The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-25 00:00:00

LA.pTc.asiußE ELECTION.

NORTHERN DIVISION.
4 On Monday morning week last, about ten o'clock the condi-
'les and their.friends arrived in the shire hall, at Lancaster—
tha t,nasast beautiful audcomrnociious court, where had been pre-
:4 °LW,- accommodated, by :the kindness of the keeper, a great
iiinaber of the.beauty and. fashion of this town and neighbour-
Gull, indeed, a greater and better display of the far-famed Lan-
elshire Witches has seldom before been witnessed. Shortly
voter, G. R. Marton, Esq. the -High Sheriff, took his seat, ac-
alpanied by his Assessor, John Addison, Esq., who proceeded
t 0 exPlain the usual formalities gone through on these occasions,
'fiey, that first of all would be read the Sheriff's proclamation,
„..aPPointing the day of election ; then his Majesty's writ ; the
""Ith against bribery and corrution ; then the Sheriff would take
e Usual oath to make a duel return ; and last of all, the Sheriff
-64:d enquire if any elector had a candidate to propose. These
Preliminaries having. been complied with, the tiigh Sheriff
announced that the time •had arrived when those who had any
taadidate to put in nomination; were required to do so, where-
ul4,l),(l T. B. UROSSE, Esq., of Shaw Hilt, in a brief and neat
„aress proosed JouN WILSON PATTEN, ESq. as a fit and
110.119er persopn to represent the Northern Division of the county
'Lancaster in Parliament. (Cheers.)
, PENNY 111ACHELL, Esq., of Newby Bridge, seconded the
ofnonminati fll.r. on Patten.
,EREGRINE HOWARD TOwNELEY, Esq. of Towneley, then
proposed the Right Hon. E. G. S. Stanley.
,Wieraabl TowNeer, Esq. of Towuheau, seconded the norni-
m4tion of Mr. Stanley.
Jon W P • - - E then came forward to address
N ILSON A TTLN, sq.
Zie electors. He said that he would enter on his duties as a
871,i,resentative of this county, to uon principles of the most
"ict independence. , His main `object would be to maintain
r" national institutions to,the unnest of his abilities; but, in
°lag so, he was aware that there were many things which re-
rred altering, and lie would support those measures which
4,seir,e, to- the best of his judgment, calculated to strengthen and
e"old, not to weaken them. (Cheers.) It was generally un-
terstood that some measure of church reform would be brought
ward, and he begged leave to state, that there was no person
~ward,
than he was that it would be beneficial to every
Lrson in the country. if some alteration could be made in the
-'„We of collecting tithes. (Cheers.) On this subject, in the
j;,"urse of his canvass throughout this division of the county
so, he
found the clergy themselves generally in favour of me
titeration. But on that, as well as on every other measure of
lieforin regarding the church, he begged it to be distinctly un-
iterstood that it was not his intention, and he would not support
~..11Y measure that did not leave the church in precisely the same
rte as it is now, and without affecting church property. (Ap-
t-ause.) On the subject of negro slavery, the lion. gentleman
aia,that he abhorred the name of slavery, and it was his
late wish to see the emancipation of the negroes carried
therefore
effect as soon as it could be safely.dme. Any measure,
erefore, brought forward for the abolition of slavery, should
note his best attention but on that, as well as on every other
ronit, he would act with the utmost independence ; and he
tiL°4l not consent to any sudden or immediate act to abolish
t,"'wery, because it would be attended with ruin even to the
-`egroes themselves. He should therefore advocate that as soon
f,3 it could be done with- safety ; but the slaves must be more tit
it than at present. With regard to the public expenditure
the country, it was his wish to enforce as strict an economy
is consistent with the public faith; and although he, could
lot
, support every measure of economy brought forward, yet to
4
of them he would give his most imparual attention, and
~auction
those which could be carried into effect without endan-
,s,,..ring the public credit. (Applause.) There was another sub-
''t on which he wished to say a few words. It had lately
`cCasedC much discussion, and whether any measure would be
~'Y: but
forward by his Majesty's ministers he was not able to
but lie was well aware, that as the corn laws now exist,
11ell evil is caused by the fluctuating duties now laid on foreign
r,4in. If, therefore, any measure calculated to remove those
f"-aculties, by substituting a permanent duty, should be brought
