The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-03-24 00:00:00

previous evenin

s-itions he

case e
Hamps

We had given

of the Connecticu

ritory forming an important military frontier—that is, we had
given up one hundred thousand acres and had received one
million. The navigation of the St. John gave the Americans
it portion of the river run-
t he subject to British law,

ges, as on a

in British territory they mus

_,...iiug of house's Point was of no consequence
as it did not command the entrance of Lake Champlain, and
He had seen the celebrated " red

neover was in ruins
i was very smal

Map, wt

D'Anville, oftt

too minute to

an authorit

Franklin, as published by
his grandson, in which it was clearly stated that the map used
by the negotiators was Mitchell's. The British negotiator
who conducted the treaty of 1783, Mr. Oswald, had been
objected to on grounds very similar to those on which the
appointment of Lord Ashburton had been questioned. In
concluding, he criticised Lord Palmerston's foreizn policy.
Mr. H AWES proceeded to address the house, bat an hon.
member stating that there were not fdrty members present,
the house adjourned at a quarter past seven.

only eighteen inches
of North America,

He then read a

from the correspondence of Dr

CAMBRIDGE ELECTION.—The polling at this borough took
place on Monday last. At eleven o'clock Mr. Foster was 68
a head of Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, but this majority was gradually
reduced until two o'clock, when it was 49, but between that
hour and three o'clock the conservatives made a spirited
rally, and at the latter hour Mr. Kelly had a majority of 28,
which was increased at the close of the poll to 33. Mr.
Kelly was therefore declared duly elected. He is a well-
known and firm cons

STEAM AT SO

nage at this port is worthy of notice
steam-vessel was known only by name, and
years back the steam tonnage was limited to but a few hun-
dred tons, whilst on Sunday last we observed in our river, in

commission, 24 steamers (which is no unusual occurrence),
measuring in the aggregate 12,000 tons, and giving employ-
ment to 800 men, which, with the officers of the different
companies, servants, &c., causes the expenditure of at least
£50,000 per annum amongst the trade of this town.—Hamp-
shire Advertiser.

The revolting outrage in Montgomeryshit
tailed a week or two ago, in which
man named Samuel Poppet, was throw
his own cottage, and a
consume him, has res'
some weeks of

which we de-

a poor, aged, inoff

Ito the flames, in

od a fire made on his breast, whereby to
~,alted in the death of the victim, after
parralled suffering ; the flesh of his body,

being so much consu -
Ad stomach was visible,
motive can be assigned for
plunderers were disappointed
im of money which the old

from the neck to below the stoma(
med that the action of
and the bowels expost

this wanton cruelty, ex„,
of their prey,—a consider
man possessed being so concealed among
that the thiefs could not find it. Strong

,st a parcel of rags,

to a gang of vagabonds who fortunately are nOw in custody
—Chester Courant.

MURDER.—On the night of Wednesday last, the 15th
instant, a young man named Brock was twice fired at in the
village of Tuam, within four miles of Strokestown. We are
sorry to say that both took effect, and immediate death was
the result. It is difficult to assign a reason for the committal
of this murder, and we understand the most feasible assigned

is, that he had got the land held by another tenant who was
changed to an adjoining farm. He was tenant to R. Irwin,
Esq., of Rathmile House, one of the best and most indulgent
landlords in this county. Brock was a young man of good
character, mosttioffensive, and his murder has excited con-
siderable alarm and horror in the neighbourhood. We
sincerely hope that the perpetrators of this dreadful outrage
may be discovered, and that the magistracy will use every
exertion in bringing them to justica.—Boyle Gazette.
FATAL ACCIDENT.—On Saturday se'nnight the miller of
Newtown Mill, near Melrose, having observed the supply of
water in the darn suddenly diminish, went to a large and un-
enclosed pond, situate by the road side, where the sluice is
placed, to ascertain the cause. For this purpose he thrust
in a dung-fork, when to his astonishment and horror, be
drew up the body of a little girl, the daughter of a person
named Jane Mein, who resides in the village. Another girl,
the daughter of Adam Thompson, labourer, being missing,

her mother, on hearing of the occurrence, came CO the spa
and expressed her apprehension that her child had shared the
same fate. Unfortunately her fears were too well founded,
for the next moment the lifeless body of her offspring was
dragged to the side. The two little girls, who were insepa-
rable companions, had, while playing together, fallen unob-
served into the pond, which is of c3nsiderable depth, and were
drowned.—Caledonian Mercury.

