•
eeeil'e 'of altering the ballot to open voting. (Cheers.) But
"Ys
ith much g gentl should travel into other countries? let us
s' that they
reater could
certainty be intrduce
of euccessd into the Refo
°°k ouremen 0., atwebribery Look the scenes of and corruption
. We the eat t have disgraced the proceedings at the election at Bristol,
by Lord John Russell, of the reformed Par
that one of the first acts, in conformity with
it ;
eferpool, and Norwich. They tell us that Salisbury one of
aye been to introduce these two great measur
. h' at
candidates actually gave the sum of £lO to an elector for a
-all myrtle plant. Another gave 10 guineas for little pig at
mishment several of his Majesty's ministers, p
qildfoid. Look at the riots at Coventry, Walsall, Sheffield,
Stanley, have declared it their determination
IV Hertford. Look at all these scenes, and will any man tell
;pose them whenever brought into Parliame'
that the ballot is not necessary ? Look at the tyrannical op-
ion of Mr. Stanley and the Ministers has caul' 1 e
l'asiort that has been exercised at Stamford and Newcastle,
[arm, astouishment, and dismay in the minds
Yk which freemen dare not exercise their rights. (" Shame.")
Loud cheers.) That is the principal cause of
hee priuciple of the ballot is so self-evident that it requires no
day. Gentlemen acquainted with the histor .
know that it was the custom, from the ear ee to advocate it, or point out its good effects. I have never
ehtpeltyany argument urged against the ballot which does not
• history, that the Parliaments were elected any
with tenfold force in its favour. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
salutary custom continued for a series of
yea 'tii r that I have too long trespassed on you, and as there are
el of the Stuarts. One of Charles L's family :
yeral gentlemen to follow me who will be anxious to
t custom, and that led to that monarch's losi ,flyer their sentiments, I will not detain you much longer.
the scaffold, and ultimately to the expulsion
e next subject is the assessed taxes. On that subject
nn the throne of this country. The successors
Villiam and Mary, almost immediately on e
,ll
Will make but one observation, because the lion. gentle-
:Ives upon the throne caused an act to pass to s ,
e who will follow me is so well conversant with the
important question, the preamble of which sta
elect that he will be much better able to do it justice.
kal, however, observe, that if the repeal will do nu more
by ancient laws aud statutes, Parliaments w.
°lei, than to enable the 10,U00 persons and upwards, in Lon-
theand that their frequency tended to a good agr
e who were deprived of the franchise by not being able to
King and the people, it was enacted that
f ,be
their taxes, to do sa it will effect a great geod. ((sheers.)
ould siteonger than three years. Unhapn V
pas s ea: ivlfz.,
wi_traker concluded by moving the firstresolution, to the fol-
:norations, shortly after this act
qh►nh effect :—" That it is expedient for this meeting to peti-
having only passed in 1691,—in the first year
eorge 1., that most daring act of usurpation, e the Commons House of Parliament, praying that hon.
t, was passed, which did away with the act, d, °llse will be pleased to repeal the statute of the first year of
e.reign of King George 1., commonly called the Septennial
requent Parliaments produced a good egreera
f e'• and also to pass an act to cause the votes for members
the
and the King. The reasons assigned
' serve in Parliament to be at all future elections taken by
the Septennial Act, were, that frequent electio
ilia; and also to pass an act to repeal and wholly abolish
the designs of the Papist faction, and lead to
at branch of the taxes which is commonly denominated the
se invasion of the country, and that they (
sisessed taxes, and further praying that the House will be
s) were burdensome, by reason of the great eo
'ased to pass these acts with as lithe delay as may be possible."
ig them. Happily, none of these reasons. u
hie Nienoesore stood forward to second the resolution. He
;eform Bill has done away with the necessity
I,,he—After what has fallen from the gentleman who has
:etions, except merely the cost of the hustin
addressed you, it would be bad taste in me to occupy
late who possessed the confidence and esteem, -e't
-or time by any argument to drove the necessity of repeal-
idaed be at any other expense. As to the Pop
' hithe Septennial Act. Mr. Williams, who has dwelt upon
not now exist, because, happily, our breth
ei.?, subject, has given you the history of how it originated.
jests the Catholics are now admitted to eq
at Parliament was elected for three years • they. voted them-
selves. Will any one now say that we are thr ,
mien from a foreign enemy: No, for we are ;yes to exist for seven years, and the only mistake that I
link the - made was that they did not vote themselves for
the world. When the act passed it well deter y
and that their children should be legislators in
given it by an eminent writer, Junius, , 'itation of the Lords, that we might be governed by an ever-
) the members of the House of Commons . e
eessing and one year for repentance. (Laughtel "at; House of Commons, in union with an everlasting
:rated all the evils which this country has e I °llse of Lords. (Loud laughter.) With respect to the vote
Its first child, nursed with great fondness, ballot, it was left as a question for future discussion by
ongering system, and that laid the founda. ' era John Russell, when he introduced the Reform Bill.