icsrward, it should have his support ; hut he would never consent
I.(i.',,remove that protection from the farmer to which- he is en-
,,,`ied under the. heavy burthens, he. has now to sustain. (Ins-
L''ense cheering.) In conclusion, if theie were any questions,
Veresting to the electors, which he had omitted, or on which
had not sufficiently explained his views, he should be happy
47 do so on the first intimation. (Cheers.) With these
he again offe.ed himself as a candidate to represent the
~erthern division of this great and opulent county. He could
-ot bring to the task either the abilities or eloquence. 4 his
~"
;:ght. hon. friend, but if elected, he would use every possible
'eaus within his reach of furthering the interests of the county
anti of the country at. large. (Continued cheers.),
Lila Right Lion. II G. S. STANLEY then. came forw-ardramidst
Cud cheers, and. addressed the meeting as
A. Mr. High Sheriff and Gentlemen, eleetors. of the northern
R""'"at of Laueashire,--Atlow me. toconnuence what have. to
ZYby. thanking you cordially, and- gratefully for the flattering
,7kiher which you have )ust weigolued my4a.ppearance before
,Ou• (Applause.) I thank you, gentlemen, not only because
4-I,t a lei:critic:on is most grateful to the feelings of a man anxious
eserve and to obtain the approbation of his countrymen, but
tour' you:also because I look upon this as a manifestation of
that approbation of the conduct which. has- been pursued by
t government of which I have the honour to bey
a member.
applau.;e.) Gentlemen, I appear here, as m.y friend who
has done- me the honour to second. my nomination has stated-to
You,
before a number of those who up to the present time- have
ever enjoyed the important privilege of having a voice in-the
legislature through the means of their representatives in the
'louse of Commons. I appear before a mass of intelligence,
and respectability, and wealth,ahat has never before had its due
Iveight and influence in this country, but- towhichit was the
object ofahe reform bill to extend those rightsavhich had here-
totere been enjoyed by others, equally, but undoubtedly.not
More respectable than those to whom it has been extended.—
(&Pplause.) Gentlemen, the great mistake, if, indeed, it be a
tniseike, upon the part of those who-have laid charges against his
liajesty's Government, was, that in introducing the reform bill,
extereiing the elective franchise, they were • effecting a mea-
"iire which would bear down respectability and property by the
!ilere intluen;e of augmented numbers. (Applause.) • But, sir,
01 looking to.the materials of which the county constituency—
irm loakihg to the materials of which the borough constituency,
is comsed—we now find that the new voters will not -only
have time effect of augmenting the numbers, but that they-have
materially increased the weight and importance of the consti-
Ihe e). of this county. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if before
commencement of the elections we -were strongly of opinion
u at the best and surest mode of- attaching the people • of-this
country to the institutions under which we lived would be to
give.. to that people a full share in those institutions, that by so
ruag•we shouts( not only preserve but strengthen - those insti-
utions, that by so doing we should uphold -the cause brcon-
stitutional order, and rational and - sound legislation; it' these
were the views which we took before the present election, may
not say that they have been confirmed and strengthened, so
'Sr! as .we have yet been able to judge, by the results of the elec-
tions ?• If we took to the most populous towns, if we look: to the
host important districts, if-we look to the most widely extended
of them all, if we look to that which was -the great cause of
alarm and anxiety, that which was the very fountain-head of
huger and the hot-bed of the democratic spirit, if welOok.to
the-returns of the metropolitan districts, we see ample cause, to
viudicate our OW;11 measure, and to remove the apprehensions
of those who were our oppeneufs. We see ample-cause to con,-
Vatulate ourselves ansi thotountry upon the extension which
~.6-8, been give to the eldethre franchise... (LOuct:cheers.ip or
are .to be n:
returned Parliament hy-thesealemooratk:Tol4n-
*tit-stem:les? Where-are,these, rash and dangerous innovators, ,
t4satuaeof -straw, .whia.were -to he elevated• to.:&statisnt for .
which, they wereunfit ? Are they the men of,pledges,, anclpro-
luises, and, professions? Mo--thoythe,men who live-but :in un-
quiet and troubled times ? ' Are theYamen, who. rise -only to the .