TEMPERANCE MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY.-
spectus of -a new company under this title appears as an
advertisement in the London Times of Monday. The capital
is to be £500,000, in shares of £25 each. The object of the
company as stated is " to establish a system of underwriting,
new to London, but not new to other parts of England, or to
America, where the plan has been tested, and found to be
eminently successful. Evidence has been submitted to par-
liament, and select committees have reported in its favour,
that a very large proportion of losses at sea arise, either di-
rectly or indirectly, from the use of ardent spirits. Sir Ed-
ward Codrington, Admiral Brenton, Mr. C. Purnell, the
Dockmaster at Liverpool, the Hon. Capt. Rous, and many
other influential and experienced individuals have stated to
parliament that a very large proportion of all the losses at sea
are occasioned from this cause alone ; taking, however, the
losses so occasioned at but 20 per cent. of the whole, it is
clear that a system which allows (say) 5 per cent. a bonus to
the proprietors of all the insured vessels or cargoes, navigated
under temperance regulations, on safe return voyages, must
add to the ordinary profits of underwriting to the extent at
least of 15 per cent. in addition."
THE REPEALERS.—These gentry have been violating the
Sabbath by a repeal demonstration on the last Lord's day in
Trim, where 30,000 persons, headed by numerous Popish
priests, are stated to have assembled at a political meeting of
the morning, with Henry Grattan, M.P., in the chair; and
what Mr. O'Connell terms a " strong dinner" ensued after-
wards, graced by the presence of the Popish Bishop of Meath.
By a" strong dinner" we understand that repeal treason was
strong as well as the fare. One new feature seems to be
anxiously put forward at the recent repeal statements of the
rent—viz., that contributions from Presbyterians and other
Protestants are beginning to flow in more freely. We don't
place too much faith in these representations, but they are
strongly asserted. At all events the rent increases : that of
the week is £351 Os. Bd., being above seven hundred pounds
in the fortnight last past. Agai❑ we ask, are our governors
asleep ? Is impunity to be the reward of treason, sedition,
and crime, henceforth? Is danger to be steadily winked at
till it becomes no longer danger but dismay? Truly, if
things are permitted to go on in their present track, it will
soon be time for the Protestants of Ireland to anticipate the
coming anarchy by the formation of a provincial association
of some sort.—Dublin Statesman.
M'NAUGHTEN.—The effect or example, in deterring lu-

N pro-

natics from committing murder, has been found to be consi
derable, if we may judge from
the lives of madmen h---

few instances in which
ficed by the law, while

the influence of example, in promoting the pi( ,
murder and suicide, has been most strikingly s 1 1
I metropolis within the last two or three year 1 .
Bellingham, unquestionably a lunatic, was h 'or
a murder of Mr. Perceval. and from that time mu.._ 1, n
sh a single political assassination was perpetrated in this coun-
.. . • '' '

nown in th
In 1812,

ave long been known in El
1r his late attempt on the (1

' 1841, not

ing and troubled times that
[and. Oxford was acquitted

round of insani

though with a very doubtful propriety ; and other similar at-
tempts almost immediately followed. Not a week had elap-
sed from the trial of M'Naughten, for the murder of Mr'
Drurnmond,,and his acquittal on the ground of insanity, ere
another madman openly threatened the lives of her Majesty
and Sir R. Peel; and that of Mr. Goulburn was menaced by

a person for whom, had ne put his threats into execution,
►ha nlea of insanity would probably have been set un.—Lan-

THE BOUNDARY QUESTION

for his papers re.,
)rdship was replied to by Sir Robert
_ale very high
character and diplomatic
..sceuent representative Sir Howard Douglas.
Premier had closed his speech, Sir Howard rose

merston brou-g'

in the Hon

Commous, Loy

Ashburton treat
Peel

o, in the cours
.ents to the Lii

f his speech, paid s

d, " That having been alluded to in so marked a man-

ner by the right hon. baronet, he felt called upon to trouble
the house with his observations upon this subject. He

_ _ail many of the circumstances with which
he was connected during the time he had the honour of hold-
ing the situation of Governor of New Brunswick. Had he

first to

been called upon ten or twelve years ago to state his opinions
with respect to the expediency of compromising the great
question they were now considering, he should have been
disposed to have expressed his dissent to such a proposition ;
but since then the question had undergone most material al-
terations. In 1794, by a question of arbitration between the
two countries, the St. Croix was declared to be the point
from which was to be drawn the north line which was to form
the north-west boundary. In 1839 a certain boundary was
insisted upon by the government of the United States, which,
they, said, was their territorial point ; and for the purpose of
preventing any encroachments being made upon their terri-
tory then, they sent some land agents from Maine and Mas-
sachusetts to traverse the country. He protested against
hose proceedings. In the summer of 1827 it was said that
he British possessions there were not exclusive. One of
us sent to guard their territory stopped the
n, took the bag from him, but afterwards de-

these agents t
British post
livered it I

k to him with awarning that he was not to be
permitted to traverse that part of the country again without
the concurrence of the American authorities. As soon as

this outrage was reported to him, he (Sir H. Douglas) felt
that he was placed in a difficult situation ; that if some vigor-
ous effort was not made the question of possession was alto-
gether lost to the country ; and on the other hand he felt
that if he used too much vigour he might involve the two
countries in war. The only instruction on which he then
had to act was a letter he bad received from Lord Bathhurst,
not to relinquish any act of sovereignty. Soldiers were some-
times accuselPof resorting too speedily to harsh measures,
but instead of the adjutant-general sent he sent for the at-
torney-general, whom he desired to issue his precept to the
high-sheriff of the county to apprehend those parties that

were engaged in this seditious conspiracy, to put them into
the gaol of Frederickton, and to let the Cass go to the supreme
court for judicature. He received a letter afterwards from
the governor of the state of Make which he would read to
the house. That leter was to the effect that the government
demanded the release of those parties, and the granting those
parties full indemnity for the imprisonment they had suffered.
He felt very reluctant to get into any correspondence with
the governor of Maine, or with any other subordinate autho-
rity, but, nevertheless, he wrote a letter, in which he stated
that it was not for him to doubt the propriety of the Governor
of Blaine entering upon a correspondence with a foreign

