The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-11-24 00:00:00

GREAT PROTESTANT MEETING Al BIRMINGHAM

. On. Wedeesday last a meeting, attended by Bova THOUSAND
" friends of protestantism and of the constitution in church and
state," was held the Town-ball, Birmingham, for the pur-
pose of hearing the statements of the Rev. Messrs. M'Clhie and
O'Sulliv.in, with respect to the doctrines and practices of the
Roman Catholic Church in Ireland. On the motion of the
Rev. Marsh, Richard Spooner, Esq., was called to the chair.
Speaking of the address of Mr. 111'Ghie, the Birmingham .4d-
rertiser says:—" Distinguished at once by the most profound
reasoning and the most elegant diction, and by a delivery the
most appropriate that could be imagined for a discourse on a
subject so highly ireportant to the dearest interests of mankind,
he kept his auditory in mute attention for an uninterrupted
period of three successive hours, and convinced his, hearers
of the truth of his positions, and the high honour and purity of
his views, with a force which we have rarely, if ever, seen
equalled, and which we are sure can never be surpassed."
We take the concluding remarks of the Rev. Mortimer
O'Sullivan, in the speech which he delivered on the occasion :
" And here I must return to that subject with which I have
been, in the paper published in this place, so unjustly taunted
—a circumstance which has recently, in my unhappy country,
afforded an exemplification of the species of indifference which
Modern politics observe upon the subject of religious opinion.
Au outrage of that class which so frequently occurs in the
south and west of Ireland as almost to pass unnoticed, was, it is
said, lately perpetrated in Ulster. Five houses are represented
as having been entered and attacked after nightfall, and having
been robbed of arms. The owners of these houses are Roman
Catholics—the Irish government offered a reward for the infor-
mation of the offenders. In what form—you have heard the
document read—in what form did the maintainers of the prin-
ciple that politics have nothing to do with religion anounce the
crime? In what form did the
mate proclamation of the out-
rage ? it proclaimed that a representation had been made, to
the effect that the houses of five Roman Catholics had been at-
tacked. Was this, under any circumsstances, right? How is
it to be described when its peril was hazarded in Ireland? I
know well, for I am intimately connected with the part of the
country in which this unhappy offense took place, and I will
tell you what has hitherto been its condition. I will not tell
you to rely on my testimony or the testimony of those who are
friendly to the institutions by which protestantism and peace
have been generated in Ireland; but I will state what is its
character, as confessed by the testimony of witnesses whose poli-
tical bias takes away from them all suspicion of being under any
other constraint than that of undeniable truth. The parish of
Pulls-man, in which the offence took place, contains a popula-
tion of nearly 8,000 individuals ; and, on the testimony of Lord
Gosford, whose voice was strong against the body to which
many of the protestants in that parish belonged—on the testi-
mony of the police officer of similar opinions to whose care the
district in which it is placed was confided—that parish, although
without police, military, or a resident magistrate, has been uni-
formly free from outrage and disturbance. Here it is slight
praise to sac that a rural district can he at peace without armed
guardians to proteCt it. In Ireland, unhappily, we understand
the value of such a report, and feel sensitively any such perilous
experiment upon the good feeling of a population not at strife,
as this of the late government proclamation. I put a restraint
on say feelings when I speak of it, because if I gave them way
my language might not be temperate.
'When 1 bring to my mind the kindly interchange of offices
between protestants and Roman catholics which I have seen—
when I remember, in the distribution of charities collected in
the church of that severely judged parish, protestants who would
bib-accounted- men of the—et rma gest prejasllees, placing 6 set ;
the rank of those on whom the largest donations were to be con-
ferred, their Roman catholic neighbours, because some distress
had come upon them—and, as I once heard an humble men (an
orangeman too) affirm, as he gave in the name of a Roman
catholic, and prayed that he might be liberally relieved—" the
family:ave weak and wanting—there's no popery where sickness
is." When I remember the mutual good offices—the inter-
change of social attentions, kindliness to the living, honour to
the dead—l cannot but feel bitter regret that an act should have
the stamp of government sanction, calculated to create or pro-
mote disunion. The district over which the threatening procla-
mation hovers, is one whit+ in years long gone by had its inaus
picious renown—retains still remembrances and memorials' of
happily composed disorder, of reconciled strife. indeed it was
apt wise or good, that a government proclamation should call up
feelings and recollections, which might rend this amity asunder;
that it should give occasion to discourses, and suggest compa-
risons favonrable to the wishes of Doubled spirits, to whom the
aspect of a peaceful country is an intolerable affliction. But
I will not dwell upon a local topic. I look to the country at
large.
I ask, is a proclamation such as 1 have described, adapted to
the peculiarities of Ireland ? (Hear, hear.) is the character
of the Irish people such that it is merciful to make known, on
the authority of government, that the houses of Roman catholics
have been attacked, and that the religious belief of the com-
plainants demands the sign of an especial notice? This in
Ireland ! where it is known that vengeance seeks out the re-
motest connexion or acquaintance of an offender, stud never
sleeps until it has been slaked in blood ! in Ireland, where that
shocking story told by Lord J. Russell was related not as an
instance, but as an example of ordinary atrocity; is that the
country where professors of religious indifference hold it right
to issue proclamations of so stimulating significancy ? This is
" politics without religion," politics without mercy—God grant
we may be visited with no more samples of it ! (Hear, hear.)
In Ireland ? Is the history of Ireland utterly unknown ? Are
the contrivances to accelerate and enlarge massacre unregarded ?
Who knows not the device by which, at all times, whenever
rebellion was to be arrayed, or bloody excesses to be perpetrated,
the passions of great part of the Irish people have been set on
fire ? There has been no variety of stratagem. Reports of out-
rages perpetrated on Roman catholics, or preparations to assault
them, have been spread—falsehood has been favoured by dis-
tance—stories of persecution have been believed in districts
remote from the scene where the fiction was laid—and the
imaginary grievances of suffering brethren have been dreadfully
avenged on protestants, whom, perhaps, no tidings of the false
rumours had reached until the moment when cruel tormentors
also came, and their forfeit lives were demanded. (Hear, hear.)
It is a fearful thing that at a time when Rowan catholics, or