surface by agitation .and clistasbanee, and. in .peaecab.e-tinies,
3111 k to their own level of tinsignificance ? °rase they-those
who entertain- more moderate. and. -, rational :views, who. come
boldly forward. and refuse to .pledge, themselves toubsaeditiesi.
who. come. forward with no ,professions. which.they.,know-thoy.
cannot maintain; who•dare.tomeet even, popular clamour, and
‘o meet, it withthose ,best weapons, tire weapons of Treason and
rargument, men whose past-lives are ' the. piedge.-for . their
"Luse .consiuct,• men who require,no professions,- beeausuall
thCit lives have. been exemplifications of 'their principles?
(Idoltd choirs.) Thesuare,thooneuoteho are.opposed toviolent
-:!.utt. radical inuovators,• oppose& to. the- men, of. pledges a nd.p ro-
'esisions. These arothemen whoni,thuealuinniatott.distriutsof-
t4e, •metropolis, have.-returned. to represent realty and.faithfulty:
the feeling (as we,keetw:itavouldhe tbund to be) of the .countey
.6.t• large. (Applause.) - Vtf,e,-knew. that thobodyof the-peopie
lv'as gonad, we kuew- that theconstitutional,spirit ;was stiroig,
••,we knew- that the people of this country might ,be trusted,wtth
,
,°,le free exercise of, theelective. franchise, and iknowi-ng. that.
they could be -so trusted, we. should have held ourselves:lM-,
culily of the reins of. government if we had not don otiabasts
14, -extend that franchise. (Loud cheers.). Fdr, gentleinenp •I
:"elahia, that the right.of electing representatives and of,shax-
'4g,in,the government: is..not .an.abstract righttwisich.-any man
can claim, but, at the same time, that it. is a right; which.ons
gOvernineut, can withhold from a man,. except upon this .prin-
13V,es. thato th.e class, tot which.. he -belongs:Loa:lots capabie Lel
'610,g,, trusted for the..disereet ,exereiseaoti.asuchiarifitita Gen-
tlemen, when I stated to you that- the-electives frattchise.had

been greatly extended, I stated to you no more than that of
which you were well aware. When I stated to you that, the
elective franchise having been so extended, the weight of pro-
perty—not of large masses undoubtedly, but of that diffused and
general wealth which forms the blessing of this country—( Hear)
—has been augmented I also stated to you that which every day's
experience confirms and strengthens. But having so extended
the franchise, I should be contradicting all the principles and
all the professions with which we came forward, ill were to say
that we shall not, at a future period, strenuously and decidedly
resist every attempt to carry that extension further. (Slight ap-
plause.) 'We came forward with a great and comprehensive
measure of reform—we came forward with a bill which was de-
voted to the nation at large as a new charter of our liberties—
we came forward with one in whose favour those who were
anxious to have gone further waived their opinions, and assented
to it, as a new national compact. The measure which we brought
forward was extensive enough, undoubtedly, to alarm some, who
yet consented to go along with it, upon the distinct pledge that
it should be a final measure. If, therefore, gentlemen, it should
be attempted in another parliament to bring forward any' of
those sweeping motions for shortening the duration of parlia-
ments, and extending. yet farther the elective franchise, or of
introducing that whicii.l believe is falsely styled the protection
of the ballot, to those measures, as individuals, and as.members
of the Government, we are bound,—aud I announce at once
and openly our determination—to give a decided opposition.
(Applause.) Undoubtedly, the measure of reform has been one
of a very large and sweeping character, and having been an ar-
dent and anxious supporter of the measure, I do not hesitate to
say that it would have been much more consonant to my feelings
and wishes if the reform had been commenced some twenty
years ago—if carefully, and step by step, it had come to its pre-
sent position. (Applause.) But although I cannot be insensi-
ble to the danger-1 cannot be insensible to the injury which
has been done to the institutions of the country by the excite-
ment consequent upon any great and sudden changes; yet un-
fortunately, agreater danger than the violence in our movements
was the no movement at all which characterized the proceedings
of our predecessors, (Cheers.) And here; gentlemen, allow me
to say, that all the world have now become reformers. (Hear.)