power, but that for himself he know too well his position to
keep up such a correspondence; and that, if there were any-
thing in his (Sir Howard Douglas's) conduct of internal af-
fairs which was open to objection, it would be better that the
Governor of the state of Maine ahould refer the matter to his
own general Government ; that for himself he hoped the
American functionary would recollect the importance of
keeping up unbroken the friendly relations between the two
countries; and he suggested that the best way to maintain
that was to leave matters in dispute to their respective go-
vernments ; that on the question of possession he was deter-
mined to maintain it inviolate on the part of the government
of Great Britain. Upon this a proclamation was issued by
the American authorities of Maine, calling out a large body
of the militia. A person was scot by them who insisted on
coming into his (Sir Howard Douglas's) presence, for the
purpose of insisting upon the demands which had been
made. The a.rswer made by him through his secretary was,
that he must positively refuse to recognize this person in an
official capacity, and he refused also to enter into any cor-
respondence with the Governor of Maine, who wrote to
Washington to insist on his (Sir H. Douglas's) recal, ar.d
the same Governor ordered him to release Mr. Baker.
The home Government supported him in his views, and
their answers to him were couched in the same tone in
which he had expressed himself. Upon this a large de-
tachment of troops came within forty miles of Frederick-
ton. Mr. Baker was brought to trial and a lenient sen-
tence was passed upon him in the shape of a moderate
term of confinement and a fine. Threats continued to
be made and the excitement proceeded ; everything was
done to intimidate him, but he saw that it was expected
he would call out the troops. After Baker had expiated his
term of imprisonment, he refused to pay the fine. Upon the
payment of this fine he as governor of the province insisted.
Troops were threatened to be marched into the town, but he
did not move a single soldier or constable ; and the result
was that Mr. Baker, after remaining in gaol two or three
rweeigeknstyloonf gtehre,
Bpraiitdisthhec fironwe.n, talnedthaus svi
longndnicsahted ewtahse ovisnthee-
province not one person dared to intrude. In the spring of
the next year it was declared by the Governor of Massachu-
setts that a road would be made to run from Mars-hill to the
disputed territory. He, therefore, wrote to Sir Charles
Vaughan, who did his duty manfully. Now it happened that
upon the very identical spot where he apprehended Baker
and his associates, and where he (Sir H. Douglas) had vin-
dicated the exclusive possession of Great Britain, on that
very spot had the noble lord opposite who had raised the
motion that night permitted the Americans to erect the forts
of Jarvis and Fairfield, on the north line, a little short of
where it met St. John's River ; was not that concession ?
Why it was the concession of all that he (Sir H. Douglas)
had contended for,—it was relinquishing the possession—it
was capitulating the whole case—it was allowing the Ameri-
can force to take military possession. And then the Ma-
dawasca settlement—that was an encroachment, and the peo-
ple were handed over like so many serfs to the Americans.
He was fully determined, if the Government had commanded
the release of Baker, to have regarded the injunction. This,
however, could not have happened, for Government had cor-
dially approved of the course taken by him. He would have
disregarded it, because he well knew that one encroachment,
if acquiesced in, soon led to others. The order was sent,
however, by Mr. Livingstone, from Washington, to Sir A.
Campbell, to release these parties, a proceeding which was
protested against by the local government. In gust, 1837,
a person was sent to this Madawasca settlement, which he
and his successors had protected with so much firmness, to
make a census of the population, as part of the inhabitants of
Penobscot county ; a correspondence was opened with the
Governor of Maine, and the result was, that the person was
released, on his giving an assurance to the colonial govern-
ment that he would desist from these practises. He was re-
leased on August 5, 1837 ; and what was the consequence of
that weakness? The consequence was that he immediately
reappeared in the Madawasca settlement on the 26th of the
same month, and proceeded with the census. Of course, it
would be expected that he would have been brought to trial
and visited with condign. punishment. But what did the
house think ? He was again released, at the instance of the
American Government—of course, under the orders of the
noble lord. This was followed by a series of encroachments
and aggressions from New Hampshire into the Canadian ter-
ritory. Considering the lateness of the hour he would not
trouble the house with details extending from the 83d to the
192 d page of the printed papers. He had brought this cata-
logue of weaknesses to the year 1838. Turning to the cor-
respondence in 1840 and 1841 he found that a proposition was
made to the British embassy at Washington, and transmitted
to the noble lord, to the effect that, considering the disorders
that prevailed, it would be better that each country should
send into the disputed territory a settled posse of equal
strength. His (Sir H. Douglas's) answer to a similar appli-
cation was that he would look after his own affairs, and would
make his own arrangements with regard to the military and
police. The noble lord, however, thought differently in 1840
and consented to the arrangement, the consequence of which
was that an equal force was sent by the United States and
Great Britain into the disputed territory for the purpose of
keeping peace. Why that was surrendering the very point
for which he (Sir H. Douglas) had contended, by permitting
a concurrent jurisdiction on the territory which we claimed
as our own. The United States then complained that Great
Britain still possessed an exclusive military jurisdiction,
and therefore requested the withdrawal of our troops, and
our troops were withdrawn. The United States suggested
the substitution of detachments of national troops on the
part of the two countries. " A very good idea,' said the
noble lord, " we will ;" and concurrent military possession
was forthwith established; another surrender of those rights
for which he (Sir H. Douglas) had struggled. After this,
it was of course impossible to dispute their right to make a
military road, which was completed all the way across the
disputed territory up to the St. John, and the erection of
forts followed as a natural consequence, for the forces em-
ployed must needs have some abiding place, and the forts
Fairfield and Jarvis were built forthwith, by which means
the United States obtained concurrent possession of the
whole territory. To sum up all, the noble lord left the
whole of the territory, the whole jurisdiction, and the whole
sovereignty subverted; instead of maintaining in it an ex.
elusive jurisdiction, he had permitted a concurrent power,
and a surrender of the territory became inevitable. The
noble lord spoke of the arrogant tone adopted by the United
States, as though they were the actual possessors of the soil;
but he could not see what other course could have been ex-
pected after the events to which he had referred. But did
the noble lord think that after having gone up they would
have gone up without a war? Did he think the United
States would, under any circumstances, have withdrawn
from the disputed territory they had usurped ; That they
would destroy the fortifications they had built or pull down
the flags they had hoisted, or that they would be satisfied
• with any conventional boundary short of the line the noble
lord had permitted them to take? No such thing. They
I were determined to take their stand there, and to meet Lord
Ashburton in the manner which the concessions of the
, noble lord only enabled them to do. What were their terms?
r They had yielded nothing, and if concessions had been made
to them derogatory to the honour of the crown and the in-
• terests of the country, it was not by the present govern-
, ment, but by the noble lord, for he had left no choice to his
successors but to make a conventional line or go to war.
With respect to the treaty itself he thought the proximity of
the frontier to the line of communication would be a great
inconvenience. The line across the St. John, he admitted,
was an eyesore (hear, hear) ;—and i; Lord Ashburton
could have got that point and omitted to do so, he was much
to be blamed for it ; but if the demand for it would have
I ruptured the negotiations, it was not worth that, for, in a
military point of view, it was insignificant. Rouse's Point
L was a military point only, on account of the facilities it
t afforded for offence ; but this was precisely the reason the
t Americans were anxious to get it, and we should have been
anxious to retain it. The great defence of New Brunswick
as the territory on the right bank of the St. John. So
long as St. Andrew's bay was held, no irruption could be
r made into New Brunswick, no attack could be made on St.
f John's. For all these reasons he avowed that he entirely
I approved of the arrangements of the treaty which had been
• so happily concluded. He recognised in the strongest terms
. the eminent services rendered to the country by the distin-
; guished individual who had negotiated and concluded it, and
he felt that gratitude was due to the government for having
! selected him and given him those instructions to a satisfac-
tory termination. Whatever might be the wishes or desires
of the country, there was nothing left but to adopt the
conventional line. Government could only do what they
r had done. He felt it his duty to support arrangements
which he would not have advocated 12 years ago, but he
I thought it the best that could be done under the circum-
stances, particularly as the noble lord had let slip out
•, of his hands the actual possession of the whole of the
territory.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE UNITED STATES.—
From the valuable report of the Hon. H. L. Ellsoorth, com-
missioner of patents to the congress, we have extracted the
following item, showing the total amount of the principal
agricultural products of the country fur 1812
Wheat.....
Indian Corn