their instruments, fill places Of ttrust arid power, when Mr.
O'Connell has announced the miltiou of men ready to take the
field—impatient to get leave to tight—impatient to be loosed fur
that saturnalia of cruelty and cowardice, in which, he says, they
look to have a butchery which they May call a battle—when his
especial organ proclaims that the furious multitude is organised
and conceutrated—ready-,-at oioe blast of a trumpet, to fall into
the ranks, and rush upon their enemies—it is fearful that at
such a moment the government Gazette should give the signal
on which that blast of death might be sounded—that the highest
authority should seem to adript, however inadvertently, the de-
vice which precludedthe woe of 1641, and the sore persecution
from which William the Deliverer wax made an instrument to
release afflicted protestants, and the indescribable atrocities of
the last open rebellion. (Loud cheering.) Ought this to have
been' When Mr. O'Connell threatehed his million of foemen,
was there a proclamation issued to disarm these bands equippe4l-
- massacre ? (Hear, hear.) Or were protestants assured of
protection, and taught to be of good cheer ? When protestants
were beaten to deaf i in the open day—in places of crowded
resort, and notice of the Auto-da-fe made public, did the Irish
government think it right to specify the religion of theyictim ?
( Hear, hear.) Wheu, in the Week before these memorable
houses were attacked, a protestant of the neighbourhood was
waylaid, murdered, and left on the way side, a shocking specta-
cle, with twenty gashes on his person, his tongue torn out, his
throat cut—and all, 'so far as can be known, because he was a
protestant—was his religion thought of consequence to mention ?
( Hear, hear.) When protestants in the south of Ireland were
murdered because of their religious belief ; and the same week,
which produced the proclamations, told of a clergyman of most
benevolent dispositions and engaging Manners, at his own door,
within call of a magistrate's house and >1 police-station, beaten
almost to death, and left with his skull fractured, and with a life
which was thus rendered a burden, before the assassins took
flight—was it (or will it be) held necessary to announce that
they were protestants who were murdered—that he was an En-
glishmen upon whom this merciless outrage was committed
No; in the eye of the law the nature of crime is not altered by
the religious profession of the agent or the victim, and therefore
• it should not be noticed unnecessarily in any government pro-
clamation. (Loud cheers.) But there Occurred a case in which
to notice the religion of the sufferers was calculated to exaspe-
rate the passions, and direct the vengeance of murderers upon
defenceless protestants; and in this instance—l speak not of
•intentions, 1 do not presume to say what the Irish government
intended, 1 only can say what it did—it taught Tipperary and
Kildare what had been suffered in Tyrone by Roman catholics.
This is politics without religion ! May God shield menacedani
persecuted protestants from its consequences ! (Hear, hear.)
I have done—l have ,shown you the character of the church of
Rome, and the pitch of power to which it has attained. You
have a painful assurance that the politicians who have now most
power will not take alarm from such a character, and be vigilant
to prevent the success of still more ambitious efforts than have
as yet been made. I leave it to you to judge whether, in such
a state of things, the people should not be on the alert, by alt
'means which'a-policy trot without religion Suggests; and prayer
may sanctify, and the laws of their country approve, exert
themselves to guard the principles of the true faith, to give wordi
. of cheer to brethren who
.profess it, in a land where they are
sore-beset, and to maintain, for God's honour and for the salva-
tion of souls, the right of those whom the church of Rome op-
presses, and would debar from knowledge Of the truth which
maketh tree, to hear the everlasting Gospel preached, and to be
taught how they may come out from an evil system, and be not
sharers in the plagues which are denounced against it. (Long
and vehement cheering.) •