My friend, whom heretofore I had certainly considered as a
gentlemen attached to that which is commonly known as the
Tory party in this country, and who has both professed to you
not only independence, integrity and freedom from party, but
an openness to meet such measures of reform as may hereafter
be introduced—even he has become in some sort a reformer.
(Loud laughter and applause.) Nay more, gentlemen, my
honorable friend tells us that he was always a reformer, but
some how or other, unfortunately, there has been a difference
of opinion. (Renewed laughter and cheers.) Gentlemen, my
honorable friend has told you that a few days -ago when we hap-
pened to meet before the electors of Burnley, I criticised the
conduct he pursued, and that I applied to him a simile which I
assure him I did not apply to him, but to the party generally
which I think so falsely calls itself the conservative party in this
country. (Applause.) My honorable friend has said that .1
criticised his conduct. I assure him I did no such thing. As
tar as I can recollect the terms I then used, they were nearly
these—that upon a former occasion I gave him credit for.the
conduct he pursued, in abstaining from ail factious opposition
or from a contest against the avowed feeling of the country,.
that 1 sincerely rejoiced at his defeat at that time, (Loud ap-
plause and laughter) but that 1 rejoiced in it as a manifestation
of the strength of public opinion in favor of reform, and from no
unfriendly reeling
.towards him, for wham personally I always
entertained the highest regard. (Applause.) But it appears
that my honorable friend did not at that time cast anchor—he
only slackened sail. (Laughter.) And, he says, consider the
difficulties and dangers of the navigation—consider the strength
of the tide—consider the shoals and rocks—consider the obstacles
in our progress, and forgive me if I were too cautious in my
pilotage. But I say, gentlemen, that there are times when
boldness is really caution—there are times and dangers when
the ebbing tide is likely to leave us stranded, if we do not make
use of the water which we have—there are times when we may
more easily 'start over the shoals by carrying all sail than by
slackening, our course. (Tremendous cheering.) My honora-
ble friend tells us, however; that the cargo is now safely in port.
(Laughter.) I rejoice that he has ascertained us to be safe in
port. (Laughter.) I rejoice to have from an independent
gentleman—not a 'Tory gentleman,. but an independent gentle.
man—(Laughter)—an _unbiassed and unprejudiced opinion in
favor of the complete security of our institutions. As settled by
the Reform Act. (Cheers.): My- honorable' friend tells us that
he will now join in disposing of the cargo to the best advantage.
(Loud laughter.). Let mei then, at least put forward one claim
—whilst we are-quite ready to admit him to a full participation
iu the benefits or the cargo; let as' at least put in a demand for
some consideration on the ground of salvage. (Loud cheers.)
The honorable. gentleman has stated to you that it is' his deter-
mination to resist any further change in the representative sr-
tens. There is one question connected with this point upon
which I think it right to say a few words, because I know the
question is one which has created' a nereat sensation in the public
mind. You will naturally infer' that I allude to the subject
of the ballot. Gentlemen, undoubtedly instances have occurred
in which% the influence• that is naturally given by the poSsessien
of wealth and property has been less legitimately exercised by
intimidation; and this species of interference has been brought
tebear so strongly'against voting independence as'to induce a
demand: from some of the security which is efforded' by the
concealment of the ballot. But the question is not whether a
number of-instancee have occurred in which it would have ,
proved better that the elector should have his vote concealed,
but whether the evil is•so:great and the abuse of such magni-
tude as to justify that which, looking at the British constitu-
tion, I cannot but consider as an insaortant deviation froin all
its principles. The basis of the British- constitution;. the Fine
eipieupon which rustle the whole security of our institutions,
that which issthe only test of security. to, the public man in con.