102,317,340 bushels

441,829,
150,883,

22,762,952

Ntatoes

Hemp and Flax
Tobacco
Cotton .

135,883,382
158,565
194,694,811

683,333,231
94,007,484
142,445,199

Cocoons

244,124 ~
130,748 gallons

ng States Ohio is the greatest producer—
Jeing over twenty-five millions bushels.
argest is New York, being sixteen millions. The
zt in order are Pennsylvania and Virginia.—New York

The next

ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE

NOVELTY,

LAST WEEK BUT ONE.
A GRAND CONCENTRATION OF
VARIETY, AND TALENT.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. J. SLOAN,
(IN MONDAY next, March 27th, TUESDAY and
WEDNESDAY, March 28th and 29th, the Perform-
ances will commence with agraild Spectacle, entitled

ESMERALDA ;
Or, The Deformed Bell-ringer and Paris Dancer of 1482 !
After which, the laughable Interlude, entitled
THE ATTIC STORY.
The whole to conclude with the Romantic Drama, entitled
THE WREN BOYS;
OR, THE MOMENT OF PERIL.
Dennis O'Donnell Mr. Sloan.
95.; Pit, ls. ; Gallery, 6d.

Boxes, ~

TO MERCHANTS, BROKERS, AND OTHERS

The largely increased and most respectable circulation
which the Tuesday's Edition of the LIVERPOOL
STANDARD has now obtained amongst the mercantile
body in Manchester affords its proprietors the gratify-
ing power of urging this, amongst the other undeniable
claims which it possesses, upon the favor of that portion
of the mercantile community of Liverpool who desire to
bring their advertisements before the notice of buyers in
the neighbouring manufacturing districts. In most of
the surrounding towns of Lancashire the circulation of
the STANDARD is steadily increasing. In Manchester,
however, the centre of the manufacturing district, our
publication of Tuesday—occurring upon the most im-
portant market day of the Cotton Trade, when its
Exchange and Hotels are thronged with country manu-
facturers, spinners, and calico printers—is firmly es-
tablished in circulation, and is perused with increased
and increasing interest.

Under these encouraging circumstances, we trust to
receive an increased measure of support from the mer-
chants and brokers of the town generally; and it affords
us great pleasure to assure those of our friends amongst
those classes, who have hitherto bestowed their adver-
tising favours liberally upon us, of our increased ability
to do justice to the interests committed to their care.