I bloody wars which immediately ensued, le eat think you of what has taken place at Norwich, at Wal-
ainst the American colonies, which ended in , and at Stafford ? I happened to be at the last place at
iolonies to this country; and that against
' thise of the election, and the first day men were bought at
Ince, which lasted 20 years, and which cost us
eh' £1 to £lO each, but the last day they were bought at
I such countless millions of money it made u
t £lO to £2O. And by whom ?—by a German. (" Name,
; I
10,000, which was before but trifling; it prod, e.") It was a queer German name, and the owner's face
,-• Covered with hair. He offered a family iu which there
intent of not less than 300 barracks, and a s
0,000 men in time of peace, to compel people ete she voters £lOO, but they demanded EPA (laughter), the
h ground them to the earth. It laid the foulil, rket price having risen. 1 cannot tell you how disgusted the
lmirals being appointed to each ship of the t ',The candidate was, who had received the promises
air Generals to a regiment of horse. It led',,,ose bought voters, to see them coming up to the
tof £6,000,000 for smecurest and pensions, • e to vote against him. They did so because they
men pensioners who were living on the vitals "re Poor men who had got wives and families to sup-
et!, and who therefore thought it the wises plan to take £l5
. led to the passing of the dungeon and gaggi
t-20 as the price of their votes. (Cries oft' :Name, name.")
: suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, bit
t, Dundas, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth. Auld that have been the case if we had the ballot ? (Cries
No, no.) In some places, however, the corrupters
has led to the misrule, misgovernment, and
te,i',
and, till at length that country has been redo Oar No,
served in a different manner. When I passed through
which makes it impossible for the people aventry, on the top of a coach, I saw a crowd waiting the
l'fitie,leof Mr..Ellice. I asked what was going on, and they
them. To enumerate all the ills of the Septe°
m that the corporation was buying up voters, to turn
be a great waste of your time, and is perfef Ilt the old members. Well, said I, do you take your £l5 or
utilise
; I dare say you are sufficiently convinced . e)
If Ministers are determined to stick by Yes. Right ; but how do you vote? Their answer was,
t"•-ilat. they voted honestly, according. to their consciences, and
id not repeal the Septennial Act, it will pro at ;
the favourites of corruption. (Cheers.) I shall not
is to coerce •the people and make them to sub r°
'a‘l'ist
you farther (cries of " hear, hear,")—except with
but how can Earl Grey instruct his fellow MI
motion in favour of the ballot brought for ;.
, et; and it is a curious thing, and you will be surprised, perhaps,
rr London ? (Cheers.) I find that, in a 1g hear it. The Times newspaper—mind, it is a dangerous thing
tweaks of that mighty engine (a laugh), and if tie reporter
o Pei' in 1823, by the noble Earl, e Times is here, I will not object to anything that the
wn hand, there is a sentence runs thus—" Fie 'hie.,
may
please to put in, or anything they like, but I
le duration of Parliaments, and to remove he ei
'ues rather that they would confine themselves to the truth.
infusion, litigation, and expense which now
oft what is the case ? The Times newspaper has been
r at elections, and render them what our an .
siting against the ballot for the last five or six weeks, but to-
eution asserted them to be, the means of
and et
arrow morning (a laugh)--no, it may take a day or two to
id a
slippy uniou between the King et a letter from Berkshire (laughter)—but on Wednesday or
if Ea Grey should act in direct oppositiou laarsday next, you will find the Times advocating the bel-
ow for
ed condemnation of the Septennied Act, ,tt to the fullest extent. (Cheers and cries of " Bravo.")
cry different position from what we used to
TMCd Parliament, and are not dependent u , my reason. I have got the Times newspaper in
hand. (Cries of " Read, read.") I will read it if you
s Minister whatever. (Cheers.) I trust
oft' yll allow me. Observe that Mr. Walter, the member for
erkshire,
t will act in accordance with the desires
t,
) The next important question founded upon ew to is the proprietor of the Times. That's nothing
vote by ballot. You will find that all the . You, to be sure. (" No, no.") What does he
l,slants of places and the spoil of the nate e
! here ? This is his report, in his own paper ; and
at does he say in this part of his address ? He says,
Tory, with all their hireling press, are clam, ha' I„,
ise of the ballot. They say that Englislud; li "adverting to the first Parliament under the new
; iss lie could but express his regret that that measure had
and desire to give their votes in an open 0 et
1 ••heen made as perfect as it might have been in the last
;nglishinen are courageous, but they are
t ;1411lament, so that it might have enabled every honest man
id feel for the miseries they inflict upon , „
0) k give his vote without coercion, and freely, according to
on know there are some Englishmen who '
• wish without the risk of being ruined by s tie ii I conscience. In that case, his two hon. friends near -him
ea es' 41 have secured their election with much less trouble
power over them. How many men have
s'c '' inconvenience ; but that defect in the bill (mark, it is
ad, how many thrown into the workhouse,
oi e.
- Times that speaks, not me ;—laughter) might vet be re-
ems and houses, for not obeying the dictateas, edi_ ~
i power over them! It is said that theb v. e(-1• He had once thought that the Reform Bill would
Jut what a droll charge is this, when there' le,
la final measure ; but when he found the threats and me-
m, not a club-house, not a district in the co le" as
„,
1
I ees held out against honest poor men, to deter thorn from
,th y wished, he owned he could not but admit
leetions are not conducted by ballot. (Chee tat something more remained to be done to complete the
iefit societies of the artisans, for labouring no t asure of reforne (Cheers and cries of " Yes, the ballot.")*
d them all carried on by the ballot. Loa :
ie l'a I know from several gentlemen, members of Mr. Wal-
eit the west end of the town, whichcount for t , -Is
f ''S committee, that if lie had had the ballot he would have
great and rich nobility of the country,--1 Ned
of the church,—all those who hold cominissri! I 600 vote's more than he did. Lords and gentlemen
h kill every part of the world—from Italy, France, liome, and
I navy,—and there all the elections are ca
~f ;ter nieces, wrote to their £5O tenants, that if they voted for
lot -even a Royal Duke can be admitted IP,/ At.