sistently and faithfully'dischaeging his duties, that which dise
tinguishes the Parliament of Great Britain'from the doge con-
claves of the old aristocracy, of Venice, that which distinguishes
our. courts ofjttstice from the secret tribunals, and the. inquisi-
tions of foreign countries is the principle of openness . and pnb-
licity. (Cheers.) It is not only the elector, gentlemen, who
has a right to know how his representative discoarges the du-
ties which are reposed in him. It is not enough that the eke-
tor should have, over the representative who Is sent to exercise '
a trust, the check which is given by the publication of his vote
upon each individual question. The duties-of constituent and
representative are reciprocal. The representative: has a right
to know, by whom and by what , class of individeals he is se-
turned to Parliament,• who approve of his conduct, and who do
not approve it; else-why. is it that, upou these occasions they
publicly meet together to compare and explain the sentiments
of constituents and representative? (Applause.) Give us the
concealment of the vote by ballot and no representative can
know who it is that approves, and who that disapproves- his 'po-
litical conduct. Nay, the very man whom we consideted to be
our dearest and most intimate friend may, under the safe CPU-
eealment of the ballot, violate his :political principles for the
purpose of indulging some-paltry pique, or for the purpose of
i serving some petty interest. ((sheers.) I say, therefore, that
publicity is the very soul and spirit of oar institutions, (cheers,)
and I deprecate the ballot because I consider that it would be a
temptation to hypocrisy, and that it is a fashion necessarily
producing a suspicion that the conduct of those- who . resort to it
Is such as will not bear the light. (Applause.) We have. al-
:ways.had held out to us the advantage' of. the ballot as exem-
plified in the case of the United States of America, but not three
days since -I, teok : up , one of the most democratic among the
American papers; published in the -inept democratic city, of the
Union, New York, in which they launch forth, with • extreme
vehemence of diction; against the general -abuses which have
arisen from the system of the ballots audin which they say. that
nothing can remedy those abuses unless the legislative• voice
look to • a reform of that system which is . the, parent ,of the
abuses and the corruption. (Applause.) But are you -sure,
gentlemen, that even in the caseor those electors who may have
heels intimidate& by the influence ,or their landlords or of per-
sons haying Tom over:thew, .. the ballot .weald serve as a pro-
tection ? Are you quite sure that the landlord who has been
guilty of the baseness—for:l shallcall it nothingless--of having'
threwn his. tenant out of- his possession- on account - of • his
exorcise of ,the electiveefeanchise, would noe4illd Alit means of
asbertaining.who had, and who had uot, suppo 1 te& hini ? Are: you
certain that everyman would keep his own secret? Are - you
quite. sure that in familiar intercourse with his friends it would
hot escape that a man, though he promisedeiny lord this, or -MT.
that, to-,vote for his candidate, yet in the-concealment of the
ballot box did.support the interest to whiele ha ,tssa.e.-attelehesi e
And.areeyeueqatte certain-that no envious-neighbour, no =tale-
bearer,i no .person anxious to-come into possession of the pro-
porty;:wetuct.not report that very deception, and that the land-
iordaggravated by the hypocrisy andeconcealment which had•
beenpeactised upon him, would not after all inflict punishment
militia the tenant? Aud are you quite sure that if tins were not
Sol yet that the system, would not endanger 'jealousy and sus-
picioniti;the bosom of private ,families, and destroy private and.
etemestic comfort, by the en endeavour to conceal opinions
• eeallefeneertained? (Applause.) Gentlemen, I stated- to you
- that- tewas our determination to resist any effort .for an exten-
sion of parliamentary reform. Did. I thereby iutend to, say_
that this was the end:of all ? I meant no such thing, because I
conceive that the representation, as it now stands, is only the
machinery by which we shall-lie enabled4o act. I consider that
the reform in .ite machinery ie complete, saudiit remains -nbee-to
See the- working.,6fthit: machinery': thitioilbtedlrOiere 'are

great questions pressing upon the public mind, on which I am
convinced that the deliberate judgment and calm consideration
of the House of Commons, really representing the feelings and
opinions of the people, will be given. Without this reform no
other reforms would have been undertaken ; but with this re-
form the spirit of alteration may go ou, and go on safely, be-
cause it will be with the assent and concurrence of the people
of England really represented: (Continued applause.) My
honourable friend has also touched upon one 'or two of those
points which will most probably come under the consideration
of the reformed Parliament, and I confess that so far as I
heard his views they appear to me to favour very moderate,
and sound, and rational reforms. (Great applause.) I see
othing of the conservative immobility, I see nothing of
the Tory hanging-back—l see- nothing but a readiness to meet
the fullest exigencies of the case, and to enter into a considera-
tion of the abuses in the Church—nothing but readiness for
retrenchment in the public expenditure—readiness to meet all
acknowledged abuses. But the Tory doctrine has constantly
and ever been diametrically opposite to that announced by
my Honourable Friend. (Applause.) For what is this true
Tory Conservative doctrine? Oh! don't touch this; it may
be bad, but don't touch it, for you may make it worse. (Laugh-
ter.) Therefore, bad as it is, keep it bad—don't attempt to
remedy, because, perhaps, you may be driven further than you
intended to go. (Hear.) Now my friend is no Tory. (Laugh-
ter.) He comes forward and says—touch them. (Laughter.)