DR Eibgrpaal ktaziDarTi.

FRIDAY MORAING, MARCH 24, 1843

If it must be conceded that the ex-Whig Secretary
for Foreign Affairs is a somewhat clever personage, an
excellent Parliamentary gladiator, and a ready master
of the tactics by which Opposition skirmishes are made
to tell out of doors, as well as in the House which he
adorns, it must be conceded, too, that he combines
with these properties a degree of assurance—impudence
would be the better word—which is perfectly unap-
proachable. Any other man occupying the position of
the noble lord—any other man who, for ten years, had
held the seals of the Foreign Department, and so con-
ducted the business of his responsible office that the
wonder of nine-tenths of 'the world—of men of every
party—is that the country has escaped being embroiled
with every foreign nation with whose Government he
had the slightest opportunity to bring himself in con-
tact ;—any other man of whom it can be said with
truth that, during ten years of protocoiling and nego-.
ciation, he succeeded only in unsettling every thing
which he found settled, and settling nothing which he
found unsettled—would have shrunk from such a mo-
tion as that of Tuesday last, by which it was sought to
censure the Ministry and the diplomatic agent, who
have succeeded in arranging, satisfactorily, the most
pressing points of our differences with the United
States, aggravated though those differences were by
his own embroiling finger—any other man situated
with respect to the question as Lord Palmerston is
situated, would have blushed to utter the opinion that
the negotiation conducted by Lord Ashburton was an
ill-conducted one, or that the terms of settlement were
unfavourable to Great Britain ; for it must have oc-
curred to such a man that he himself had, at all events,
conducted it worse—conducted it to no good, unless a
state of almost open hostilities and bitter exasperation
between two powerful nations be the end in question's--
and that, with respect to the terms of settlement, if
these are not all that we could wished them to have
been—all that at one time we could and ought to have
insisted upon—the cause is to be found in the deterio-
rated position in which we have been placed by Ms own

acts,
or ofd Palmerston,mi
ssin o r mission.
L
however, is not an ordinary man,
omission i
but, as we have already stated, possesses and exercises
a degree in his Parliamentary movements,
which
h is of
quite
impudence,
extraordinary. His lordship did not
scruple, on Tuesday,
to hold up his own transatlantic
iiipteude n
policy in advantageous contrast with that of Lords
Aberdeen and Ashburton. No doubt can henceforth
exist that had the destinies of Great Britain been still
controlled by
a Whig Government, and himself been
still protocolling, our differences with the United
States would to this moment have remained unsettled,
and that, in all likelihood, we should have been carry-
ing on a fanatical war with that country, for our escape
from both which inflictions we have abundant reason to
be thankful to the present Administration.
But let us come to the ground of his lordship's com-
plaint. We are told, broadly, that Lord Ashburton
went to business in a very undiplomatic style. He did
not ask about twice as much as he was willing to take.
He did not throw out an advanced post of protocols, as
skirmishers, designed to throw dust in • Brother Jona-
than's eyes and ruffle his temper into a false move.
He entered upon no series of manoeuvres, made no
feints, threw up no temporary outworks to mask his
main position; but, in a word, declared the terms upon
which he was prepared to negotiate. The answer to
this objection is simple. Lord Ashburton went out to
settle the question. He adopted a plain business mode
of effecting his object; and, instead of haggling like a
fishwife, or a west end smuggler of silks and laces,
proposed the terms upon which he was disposed to
ratify. He adopted neither the "sic volo, sic jubeo"
style, favoured by Mr. Thomas Macaulay; he did not
descend to the cringing view, of which he is accused
by that voracious fish; nor did he stoop to the equivo-
que by which Lord Palmerston would have had him
tantalize, and, if possible, overreach the Yankee ; and,
in consequence of his doing nothing of this description,
he effected his object ! With that, we and his fellow-
countrymen are satisfied.
Upon the detailed cavillings against the various
points of the treaty—the settlement of the right of
search and the Creole questions—we shall not enter.
Those cavillings were sufficiently given to the winds by
the able and convincing reply of Sir Robert Peel. We
come, therefore, to the objection that the terms of the
Ashburton Treaty, by which the Boundary question is
settled, are unfavourable to Great Britain, derogatory
to her honour, and prejudicial to the security of our
Canadian possessions. There can be no doubt that,
by the settlement of this Boundary question now, we
have secured less advantageous terms than we were
entitled to have granted us—less advantageous terms
than we could have made good our title to, during any
of the ten years of Lord Palmerston's trifling with
the question. Upon this point we have had an ex-
cellent evidence in our valued representative, Sir
Howard Douglas—himself for many years, as Go-
vernor of New Brunswick, actively engaged upon a
portion of the disputed Boundary. At the period of
Sir Howard's recal in 1831, the position of Great
Britain, with respect to the territory disputed by the
State of Maine, was the following :—We held at that
time the military possession and claimed the sovereignty
of the territory in question, pending negotiations upon
the subject of its final settlement. The Government of
Maine, however, had, a little previously, mooted again
the question of Right ; and Mr. Baker, the agent of
the State, with a view to establish directly his autho-
rity, had seized upon the postman, when passing over
the territory, and, after a short detention, formally
" warned him off." What was the course which Sir
Howard Douglas thought it incumbent upon him to
pursue, in vindication of the rights and honour of his
Sovereign ? We give it in the graphic language of the
gallant officer himself, a report of whose convincing
address will be found in another column.