alter they mustquit their land. (Cries of " Hear, hear"
e use of the ballot. At all our great charit! ha e Shame', a
1 which this country abounds—the hospioh plug , Would not that be sufficient, without
,i, -g else, to callr the ballotnecessary for me io
any-
hospitals, which are munificently endewee ,eer to the case of Essex in support of my argument ? It was
St. Bartholomew's, and St. Thomas's Hospi Pi era Chandos t P .. - ~ who moved the 150 tenants-at-will clause, and
all carried on by ballot. Look, again, at 4
i
ti7a-s that clause which had turned out 'Western, and if there
stitutions, such as the Royal Society, the Rd:. d
r 6- bee urged. by ballot Western and many more would have
iciety, the Society of Arts, and a 100 list
,t ,
k- -n re (Cheersa.l Now for the subject of the assessed
use the elections are carried on by bat cit. i" i, tea, and I am persuaded I shall have no difficulty in that.
iversity the elections are also carried on by e I h
,t- ead time I could lay -a statement before you that would
-:ceding then un-English ? (Hear, hear.) LaiA
or i Most distinctly its terrible and monstrous injustice. (Cries
England—the directors of that immensee hef- .4, ' hear, hear.") I have been au advocate for the repeal of
shment, who exercise more power over th
th 3 s assessed taxes for above twelve years, and I will tell you
ntry and its wealth than any other body inio. v.
Iv It does not require argument, but there are a few facts
parliament itself, are all elected by b3,,iLt ice ought to be laid before you. Those taxes are most
e East India Company, and you will find_toPs, he
Y partial, and consequently terribly unjust in their
io exercise a monarchical sway over 80 millithPh leation. 1 took the trouble this morning to put a few cases
s, are elected by ballot. Yet it is said thatt.o.,
l t`th and from the petition which I hold in my hand (the
i proceeding ! by
and laughter.) In fey"
the
~
-u3le about to be adopted by this meeting,) 1 shall be fur-
hament itself, there is no institution whe
States heti
with abundant illustration of my argument. I believe
Ise. We are told to look at the Unitediitl9, .
e are 52 counties in England and Wales, and iu 20 of those
ant of 22 of which adopt the ballot.
And
taliot i ties there are only 66 houses rated to the house tax at more
e Tact, that those states in which the
their Alit
e £llO a-year. In six counties there is not one house rated
a slave states, which elect men to sell
stit'illiltite than £9O a-year, and in those counties there are man-
e a beast at open market. In the cone_oetts
that have cost £lOO,OOO, and £200,000 in building. in
a American states there is a provision to
purpose
u A_
ties in Wales there are only two houses assessed at.
i, a convention of the people, for the
tor.
se than £lOO, and there are only six houses in those cows-
ending those parts which may befohnndno
on erated at £BO. In one of those counties the Marquis of
i conventions meet frequently, but i
th • ballot tPeel resides in a mansion and garden,—for they assess
aver dreamt of to abolish the use of• e , d, v
ey.
-

subject, do you think that 26 counties, with 300 or 400 man-
sions, palaces, and castles, would not pay so much in assessed
taxes as the smallest street in the city of London ? (Cries of
" Shame.") Is not this good cause for you to petition ?
(Cheers, and cries of " Yes, yes.") Besides, it is - a great
mistake to suppose that we, in so doing, are opposing his
Majesty's Ministers—we feel grateful for what they have done,
and we come here to-day to support them; we come here that
they may be supported by fhe public against the Conservatives,
and that they may have power to give full effect to the provi-
sions of the bill. (Cheers.) I was going into a statement,
but as it would detain you to do so, I will sum up all 1 was
going to say. The average of 200 houses—Bishops, Lords,
and the whose of the aristocracy living in those 200 houses,
pay—what think you they pay? The Titles even cannot com-
prehend what they pay. Upon the average for these 200
houses, Lords, Bishops, and all,—what do you think of the
immense sum of £5 81 9d., which is what they pay
.to the
house-tax ? But Me Times says that the peisple who would be
here to-day are nobody, and wont you take the authority of
The Times, that calls itself the instructor and great engine of the
whole world ? What will the Times say to this statement ?
Mind the assessors, for the assessing houses to the house-tax
have been all appointed by the borougbmongering Parliament,
and they have sworn, "so help them God," that they made a
true and faithful assessment when they assessed those 200 pa-
laces, mansions, &c., at an average of £5 Bs. 9d. each. Now
I could go into the history of all the counties in England, and
I believe that out of 20 counties there are only 66 nouses that
are assessed above £llO a-year to the house-tax. In those
counties, out of 26 Bishops, you have, of course 26 palaces.
Now the Bishop of Hereford is assessed for his palace £6O a-
year. You wilt calculate when vou go home how much by that
he pays to the house-tax. In Dorsetshire Lord Eldon lives, I
think, and, if an accurate report. is wanted by any of the
papers, I will give them the exact sum that he pays in house
duty. In Buckinghamshire that great man, whom we should
never forget—l mean Lord Grenville—lives. He has received
£4,000 a-year as auditor of his own accounts, for 40 years. If,
when you go home and have leisure, you make a calculation, I
thick you will find that that will amount to more than half a
million of money. Now his mansion—a mansion that has
been visited by the King and the Royal Family, is assessed for
not more, I believe, than £3lO a-year. (Cries of " Shame.")