There is nothing too sacred not to look into. Let us know the
state of the case. Let us inquire into the state of the Church
property; let us know how far its revenues are ade4uate to their
object; let us know how they have been distributed among the
clergy; let us know how we can best promote the piety, the
zeal, and the integrity of the members of that institution. But
what is the Tory doctrine ? Don't inquire—you may not look
into its constitution---if you do, you may be drawn to do that
which you would not wish to do. (Laughter.) But our doc-
trine, gentlemen, is this, founded again upon the just and sound
doctrine that publicity is safety. Know the real bearing of the
case. If the system be rational and sound, let it be proved to
be so, and we ask no change ; but do not damage your own
interests by shrinking from having a real view of the matter
laid before the people of the'country, and leave it to the mode-
ration, the intelligence and the sense of the people to make such
refotinations as are necessary. This is the Whig doctrine, yet
this is the doctrine of my. Hon. Friend this day. I assent to every
syllable which my Hon. Friend has stated with regard to the
Church property and the retaining of the revenues among the
body of the Clergy, and I do not believe that, after the full
disclosure which we are anxious to obtain, it will be found there
is more than sufficient to ensure a full and effectual discharge of
the important duties resting upon the Establishment.' With
regard also to slavery, and with regard to monopolies—with
regard to his anxiety at the earliest possible moment to obtain
an abolition of negro slavery, but not to go so hastily to.the step
as to endanger not only the security of the planters and the in •
terests of the country at large., but even the happiness, if not
the existence, of the negro hamself—on all these questions, so
far as my Honourable Friend has spoken, I entertain the most
complete concurrence in his views. (Applause.) And having
so heard his views, believe they are strictly in accordance with
those of the Government, which has never yet been suspected
of being anything but Whig. (Laughter.) I beg to congra-
tulate the country at large upon the acquisition to the Whig
party of the influence of my Honourable Friend. (Cheers
and laughter.) G6ntlemen, there is one topic on which my
friend has spoken, and upon which I also think it necessary to
address a few words to. you—l mean the subject of the corn
laws. This is a question upon which there has been a most
anxious endeavour to misrepresent the views entertained by the
present GOvernment. It has been most studiously propagated
that the English people will demand a complete and entire
repeal of all protecting duties which now secure the agricul-
turist against the importation of foreign corn. My firm con-
viction is, that the people of' England are far too reasonable—
far too sensible to entertain any such, outrageous opinions, and
of. this I feel quite 'certain that if they do entertain these opi-
nions, his Majesty's present'Government have not the happi-
ness to represent their opinions, for to such a deprivation of
the agriculturist, to such absolute ruin as, under - the present
circumstances of the country, and with the overwhelming pres-
sure of the debt—would ensue to the agriculturist by a repeal
of the duty' on foreign corn, I for one, will not consent. But
I say not' for myself alone, for I ant cOuvincell I speak the
opinion of every one of my' celleagiteS When I say, that they
will oppose, and determinately oppose, themselves to it. You
are quite aware that to the agriculturist the repeal of the duties
would be absolute ruin. (Hear.) My friend who did me the-
honour to propose the upon this occasion, coining from a Manu-
facturing district, and being himself no corn-grower, for red-
sons which he has explained to, you, that his laud' Will not grow
corn, (Langhter,) and having-therefore a strong interest iu pio-
curing corn as cheaply as possible, has told you that his opinion,
founded on experience, is, that lie never knew agricultural dis-
tress which was not followed bynianufacturing and commercial
embarrassment. (ApPlause.) It is reasonable, it is natural,
it is necessary- that it should be so. I believe no policy is so
blind as that Which represents the' rise of manufacturing wages
as the necessary. or even probable consequence of a depression
in the
‘price, of torn. Allow me to enter as shortly as can
upon this question, and becatiSe as I am anxious not to' be mis-
understood,' will state fully what my, views and opinions are.