It will be seen, from that report, that, in 1831, we
held sovereign possession of the disputed territory, and
were enabled—and resolved too—to keep in check the
insolent pretensions of Maine and the prcedatory in-
roads of her borderers. But Sir H. Douglas resigned ; a
Whig Government at home came into power; Lord
Palmerston veered round to the opinions of the Reform
party, and shortly occupied the Foreign office : and
from this time mark the changed position of Great
Britain in this quarrel. We had the award of the
King of Holland, repudiated by the American Govern-
ment, and up to 1835 pressed on their acceptance by
Lord Palmerston—an award containing the most ob-

. .
jectionabie points urged by himself against the Ash.,
Burton Treaty, Then we had six years more of pro-
tocolling, surveying; and negociattng ; and, in the
mean time, what became of the disputed territory it-
self for which we were at issue ? Why, it had been,
inch by inch, conceded to our opponents !
" I hope," said Sir Robert Peel, " to hear from a late

high commissioner, the gallant officer near me, his testimony
as to what was the result of the delay respecting the dis-
puted territory. (" Hear, hear," from Sir H. Douglas.)
Did we gain by this procrastination ? No. America was
nearer at hand. Every month that passed was undermining
our dominion over that continent. I ask my gallant and
hon. friend (for instance), whether in 1828 he did not ap-
prehend an American subject and bring him to trial for
encroachments on this disputed territory, and whether on
the very spot on which he was taken, a fort was not erected

by the authorities of Maine? (" Hear, hear," from Sir H.
Douglas.) The vast tide of population—that rapid and
resistless tide which knows no ebb—pressed on from day to
day, and each month that passed saw our territory further
encroached on—the dominion we had in 1838 we retained
not in 1840 (hear, hear;) and had we postponed the settle-
ment for another five years, the question would have settled
itself by a contest for actual possession." (Hear, hear.)
First, the concurrent Civil Jurisdiction was conceded
to the blusterings of Maine. Then a demand was
made for the withdrawal of our military forces ; and
acceded to! "And thus," remarks Sir Howard

Douglas,

" The concurrent civil and military possession for which he
(Sir H. Douglas) had struggled had been abandoned. After the
Americans had obtained these concessions, of course there
was no disputing their right to make a military road, and
this was accomplished all the way to St. John's. When the
American troops arrived there, it was asked where they were
to live ? and accordingly the two forts of Fairford and Jervis
had been erected for them, and thus possession of the whole
territory was given to them. So that when the noble lord
left office the whole jurisdiction and sovereignty of the dis-
trict had been, by his consent, subverted, and instead of its
being held concurrently, it was held conclusively ! "

Yet this man, Lord Palmerston, who has tamely
looked on whilst the entire possessions in dispute were
conceded—so effectually conceded that nothing less
than a war of extermination against the American sett-
lers could make them ours again—complains that be-
cause they have not rushed into such a war, it is the
negotiations of this treaty, and not himself by whom
the honour and the safety of Great Britain have been
prejudiced! How much further could the force of
impudence have carried even Lord Palmerston than to
the propounding of such a motion as that of Tuesday
night ?

The leading members of the League party display
just now considerable eagerness to draw down upon
themselves the reprobation of well-regulated minds.
By the prompt exercise of a more than ordinary
amount of bluster, they succeeded in implicating
their whole body as abetters of their project to carry
the repeal of the corn-laws, by threats of " personal
responsibility" levelled at the Premier. The incen-
diary language of Mr. Richard Cobden, and the tone
of fierce rancour with which that language was deli-
vered, have been justified and applauded by public ga-
therings of his associate dupes throughout the king-
dom—gatherings at which even females were not
ashamed to present themselves, and to join in tributes
of thanks to the incendiary ! And now a bolder
flight of hardihood is resolved upon. The amiable
Leaguer, dissatisfied with the amount of his unenvia-
ble notoriety, entertains an ardent longing to appro-
priate that of the rev. dissenting preacher who pre-
dicted that, in case of the death of Sir Robert Peel,
" there would be few to shed a tear over his grave ;"
and accordingly, on Wednesday last, from the boards
of Drury Lane, in the presence of some thousands of
his fellow-countrymen, and with the public press to
record his sayings for the benefit of the world, that
personage deliberately came forward to take upon his
own shoulders—nay, " took shame to himself that he
had not sooner taken upon his own shoulders"—the full
responsibility of a speech the most shameful which
ever fell from the lips of an advocate of this or any
other public question ! Far from disavowing this gen-
tleman's sentiments, he is extolled as an " amiable and
warm-hearted" lover of hi&- kind, possessed only of
one failing, " a want of tact in discussing political
questions."