I believe that Lord Eldon has received a great deal, too; but
then his great services! (Laughter.) I think I could show
that he has received in one way or another more than £2,000,000
of our money. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, how is it that, in
these 26 counties, the commissioners of taxes, the assessors, the
surveyors, and all those under them, should all be able to swear,
in the manner they have done, that out of those 200 houses
there is not one of them that is worth more than the assess-
ment? But our assessors in the city, in Westminster, in the
borough, and in all the towns of England, have charged the
middling and poor classes, who live in houses worth only £2OOO
and less, three times, nay ten times, the amount that these great
and privileged (omnipotent, I might almost say, for they have
hitherto been so) boroughmongers pay, who, by a skill which I,
as a tradesman, am not up to, have taken great care not to
assess themselves, but to put it all on the working and indus-
trious classes. (Cries of " Shame.") We have heard, and the
statement is in the petition, that in collecting the assessed taxes
£250,000 is charged for informers (" Oh !") and £60,000 for the
lawyers, who are the partners of the informers. More than
£300,000 is charged by those machines for overtaxing the peo-
ple, and if we have a representative for the city in the House of
Commons who has the courage—and I believe we have one—
we will have a return moved for and produced showing who
have received that £300,000, and how that money has been dis-
posed of. (Cheers.) I am at this moment in the Exchequer
Court for giving a receipt for £lBlos. without a stamp. I got
but ss. out of' the £lB, and £lO is paid to the King; therefore,
when I pay the Attorney-General he ought at least to put a
penny to the account of the King. I will not detain you longer
on this subject, but if I were to speak until to-morrow night I
could go into such a history of plunder and robbery as you
never before heard. (" Go on.") But I cannot help telling
you that when a deputation waited upon Sir John Cans Hob-
house, to state their grievances, he asked them if they were not
content with the repeal of' one fax ? with one out of the five mil-
lions! They said no, they would not. (Cheers.) But how do
those taxes go? I have only to refer you to the pension list for
an answer,. there von will find that Lord Grenville, Lord
Arden, and hundreds of others, receive about half a million o
the public money. We have ladies on the list, too. I have got
the names of two ladies that we have been keeping. (Laughter
and some cries of "Off, off.") We have been keeping those
ladies for 36 years, and it will be a singular thing to learn, as
we no doubt shall, when the return I allude to is made, what
the ages of those ladies were when we
,commenced keeping
them. (Cries of "Off, off," and "Go on.") Will you have
their names? There are the six Misses Hays, Dorothy, Mary,
Elizabeth, Jane, Anne, and so on, the sisters-in-law of Sir John
Hohhouse; and they receive £BOO a year from the pension list.
There is one of them that we have been keeping for 27 years,
and I leave you to calculate how much she has received in that
time. For the keeping of these six sisters-in-law of Sir John
Hobbouse it is necessary that 400 £lO houses should be assessed
to the house-tax. (Cries of "Shame," and "Off, off.") Is it
right that 400 poor persons should be taxed to keep those six
ladies? I could go through a long history of grievances of this
kind—l will furnish it to the Times if they will use it; and I
say that the Times, if it will look into that statement, will be-
come the advocate for its brother citizens who are thus cruelly
and unjustly taxed for such purposes. (Cheers.) You will be
told by Lord Althorp that the tax cannot be repealed, because
the money cannot be spared; (Hear, hear,) but there are ten
or twelve. public departments which may well be cut down to
enable ministers to meet our wishes. There is the diplomatic
department, for instance, which is most shamefully paid. Will
you believe that our Ambassador to America receives £9OOO,
just double what the President receives? (Cries of "Enough.")
I could mention to you upwards of 400 names of persons who
are deeply interested in keeping up the expenses of the govern-
ment, because they know that otherwise they will not be paid.
I beg to second the resolution.—[The resolution, expressive of
the opinions of the meeting, that a petition should be presented
to the House of Commons, praying for triennial Parliaments,
vote by ballot, and repeal of the assessed taxes, all as soon as
possible, was then read.]
The LORD MAYOR said, that when he stated to them that a
majority ought patiently to hear a minority they applauded
him. Now, Sir Gregory would detain them only for a few
minutes, and, in fair courtesy, they ought to hear him. If he
should say anything disagreeable to them they could express
their disapprobation of it afterwards.
- _ _

Sir GitiGORY LEWIN again came forward, but he was
assailed by a general storm of hisses, groans, &c. He de-
manded as a right to be heard. He only asked for fair play.
(Several voices—" We have had enough of you, go home to
your dinner.") After-several ineffectual attempts to obtain a
hearing he finally withdrew.
Mr. IL Iltuvr then came forward, amidsts mingled cheers
and hisses. He said that when the hon. baronet who had just
retired intimated to the Lord Mayor that he was about to move
an adjournment of this meeting, the Lord Mayor asked him
(Mr. Hunt) whether he would answer him? lie said no, the
Hall would answer him. They had answered him before they
knew what he was going to say. No; he let the cat out of the
bag, and they very soon hunted poor puss down. (A laugh.)
He felt great pleasure in thus coming before the assembled
constituency of the city of London. Although he had no
hand in cabin' the meeting, he perfectly concurred in its ob-
ject; and, not being now a member of Parliament, he thought
when he saw it advertised, that he should best do his duty
by attending it and stating his opinions in support of the mo-
tion. They had been told how the Parliaments became septen-
nial, and nothing more need be said on the subject but that it
was the Whigs who did so. lie thought ha heard some new
elector saying—" Oh, you are not a Whig now," and he would
answer him by saying—" I am as much a Whig now as I ever
was, because I never was anything of the sort." He was old
enough to remember when the 'Whigs were in power in 1806
and 1807. They had for many years been promising to reform
the grievances of the state; but when they came into power
they adopted all the measures of the men whom they had for
'2O years before been denouncing. He was old enough to re-
collect those things; and, therefore, since that period he never
was a wing. lie had been accused of being a 'Tory—he had
been accused in the House of Commons of joining the Tories.