DUEL BETWEEN MR. BLACK AND MR. ROEBUCK.,

The following letter was delivered to Mr. Roebuck on Tiles=
day morning at Mudiford, near Christchurch, by Mr. M‘Gil-
livray
" 332, Strand, Nov. 13, 1835.

" Sir,—ln a pamphlet purporting to be Prospects of the Corn-
ing Session, by J. A. Reebuck, M.P., there is au article with
your initials attached to it, in which great liberties are taken
with my character; and in particular cowardice is imputed to
me, and the epithets • base' and utterly disgraceful' are also
applied to my conduct; and I am told that if I have any shame
left, I must now heartily repent of what is imputed' to me. In
the same article it is also stated that a correspondence between
a Mr. Goldsmid and myself was published in the Chronicle.
This I deny, as no such correspondence has appeared in that
paper. I wish to know whether you are the author of the article
containing these offensive epithets; and if you are. I then call
upon you to retract them without qualification ur reserve.
"My friend, who delivers this, will convey to me your an-
swer. • " I am, sir, your obedient servant,
"J. A. Roebuck, Esq., M.P." " Jolts; BLACK."
T. this Mr. Roebuck answered verbally—
!. That he was the author of the paper in question.
'2. That he had no retraction to wake.
3. And that he would at once send for a friend who would be
at Christchurch on Thursday morning, at 12,
Mr. M'Gillivray said this was inconvenient, and asked Mr.
Roebuck to go to London. Mr. Roebuck declined, and said
that his friend would be at Christchurch at the time men-
tioned.
On Thursday Mr. Revans arrived, and acted for Mr. Roe-
buck. Mr. Revans, on being introduced to Mr. M'Gillivray,
said, that as it appeared that the correspondence between Mr.
Black and Mr. Goldsmid had notbeen copied into the Morning
Chronicle, Mr. Roebuck was, of course;'willing to admit that in
this he was in error. Mr. Revans also felt authorised in saying
that Mr. Roebuck had never intended to impute cowardice to
Mr. Black; that he really believed -bun to be a philosopher,
and, as. such, would of course not fi:ht. This was all Mr.
Revans could admit. Mr. M'Gillivray desired a retraction of
the words " base" and "disgraceful," which was not granted.
Thereu_pon a meeting was immediately arranged.
Mr. Roebuck received Mr. Black's lire, fired in the air, and,
advancin towards Mr. Black, said, " Now, sir, I again repeat
that I had'no intention of imputing cowardice to you. I find I
was led into error in stating that the correspondence between
you and Mr. Goldsmid was copied into the Morning Chronicle,
which I have been informed is not the fact. But I am still of
the same opinion respecting the conduct of yourself towards
Mr. Goldsmid, and I vindicate to myself the right of stating my
opinion of the public act of a public man."
Mr. M'Gillivray then insisted the words " base" and " dis-
graceful" should be retracted, as he said they could without
dishonour to Mr. Roebuck. Mr. Roebuck answered,- that his
opinion respecting the conduct in question remained un-
changed; that he could not say he did not think it base and dis-
graceful; it was dishsuest and unjust,_ and still, in his opinion,
• disgraceful.
On this Mr. M'Gillivray said that the affair must go on, un-
less Mr. Roebuck consented to withdraw the expression com-
plained of. Mr. Roebuck walked back to his ground, and shots
were then exchanged, but without effect. Mr. Roebuck asked
what was now required, and an apology was again demanded
and refused. Mr. Revans observed, that they were there with
their minds made up, and if Mr. M'Gillivray desired the affair
must go on.
Mr. M'Gillivray here declared that he was the proprietor of
the Morning Chronicle, and that Mr. Black ought not ti' be fur-
ther exposed upon account of that journal, Mr. Roebuck
asked if that was meant as a threat. Mr. Revans here re-
alinded Mr. M'Gillivrav, that though he might be the proprie-
tor of the Chronicle, in this affair he was a second, and that if he
desired to fight, it must of course be with the other second. Mr.
Remus farther observed that he was ready to meet Mr. M'Gil-
livray immediately, in any way he might desire. Mr. M'Gilli-
vray then observed that he did not know Mr. Revels; and Mr.
Roebuck answered, " Sir, I am a sufficient guarantee for any
man; Mr. Revans is a friend of mine, and i desire that no
altercation of this sort may proceed. If you are not satisfied, I
am here, and you must determine for yourself what you will do.
I am not to be driven from what I believe just by any threats
of assassination. I vindicate to myself the right of sayiug,
that I think the conduct of a public Irian ' base' and disgrace-
ful,' and I will not be driven from this. Choose what you
will do."
On this Mr. M'Gillivray decided that the affair should end.
Mr. Roebuck then, said to Mr. Black, " 1 have respect for you,
sir; but though I aty this of you, I still assert my right to speak
of your acts as I have done. It must now, however, be dis-
tinctly understood, that hereafter, Mr. Black is personally
responsible forevery thing said in the Morning Chronicle, and
by me will be held so."
Mr. Black replied. that he did not think what Mr. Roebuck
was now doing would do him credit. Mr. Roebuck replied,
that he himself must be allowed to judge for himself.
Subsequently Mr. M'Gillivray sent a statement of the pro-
ceeding to Mr. Revans for approval, who replied that -Mr.
M'Gillivray was at liberty to publish any statement on his owa
responsibility.
Nov. 19, 1835. SAMUEL REVANS.