Undoubtedly if the price of corn' could permanently be mach
depressed, the conseqUenee would naturally be that the manu-
facturer would be able to produce his, article at a cheaper rate,
and he would then•be able to'enter into a freer competition with
other countries. He *mild enter With greater advantage into
the foreign market, and the depresiiim in the ode& of corn
Weald! enable UM to furnish mere employ. This would' be
effected, not by a rise but by. depression in the • money
price of wages—beeause the artisan would labour for the
same subsistence, being able to obtain it for a less amount
of money than heretofore. The money prieci of wages falls--
the 'real pricricitirages, measured- iti subsistence, remains
precisely where it was before ;- but if the price of wages rise,
then the advantage which the Manufacturer obtains-ih the fo-
reign market at once goes. Of tliiST atu certain also: that'what-
ever the Manufacturer' obtains' fOr mithufactrires; the la..'
bourer, as rhope I haVeshewn, cannot expect to receive higher
•wagcs; whilst on the other hand' the' inatinfactrirer, coming
himself into competitkn With fbreigli'riVals in nfereign Mar-
ket to greater advaritau'd, tho' -riteCes: try' consequence of a'de-
pression in the price of-corti andef the consequelit'rtiin of agri-
cuituriStis; would he to deStriiy'altogether that-Whith most
namely; market; riaely; theliorfle; Market. Arid' thiS is of
itieslctilably mere- iriiportanee' t.h the niailufaettirer than the
foreign Market. (A)iplattso.) W ilst, therefOre, the maitufae-
turer IS net berrefittn, the • agrienittiiistis thongh one
:class of the virinintibitviwill'uritharbterliy-ohtaiit' the advantage,
naniely, the Vet:Seals who obtain their receipts in fixed money
payments, the' MAU-Wets-1 anti • the monied' interests of the'
country: They' Wou/d receive the' same' sum of money
whilst' the price of all articles would -fall, and they would •
then be able-to enjoy 'to a-greater extent'than others theluxtirie's
and the comforts-of•lifd. The saine'amount'of monergoint to '
a greater'eXtent: the ftindliolderSA Woilld be benefitted; • and-- as
they. profit, the real weight and pressure' of the debt and of the
taxation of the 'country' Would' be increased upon all the -other
interests of the 'nation. (Applause:) I feel, therefore, how-
ever'anXions I may be on all occasions Where it is possible to
remove all restrictions from trade, that the traffic in corn is one
which, under the present circumstances of -the country; cannot
be set free. (Htar and applause'„) • But I agree again with my
Hon. Friend that an important point to look to 'is teat qties-
tion shall be decided' in that -way 'which is fairest -for the inter-
ests 'of all ; and it will be the thrt-V of representatives to &Milder
the question whether by a fixed duty or byVh'at otherniode the
great object of -,a permanency • in :price can be best secured.
(Applause.) I have it has-been our anxious wish to
remove all restrictions' upon the trade of the Country, and' in
pursuance of that wish. it has been 'mil-earnest desire to-culti-
vate a better iutercourse; a freer conimercial intercourse with
that country'Whicb has hitherto' been 'held next to our own as
the most important in 'Europe; and Which is pauliarly:
lated for the interchange of all commodities, I mean France.
The liberal policy `which - has been adopted' has, although
tin-
douhtedly after the lapse of some time, been the means of
founding a clOSer union with us, which has -giVen. rise'to;- I fe-
riae,' a conscientious- effort to remove the °bet:dela' of
coma:tense; and 'the.: manufacturers. of Fiance- are at this
time petitiotting; the- legislature to permit the export ': of
those veryinaterials 'out of which the chief article' of French
manufadture-is formed,' I mean Silk. (Hear.) The ministers
have announced their intention to permit the export of 'that ar-
ticle'and the import of British yarns,:and to substitute the' sys-
tem of Protecting duties' for the' old abandoned tory systemof
prohibifions: (Laughter and •cheers.) We are perfectly son.