Why, because he did not approve of all the measures of the
\Vhigs ; and his answer was, " Call me Tory—call use devil if
you please; but don't call me Whig,, or I shall be sick." Ile
had always said the Whigs were hypocritical Tories out of
place. (Cries of " Question.") With regard to the second
proposition—the vote by ballot—on that subject it would be
quite enough for him to remind the members present, that in
1815 he was the last person in England who proposed the
ballot at a public meeting? which was held for the relief of the

Duke of Richmond brought in a bill to establish annual parlia-
ments and universal suffrage, but not the vote by ballot, and
it was such a measure as that that Major Cartwright and others
supported. Ile repeated, that he was the first person in En-
gland to propose the ballot, which he did at the meeting he
mentioned, in 1815. He was quite convinced, from what he
had that day seen, that the people would send up their petition
1,. to the House of Lords and the House of Commons, demanding,
that in future the election should be by ballot. When last he
had the honour of addressing the Livery within that hall, he
then suggested the propriety, when they were praying for par-
liamentary reform, of praying also for the ballot, and this an-
swer was made to him—" No, the Bill, the whole Bill, and no-
thing but the Bill,—when we have got that, we shall get
every-
thing else." ("Bravo.") He hopd those who prognosticated
that, prognosticated truly. He was quite convinced, that if the
people of England had put their shoulders to the Wheel then, '
and acted unanimously in demanding the ballot and triennial
parliaments, he was quite convinced that neither King, Lords,
nor Commons could have resisted it, and if that had been the
case, they would not have been assembled together that day to
petition for it. However, it was better late than never. -He
joined heart and hand for the demand that was now made. If
the ballot had been in operation at Preston, he should not have
been there that day, as he would in that case have been a mem-
ber of parliament. (Cries of "No, no," and "Yes.") Yes,
he would have been elected in that case by a majority of five to
one. If he was a member of parliament he would not be there,
as he should have another stage upon which to declare his sen-
timents. (A voice, "You'll never get there again.") Allu-
sion had been made to what Lord John Russell had said,
and very properly said, when he brought forward the reform
bill, namely, that his Majesty's ministers were for passing the
bill, and leaving the question of the ballot, and the question
of shortening the duration of parliament, to be brought forward
by some other persons hereafter. Lord John Russell said that,
but never upon any one occasion did Lord John Russell ever
say, or any of his Majesty's ministers, that when that time
did arrive any of them would support such a proposition.
There was a great cry against Lord Althorp, and also against
Mr. Stanley, for having avowed at public meetings during the
elections that the measure should be a final measure, and that
they would oppose it going any further; now, they never made
use of any one expression, or threw out any one hint on that
point, that they did not state during the whole time of paSsing
the Bill. In fact, they always said it would be a final measure,
and if it was to be so, he, for one, would say it would be worth
nothing,. (Cheers.) lie, for one, would never cease his exer-
tions to pievent the Reform Bill from being a final measure,
but at the time the Ministers certainly said it would be fi-
nal, he, (Mr. Hunt) then -told them what would happen the
moment it was passed ; when he did so, and when he brought
forward such measures as he thought should be passed, it was
said—" Oh, vou only propose these measures to embarrass Mi-
nisters." When he proposed the extension of the franchise to
household suffrage, the only person in the house that voted
With him on that occasion was the worthy alderman near him,
Alderman Wood. Mr.. Hunt. then went into a history of his
Parliamentary career,—of *hat he had done,—of what he had
attempted to do,—and of what lie bad been prevented from ef-
fecting—the sum and substance of which was, that with one or
two exceptions, he was the purest patriot and the most valua-
ble representative ever seen within the walls. of St. Stephen's.
He regretted that the measure of reform had not been carried
on far enough to give the suffrage to every man paying taxes.
He had always said that the bill did not go far enough, and it
was now admitted that it did not. He knew the people felt that
it would not be a final measure. Let the people persevere, and
they would obtain what they now sought, and a great dealmore.
(Applause.)
Mr. MANSELL then presented himself, and spoke in eulogy
of the ballot, and in reprobation of the assessed taxes.
The resolution was then put and carried with only one or two
dissentients.

Mr. WlLLlAMS.—Gentlemen, I beg to read another resolu-
tion, which is the second—". That three petitions be presented
to the House of Commons in conformity with the foregoing
resolutions."

The LOUD MAYOR put it to the show of hands, and it was
carried unanimously.

Mr. NEWELL is a source of great gratification to me
to have the opportunity this day, in this hall, to address you as
say felloW-citizens. By the Reform Bill you are recognized as
the citizens of London-. (Cheers.) The ancient title that qua-
lified the inhabitants of London to become citizens is a title by
which you are qualified to be electors of the city—viz., the resi-
dence of twelve months and a day, of scot and lot in the city of
London. This privilege has been wrested out of the hands of the
freemen, not by the Iteform Bill; as regards one point, it has
been restored to you, and I am sure that we shall live to see that
right also granted to you to elect the chief magistrate, as you
ought to do, presiding over you. If that was the case, we should
this day have the gratification of seeing that our chief magistrate
presided in his corporate capacity over this proud meeting in
common hall. (Hear, hear.) By the records of history, I find
the citizens used to meet with swords in hand and shields on
arm, and they used to carry their measures by means of phy-
sical force, but civilization has taught us that we can do without
physical force by resorting to moral force. By the exercise of
that moral force we hava.obtained the Reform Bill, and it is
only to exercise the same „moral force to bring into action the
good consequences of that•bill. One of those consequences is
the shortening the duration of Parliaments. From history we
find that the worst Kings and the most despotic governments
had always infringed on the rights of the people, by snaking
Parliaments longer than they oughtb constitutionally to, be.