THE NORTHAMPTONSHIRE ELECTION.
The following letter from Sir George Robinson, one of the
most respectable and consistent members of the old whig party
—one of the most active and zealous supporters of Lord
at the very last election, and, if we remember rightly, his lord-
ship's proposer, appears in the Northampton Herald just re-
ceived
" TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHAMPTON HERALD.
" Crauford, Nov. IS, 1835.
" Sir,—lf you think fit to publish the inclosed letter, you ars
at liberty to do se.
" Your most obedient;
" GEORGE S. ROBINSON."
"'Northampton, Nov. 15, 1835.
" My dear Sir,—l take the earliest opportunity of informing
you that, at the request of many of the leading electors, I have
come forward as a candidate for the representation of the north-
ern division of this county. You are well acquainted with the
political principles which I have always professed, and to which
lam still strongly attached. I, therefore, request the favour of
your influence add oupport on the present occasion.
" '1 am,..cleor Sir.Aery sineerelt yours,
NVTIAAAK HANBURT.
" 'To Sir George Robinson, Bart.'"

" 'Cranford, Nov. 16, 1835.
" ' Dear Ilanbury,—The following passage occurs in Mr,
O'Connell's speech at Glasgow in September last :--4 It is said
we radicals stake a sacrifice in supporting the whigs now. No
such thing. The whigs vow are no more those of five years
ago, than the old clothes of five years' service are now the dandy
wardrobe of the fashionable gentlemen.'
"'With this opinion I heartily corieur; and, therefore, when,
in your application for my support. };nu state that your political
principles are the same which you have professed in times past,
I should actually suppose that you do not approve of the present
administration, who, as it appears to ine, have the violence with-
out the honesty of professed radicals. As, however, you start
as a candidate in opposition to Maunsell, I am obliged to con-
clude that you, like many others, approve of the present dis-
graceful coalition with O'Connell, and that, in order to keep Lord
Melbourne in power, you would sacrifice the Church of England
and Ireland to appease the insatiate appetites of Irish papists
and English dissenters. '['here can he no doubt in my mind
that such is the•policy of the self-styled whig government, when
we see Lord Al ulgrave entertaining the agitator at his table im-
mediately on his return from Scotland, where in the most trea-
sonable language he had been denouncing the privileges and
the very existence of the House of Peers. Under these circum-
stances.l am not only obliged, as a conservative-whig of the old
school, to refuse you my support, but I must plainly tell you
that I shall most cordially rejoice in your being defeated.
" ' I am, yours truly,
" GEORGIL S. ROBINSON.

"'To William Banbury, "
In this letter Sir George speaks what we know to be the sen-
timents of three-fourths of the late Whig party, that is, of all of
the party whoever were sincere and disinterested, and of fully
as great a proportion of the late radical party. Even party will
not reconcile Englishmen to a government commanded by an
obscure provincial demagogue, preaching revolution at the
command of his masters—the inculcators of the doctrines of
Peter Dens.
Another proof of this revulsion of feeling produced by the
odious alliance will be found in the following extract from the
Bath Herold, a wbig journal, also received this morning :
" Four hundred and fifty names appear on the list of those
who purpose dininft together at the rooms on Thursday, the 10th
of December. N% e think that this is improperly culled 'a con-
servative dinner.' inasmuch as, on glancing our eye over the list.
we obsei ved considerably more than hall who were known to
entertain the most liberal opinions on the first passing of the
reform bill."