We shalt hear no more now, we presume, of the
hardship and injustice of charging the language of
this rev. dissenter upon the League. The language in
question is now adopted by that body ; and in behalf
of it every member is now irrecoverably pledged.
The glee of the " warm-hearted" individual, who
luxuriated in the notion that "few would shed a tear
over the grave" of the Premier, is the glee of every man
and—proh pudor !—of every woman who from this day
forth countenances the Anti-Corn-law agitation !
And for what consideration—for what quid pro quo
—has the League embraced this astounding defile-
Mark, reader—watch the filthy Mammon
creeping out, as the moving cause of this shameless
piece of hardihood ! The rev. gentleman, sought to
be whitewashed, is one of those " ministers of all de-
nominations" who, in the words of the League's
apostle, came forward, " in defiance of the declared
wishes of their congregations," to throw the weight of
their sacred character into the anti-corn-law agitation
—who preferred the smiles of the rich factory lord to
the entreaties of the humble objects of their ministry.
The ministers are useful men, fluent of speech, able to
fawn upon public assemblies. The " drum ecclesias-
tic," though beat only by dissenting hands, was not to
be spared from the noise of League dinners, tea-drink-
ings, and conventions ; and, moreover, there was work
to do, in which the personages in question were calcu-
lated to be useful agents. A bill, it will be remem-
bered, has been introduced by Sir James Graham, for
providing the advantages of education for the children
of the poor in the manufacturing districts. By the
same bill, the time of working for children in facto-
ries, from the age of eight to thirteen, is proposed to
be reduced to six hours and a-half per day—surely a
sufficient duration for the toil of children, in the debi-
litating atmosphere of a cotton-mill ! But so think
not the virtuous and humane Leaguers. The trade in
infant flesh they cling to with a tenacity passing be-
lief ; and the bill in question is therefore to be opposed
by every appliance of craft and cant which the party
can bring to the task; and in such an effort what
agents so ready as your dissenting ministers ? The
education to be given, is education in Church of Eng-
land principles—education to some extent directed by
the clergy of that church ; and, to obstruct the pro-
gress of such education, need it be doubted with what
zeal dissent will labour, or how eagerly its aid is em-
braced by the " liberal" cottonocracy, which sees, in
the measure proposed, the infant health and strength
of the country wrested from its oppressive gripe ?
Well, here then is the evidence of the compact en-
tered into by the worthy twain—the League and their
rev. dissenting tools ! On Wednesday the latter were
formally cleansed, by Mr. Cobden, from the stain
which the assassination speech had cast upon their
skirts ; and on Thursday they hastened to enter upon
their crusade against Sir James Graham's bill, by a
meeting held at the London Tavern, the resolutions of
which were duly given to the world in the advertising
columns of the Times on the following mcrning ! Of
course those resolutions contain a world of complaint
of the " sectarian nature" of the education to be given;
but the main ground of objection against it is the
injury inflicted " upon the factory-owners," and
superhuman impudence !—upon the poor children them-
selves, by the reduction of the period of labour from
eight hours per day to six hours and a-half !
We shall watch this agitation with interest. It will
afford us some little insight into the peculiar morality (.1)
of political dissent, and the nature of that humanity
which vents itself in nauseous cant from anti-corn-law
platforms !

On the subject of this bill of Sir James Graham, our
metropolitan namesake made the following remarks on
Monday :

" The political dissenters are again busy in obstructing the
advancement of education among the humbler classes. For
twenty years they have laboured in the same perverse course,
and it will not be their fault if the people are ever educated
by public aid. The measure now before Parliament is suffi-
ciently liberal—at least more liberal than many of our readers
may like, but it is not liberal enough for the liberal dis-
senters. flow, indeed, can any measure be liberal enough
for those who think all but their own particular sect wrong,
and who make a conscience of bringing all whom they can
within their own fold ? We do not blame them for either
their opinions or their conscience ; but we blame them for
making the triumph of both the necessary condition of the
education of the people. Ample provision is made to protect
dissenters from wrong by the provisions of the national sys-
tem of education, but to allow them a place in that system
would be a contradiction in terms. They dissent from the

chinch, Where conformity and obedience are iequired, H
can they claim to belong to the churchi where authority is to
be exercised ? We might stand upon the principle of all

social government, that the minority is properly bound by
the majority; and it is unnecessary to take this ground, ex-
cept for the purpose of soothing the sore consciences of too
sensitive dissenters. It is unnecessary to take this ground,
because any other system of religious education than that
through and by the Established Church is impracticable—
the legislature which should agree to such a system would
practically unestablish the church and de-christianise the
country. We hold that as long as a system of national
education reposes confidence in the church, acknowledges
the prima' facie claim of the church to be considered as the
ex officio superintendent of all religious education of tha
people, there is no harm in allowing very liberal exceptions
under particular circumstances."