than Richard 111. made them longer an a year; Edward
Vassed two acts to make their duration only a year. Henry
111. infringed on those laws, and Charles 11. did so too:
When William and Mary came, the liberal men of that day
found it necessary to pass an act of Parliament to limit their
duration to three years, and that was the commencement of
triennial Parliaments. (Loud cheers.) At the commence-
ment of George I. we had a Whig Administration, but not like
that we have now. That Whig Administration was ever ready
to infringe on the rights and
.liberties of the people. Sir
Robert Walpole was the Minister of that day, and there
was never a man—saving he whose statute (Pitt's) is now
in the hall—that exercised more power to crush the rising
liberties of the people than Sir Robert Walpole. (Cheers.)
But what have been the consequences of the Septennial Act?
We have had bribery and corruption to a much greater extent
than was ever known previously. (Cheers.) We have had a
violation of the rights of the people, and the liberty of the sub-
ject has been destroyed. We have had gagging tills, a sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the destruction of
nearly all the rights of the people; such deeds have been com-
mitted by Ministers- that it was always necessary for them just
before the termination of each Parliament to go down to the
corrupt House of Commons and ask bills of indemnity for their
corrupt deeds. (Cheers) Those hills of indemnity were the
best proofs of the bad deeds done through septennial Parlia-
ments. The pretences for passing the Septennial Act were the
Pope, the Pretender, and the Devil. (Loud laughter) But as
the Pretender has been dead long since, there is nothing now to
fear from him, for he has carried his pretensions along with
him. As to the Pope, he has long been politically an old wo-
man,. and nothing was to he feared from that quarter. If you
call into account the large sums of money you pay to the clergy
for laying the devil (laughter), what fear is there for anything
from his Satanic Majesty? (Laughter.) All the pretences for
passing the Septennial Act are therefore now done away. Mr.
Newell then proceeded to read a protest signed by thirty peers,
against the passing of the Septennial Act, and afterwards read
the petition proposed for adoption by the present meeting which,
amongst other things, noticed the petition presented to the
House of Commons in 1793 by the lion. Charles (now Earl)
Grey, praying for reform, and, as part of that reform, for short
Parliaments, in these words :—" 1. hat the duration of Parlia-
ments might he shortened, because such shortening tended to
produce a-happ union-and good agreement between the King
and the people."—Mr. N. in conclusion, expressed a hope that
Earl Grey who had ever adhered consistently to the politics of
his early life, would not desert those principles with reference
to this important question of the repeal of the Septennial Act.
(Applause.)
Mr. SALL seconded the petition.
Mr. SCALES next addressed the meeting, and observed that
the cry which had been raised not to embarrass the 'Ministers
by prematurely praying for the measures now before them,
showed the 'conviction in the minds of those who raised it, that
embarrassed
a • they must succeed, for if
the people had the power. Let the people, then,
bexert the
power they had, and it mattered little whether they emi
a ministry or changed it altne,e ,
one ministry did not comply with the wishes of the country,
r. Swchael etsethen a
an active
dptaorttiiine
onaatutfaitelkiesrwwioiiiiellid.wereide
those
endeavouring to get rid of any grievance, and instanced his
(Applause.)
own case. Ile had_ been an object of such attacks for thirty

" Every man his•own."

meeting to-dav is ill-timed—that any discussion on the ballot is
( premature. Why, the Times has been arguing; against the bal-
lot for weeks. It is only ill-timed when we decide against them,
and ask for the ballot. (Hear, hear.) He then read and moved
the petition for the vote by ballot, which was seconded by Mr.
FRANKS, and carried.
Mr. WILKINSON. read the petition for the repeal of the as-
sessed taxes, which was seconded, and unanimously adopted:
Mr. WILKINSON next proposed—
" That George Grote„Esq.,_ be.requested to present the peti-
tion for the ballot; Sir John Key, the petition for the repeal of
the assessed taxes; and Mr. Alderman Wood, the petition tor
the repeal of the Septennial Act, and that each of them be also
requested to bring:in a bill forthwith to accomplish the object
of the petition intrusted to his care, and that all the members
for the city be requested to support each of the petitions, and
the bills to be introduced-arising out of them."
Mr. HUNT suggested the alteration of one word. It Was not
now necessary to " request" their representatives to advocate
their rights, and he would therefore propose that the word
" instruct" be substituted for request. 'f he amendment being
approved of—
Mr. Alderman WOOD then presented himself to the meeting. With
regard to the request or instruction, it is immaterial to me which you
call it, I believe it will be found impossible to find any old reformer,
like myself, who will object to such a measure. (Loud cheers.) 1
have always, whenever an opportunity offered, designated the Sep
tennial Act as one of the most infamous acts that was ever passed in
the House of Commons. I will not detain you more on that point,
but slightly advert to the subject of the other petition. With feprd
to the ballot, I have long considered that subject, and more especially
during the late election, and I have had so many opportunities of ob-
serving the workings at the elections, that I believe I should he able
to produce considerable .evidence on that point, which would go a
great way in inclining me to adopt such a measure, and from whichl think the House of Commons itself will be convinced of the neces-
sity of it. (Cheers.) With regard to the assessed taxes I have always
opposed them, but I think it probable that there might be some mode
of dividing them, if we could, at the same time, get other taxes re-
pealed which bear most heavily. (Cries of " No, no.") Well, only
hear me, and I think you will say " Yes, yes." With respect to the
window duty, I think.that was as obnoxious a tax as ever was thought
of, and ought never to have existed. But, with regard to those taxes
which fall more peculiarly upon the rich, I think a modification of
them would be enough. Such, for instance, as the tax on carriages.
I think people who are able to keep a carriage are cannily able to pay
the tax upon it ; hut I would not include, under that modification, the
taxes on clerks and porters, or warehousemen. I thick that an ex-
ceedingly improper tax, and should, therefore, vote for its immediate
abolition. As far, therefore, as the abolition of all oppressive taxes
are concerned, I shall go gong with you. NoW, as one of the inde-
pendents, I should propose the taking the duty off soon, (elieers,)
which bears so much more heavy on the poor than the rial classes of
society. The tax -also on malt ought fO be none away with. But, to •
make short of it, the better way, and indeed the only way, to lessen
the burdens of the lower and middling classes is to do away with the
assessed taxes altogether, and have a property tax. (Cheers.) Taxa-
tion would then be on the shoulders of those who could bear it. (Con-
tinued cheers.)
Mr. GM/TH.—Gentlemen, 1 shall have the greatest pleasure and
pride in executing, to the best of my ability,.the mighty and impor-
tant duty which you have confided to me this day. This is the first
meeting I have had the honour of attending of those whom I am now
proud to call my constituents ; and it is billy gratifying to me, that
the business which they isstrusted to me is one which I-should, of all
other things, be glad to unabria.ke, even without such an extraordinary
stimulus. (Loud cheers.) Attached as I am, and have -long been to
the representative system, as the only certainty of good- government, •
1 think that all arrangements which conduce to the purity of the elec-
tive system rank among the foremost of all conceivable improve-
ments; and I say that both the ballot and a shorter duration of Par-
liaments are Most essentially requisite to give to the people of Eng-
land that security and that controul which they ought to possess over
their representatives. (Obeers.) However, our representation has
been peculiarly and materially amended by the reform bill, and I shall
never speak ot that measure without the approbation it deserves ; but,
at the same: time, I sin perfectly sensible it has not done everything, -
for there yet remain important evils to redress, and additional security
to be provided ; and while I refer to the speech of Lord John Russell
in introducing the reform measure, I find- these two questions were
specially set apart for the'consideration of the reformed Parliament.
And I do contend, that, amongst the grave and mighty 'natters that
*ill come before them, there are none to exceed, in importance, the -
ballot and triennial Parliaments. (Hear.). I will consider it one of
my first duties to site notice of a motion m the Horse of Commons"-
to bring in a bill to provide for taking votes by ballot (cheers ;) and I
Shall do so, not less from my solemn and serious conviciton of its ne-
cessity, than from the confidence which you have this day reposed in
me by requesting me to do it. I shall arse support the bill which will •
be introdueed for the repeal of the assessed taxes, though, on that
point, I am disposed to concur with my hon. friend and colleague,
Mr. Alderman Wood, that we ought to be cautious, and not too has-
tily remove those taxes which press exclusively on the rich, lest we
should be obliged to retain others which bear hardly on the poor. It
is to these that we should, in a more particular manner, direct our at-
tention, and endeavour to procure their repeal. (Applause.) GOD..
demon, I shall only,add, that I feel great pleasure in attending here
to-day, and that it will be to me a source of umnixed satisfaction to
express your wishes to the letter. (Applause.)
Sir JON Kay came forward amidst -loud cheering, and- addressed
the meeting as follcws :—My Lord Mayor, and Gentlemen, it afros&
me the greatest gratification to attend your meeting, for the purpose
of consulting your wishes, of ascertaining your opinions, and of re-
ceiving your instructibps. (Loud cheers.) On those subjects on
Which you have this day deliberated, and upon which I may say you •
have determined, my opinions are perfectly well known to all of you ;
therefore, I may be excused from trespassing at any length on your
time by discussing those points. I beg to assure you, that your wishes
shall receive, in the House of Commons, my honest and determined
support on every point to which you have this day referred. (Chews.)
I perfectly concur with Mr. Alderman Wood in what he has said with
respect to the expediency of abolishing all taxes—all the present
taxes, (cheers,) and substituting for them a property-tax (loud cheer-
ing;) the effect of which would be to cast the burdens of the state in
due proportions on those best able to bear them. (Cheering.) I con-
cur also with Mr. Aldennan Wood in the peculiar justice of taking off
the tax on soap, but still snore do I feel the necessity of taking off
the oppressive tax laid upon the buyers of food by its sellers. (Loud
cheers.) The repeal of the corn laws is one of those measures which
I hold to be one of our first duties. (Continued and loud cheering.)
But I have already so fully declared my opinion upon these and other
subjects—opinions which I believe to be in perfect unison with-your •
own—(cheers;---that I will only further trespass upon your time to
assure you, that you will iways find me at the post you have allotted
to me, performing my duties to the utmost of my Allay, and doing
everything in my power to fulfil your wishest, and to promote your
prosperity. (Loud and continued cheers.)
Mr. WILLIAMS moved that the thanks of the meeting be given to
the Lord Mayor for his readiness in convening the meeting in the
hall, and for his impartial and dignified conduct in the chair.