The world has been amused during the last week
with an unfortunate mistake of that somewhat erratic
genius, Lord Brougham. His lordship—who, from
the acquaintance he has had with the fraternity, ought
to have known better—appears to have laboured under
the impression that it was within the power of ability
such as his to extract a direct answer to a direct ques-
tion, from—a quaker ! That he has been disappointed
is to us no marvel. We never met with such a lusus
naturce as a quaker so di? ectly communicative; and
we should certainly not have expected to meet with
one in the ranks of the Anti-Corn-law League, or in
the person of that anomalous production of mingled
nature and art—a quaker cotton lord. Lord Brougham,
therefore, if he is convinced now of the quibbling pro-
pensities of members of the Society of Friends, has ar-
rived at his convictions rather late in life !
It will he remembered that some month or two ago,
his lordship—somewhat after the manner in which a
lively tiger lashes his tail through the bars of his cage
at some presumptuous urchin whom he cannot at the
moment reach with his claws—inflicted, from his place
in the House of Lords, a rather handsome castigation
upon the gentlemen (!) of the Anti-Corn-law League,
being the first—except, as Mr. John Bright, of Roch-
dale, affirms, the Quarterly Review and the members
of the " monopolist press"—to connect that body,
through " the assassination speech" of the Rev. Mr.
Bailey, with the crime of A/I'N aughten. At the time
that this castigation was delivered, we positively trem-
bled for the ex-chancellor. Nothing less than to be
devoured at some anti-corn-law tea party—to lie cut
up in plates of bun-loaf, and washed down with de-
coctions of saloop, spent sloe-leaves, and coffee grounds
—was the doom which, in our mind's eye, we predicted
for Henry Brougham and Vaux. But no : such was
not to be his fate. The League could neither eat up
the lively lawyer, Burke him or get rid of him in any
other:effectual and expeditious manner ; and so they—
only libelled him ! The Anti-bread Tax Circular taxed
its ingenuity to fabricate a damning charge against the
offender, and at length screwed up the necessary power
of face to assert, first, that the said learned lord had,
at some period last year, prayed and beseeched the
League to be permitted to bring on a motion in the
House of Lords, on the subject of the. corn-laws ;—to
be permitted to act as its standing counsel in that
assembly; secondly, that the deputation from the
League were disinclined to entrust their brief in his
hands ; thirdly that, in most moving terms, he per-
sisted in his entreaty ; fourthly, that the deputation
reluctantly consented; fifthly, that he invited them to
his own house ; and sixthly, that after all this patron-
ising condescension of the cottonocracy towards so
very humble a personage as Lord Brougham, his lord-
ship had turned out a very ungrateful fellow !
We would really have given our cigar-case, or any
other valuable we possess, to have witnessed the effect
of the first reading of this impertinence upon the
learned peer. We rather imagine the contortions pro-
duced by theishock would have been a subject worthy
of the pencil of H. B. The first transports of his rage
over, however, his lordship proceeded to write two
letters, containing a reasonable quantity of Cayenne,
Chilies, and other hot seasonings, to the gentlemen
who composed the deputation, and from whOm the
alleged facts, as to the entreaties, &c. of his loi:dship,
must have come to the ears of the Anti-bread tax per-
sonage. And here was the instance of his lordship's
marvellous folly ! One of the gentlemen in question
was Mr. Hamer Stansfield, of Leeds—a leaguer and
a mill-owner, but a man habited like other men—and it
was reasonable enough to ask from such a man for an
explanation; but the other was Mr. John Bright, of
Rochdale—a leaguer and a quaker—and it was palpably
absurd to expect that from such a man an intelligible
explanation, or an answer, at all direct, and in intelli-
gible English, could be drawn.
The result has been the publication of the corres-
pondence, and just such a correspondence as all the
world would have expected. The reply of_Mr. Stans-
field to the question, as to the truth of the representa-
tion put forth by the Anti-bread Tax man, was a frank
and manly admission that the statement was through-
out untrue—that his lordship's own recollection of the
circumstances of his interviews with the League depu-
tation was throughout true: in short, it was almost as
complete a negative to the scribe of the League, as we
remember to have met with. The reply of worthy
John Bright, however, was of a more undecided
colour. The honest quaker could not remember " that
thou did show any reluctance," or that any urgent en-
treaties were used on the part of the deputation. He
could in fact afford to remember nothing calculated to
impeach the veracity of the slanderer of his lordship.
His mind retained no impressions of anything favour..
able to the character of Lord Brougham. He opined,
however, (in direct contradiction to his fellow deputy,
Mr. Stansfield) that, the deputation were rather in-
disposed than otherwise to accept his lordship's advo-
cacy, (though they waited upon him to pray for it !),
and finally assured his lordship—John Bright of Roch-
dale assured Lord Brougham !—" more in sorrow
than in anger," that he John Bright P:TIED Lord
Brougham !

The substance of this correspondence will be found
elsewhere. As a sample of epistolary style, they are
rare. This much, however, they establish. Lord

Brougham and Mr. Hamer Stansfield have spoken
what is true, or they have not. John Bright of Roch-
dale has spoken what is true or he has not. The world
has the opportunity of deciding between them.

We are compelled to withhold a few remarks in
reply to our contemporary the Manchester Guardian,
who has somewhat misunderstood a recent article in
the Standard on the Corn-Law question. On Tuesday,
however, we hope to be able to pay our respects to
him ; and we shall do so with the greatest pleasure
because we observe, in our contemporary's remarks, a
little abatement of his ordinary supercilious tone. We
can assure him that we have nothing to conceal upon
this or any other question.

To one portion of the Guardian's article we must,
however, reply at once, as we are unwilling to remain,
even a day, misunderstood with respect to it. Our
contemporary, out of some assumed coldness of our
advocacy of a sliding scale, infers that the mercantile
body of Liverpool are becoming converts to the argu-
ments in behalf of a fixed duty. Now, highly as we
do and ought to appreciate the value of the opinion of
a body of men, so well worthy of deference being paid
to them as the merchants of this great port, we must
inform the Guardian that such a conversion on their
part is not to be inferred from any remarks of ours.
We think and act for ourselves, and would feel de-
graded in our own estimation if we could, as the Guar-
dian implies. trim our course to jump in with the
changed opinions of others. Our mercantile friends,
we are sure, expect no such time-serving policy at our
hands.