Mr. NienoLsosi seconded the resolution, and took the opportunity
of explaining that the extract from " The Times" of Thursday, which
he quoted in his speech as having been uttered by Mr. Walter in his
Speech to the electors of Berkshire, at Newbury, was, in fact, uttered
by Mr. Palmer, (laughter and cheers,;—but he should he ashamed of
himself if he had not the manliness to acknowledge his error, in spite.
of what might be said upon it. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. HUNT begged to express his entire concurrence in this resolu-
tion.

Three hearty cheers then accompanied the resolution, and
The Loan MAYOR said,—l thank you for this expression of sour.
feelings. I did not hesitate an instant in calling a meeting, though I
felt that in doing so that 1 was establishing a precedent, because this ip
the first meeting of the kind that has taken place, and I sincerely
hope that the precedent will be followed by all succeeding Chief Ma-
gistrates. (Loud cheers.) I trust they will always- be foend ready to
give you the opportunity of expressing your sentiments; and I am
not a little proud of this, that I am the first individual who has had a
vote of thanks from the united constituency of Lontlini. (-Loud
cheers.) I therefore prize it. I said my task would be easy ; it has
been so • but I am afraid the new constituency has follhwed a little
the bad 'habits of the old one, in refusing to hear both sides ; but,
however, that was cli in perfect good humour. You have been happy
gra amo
itngdeyourselves; 1 have been happy with you, and I return you my
tu.
The meeting then separated in great good humour and order.

POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSERVATIVES.

1. To maintain inviolate the rights and privileges of the
three estates of the realm—of the Bing, the Lords, and the
Commons.

power, political unions, and socie-
ties To vindicate the liberty of the subject against every at-
temptedr violence.k* 3. To maintain every inhabitant of the kings dominions iu
the lawful possession of his property, and the unshackled en-
joyment of it.
Church of England 4. To suppoit the as by law established.
5. To advocate and promote alteration and reform in every
tiesaonvgiostlatthioenpbeoypulele,7orinpopu a
national institution, wherever a reasonable prospect shall pre-
sent itself of removing existing defects, without hazarding the
violation of vested rights, or the introduction of new and num:-
certained evils.
6. To maintain and augment the wholesome influence of re-
ligion and morality, sound knowledge and education, over irre-
ligion and immorality, false learning and ignorance.
7. To vindicate the integrity of the empire to consolidate the
legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and repel
every attempt to bring about a repeal of it.'
8. To promote, after a just and full compensation shall have
been secured to the
_proprietor of each slave, the abolition of
slavery throughout the British dominions, at such time, iu each
colony, as it can be effected with advantage to the slaves, safety,
to the colonies, and security to the shipping and commercial in
t he P-

•
ULM oda., as a i.0.,.`"." "-b-h"-- lUK unny terests of the empire. • •
Dyer dreamt of to abolish tne use •t/
geFiteliGnguaNeli also to. the extent of an acre,—and noble distressed weavers of Spltaltields, and he carried the petition years, but he would eat is opponents at last.
9. To discountenance and oppose the introduction of "the
-
is in conversation some time ago with a
nt merchant from New York—and he told ut, who receives £2O 000 a-year as Viceroy of Ireland, up to the King on the subject the next day. Ile took pride to The Loun MArott begged to observe that, as he made no vote by ballot" in contested elections of representatives to serve
contract to give the meeting candles, be hoped that while it was in the Commons House of Parliament ; a mode of voting, ou
In met about two years ago, when must ituPor 4. au average of £6 to £7 a-year for his house : what a himself when he declared that he was the author of the propo-
was made, for; as the quatifieatioasewaos
aletrif? Vac. (Hear, hear.) Assembled as we are this day to com- sitiou for vote by ballot in this country. (Cries of. Oh, oh.") daylight the proceedings. would terminate. the one hand, alien to the manly feelings of Englishineni•and, I 1.1,!1 of these grievances, Mr. Alderman Waithman tells us Mr. WILLIAJes._The Duke of Richmond, Major Cartwright, Mr; S•rAc>:Y came forward to propose the petition relative to. on the other, pregnant with hypocrisy and corruption.
they extended the elective franchi t
staff th'4oll on the books of the Ilotsre.
ation (cheers) ; but on that oceasionitihere til,` we are premature. Why. M Alderman Wlithman had a and others, "t before yon. the' ballot, as follows :—Gentlemen w ithout the ballot all we 10. To discourage universal suffrage, or the extension of tile
:o do away the ballot. (Cheers.)
wealthy sl4 if h d b of Commons and k. Mr. HUNT.--I appeal to the Lord Mayor, ask vatic- have hitherto obtained will be e tr• t" 'lvalueless. qbant franchipe to persons whose condition in life exhibits no ostensi-
ompara c, yas in that great, populous, and k eha rought ferward and if he understood the then interruptedwhen he was• illy. `Williamsl lamsthe "
He we, after experience we have had of the conduct of inch ble guaranteef judicious. exercise that •
or eir of important
*lt will be seen from what afterwardsshould observe the same courtmq towards me,—at least: when
'for two years, proposed
that this is a mistake exercising irresponsible power, do as the leading journal wishes' trust. T _ _
occurs,
41•441'....Part of the sr,
_eal:er, the extract, in question hal n a us, and leave Ministers to do as theyplease? Another m should tell the truth, and not the re- most
11. o discountenance a free trade, unaccompanied by re-
be does interrupt me, he
t ken
Lae speecil of kir. F. Palmer, at the lute dinner at Newbury f 1.1 1 d Mr. Hetet went on to say that the
modest observation of the -leading join nap to-t ay is, that our
is, ci —From a CorrePpundent.
I, ewe , as e has . .