sible- that it is impassible the -interests- of trade can prosper
at any time so well as a time of undisturbed peace. And with
a view to our interests as a commercial country; with a view to
our interest in every point of view,' we know the preservation
of, peace-is of the 'greatest: importance to the welfare' of the
cottutry. We believe that atthe present moment by coming
forward, in conjunction with France, ,to -vindicate the sacred-
ness of engagements, to prevent one party in his. ebstinacy and
folly ken. involving the whole of Europe in a war, we • shall
be taking the best steps for preserving the peace of Europe,' by
. showing our determination to resist force by. an overwhelming
force, .--(fienewed:applause,), I do' not •betreve that there will
the4ritf war in:Europe. (Ladd cheers.) But-I believe:that we
'are:taking the most effectual m.eagure3 to prevent a war by

showing that we were prepared for it. I may further mention
here what I mentioned in my address to the•electors of this town
on Saturday, that although it is the fashion with our opponents
to charge us with carrying on a war, or if you please two wars-.
for we have a fleet on the coast of Portugal as well as that at
the mouth of tlid Scheldt, though they charge us, I say, with
carrying ow a war and ruining the country, we do so at a peace
estimate, and-that estimate a million lower than that of our pre-
decessors. (Applause.) We are told again that it is a war too
for an object which is not British, that Britain has no interest
in'the settlement of the question. The trading, commercial,
and manufacturing interests of the country have been urged
and goaded on, I confess, not with much success, to express
their disapproval, by the party which first brought forward this
question of peace. Let me remind the manufacturing arid
commercialinterests what is the point for which the King of II ol-
land is atthe present time holding out. What ! Ought we not to
endeavour to establish a free navigation of the Scheldt, and the
admission of British manufactures into the heart of Germany?
Is this
.point not important to 13iitish- -statesmen- ? Is• this
a point in contending for which we are to be charged with
an endeavour to ruin the manufactures and trade of our
country. (Loud applause) These, gentlemen, are the re-
presentations of those who come forward and clamour for peaee
who think fit to avail themselves of a popular cry, who thus
make themselves the only parties that at present are endanger-
ing the peace of Europe; and who do so because this popular
cry- appears to be a likely hold by which to shake a pacific and
reforming government. (Loud. cheers.) Mr. Stanley con-
cluded his speech by a few remarks having exclusive reterence
to himself -and the late representatives of the county.
The HIGH SHERIFF then inquired whether there was any
other candidate to be proposed, and after a short pause declared
J. Wilson Patten, Esq., and the Hon. E. G. S. Stanley, duly
elected as knights of the shire for the county palatine of Lan-
caster. The announcement was received with three times three
and loud applause.
Mr. PATTEN said he had now only the pleasing. task of re-
turning his most cordial and heartfelt thanks for raising him to
that station to which it was his ambition to aspire. -(Cheersei
He had intended to have made a few remarks on what hail
fallen from his right hon. friend, but being convinced that lie
could paint a picture in colours which he (Mr. Patten) could
not, he should leave them without comment. He- had, he be-
lieved, been in almost every part of the northern division, and
he was somewhat Surprised when Mr; Stanley-came-amongst
them to hear his friend§ pronounce him a confirmed Tory,
(cheers and laughter,) and he had heard that it was the inten-
tion of one of the Conservative Club to propose him. The
worthy member concluded with again returning thanks to them.
''(Cheers'.)
Mr. STANLEY said it was certainly something quite new for
him to return thanks to them in his new capacity of Tory. At
the same time he was happy to find that-there-was such an union
of sentiment between him and his hon. friend, and he could not
account for his being a Tory, unless; like the man in the play,
he had been talkieg prose all his life without knowing it, and
he could only say that if his lion. friend was disposed•to go the
full length he had professed that day in supporti)ig the present
administration, he would not quarrel with him about names.
He cordially thanked them for placing him in the situation of
one of their representatives, and he trusted that his future con-
duct would justify the choice they had that day made. (Cheers.)
Mr. PATTEN said he had already trespassed long upon their
patience, but yet there was another pleasing task lie had to pep -
form, namely,- that of proposing the thanks of the meeting to
the worthy High Sheriff for his able- performances of his duties
that day. (Cheers.)
Mr. STANLEY said he hoped that would be the commence-
meat of that 'happy union which was to exist between the two
members, and he therefore had great pleasure in seconding the
first motion of Mr. Wilson Patten. (Loud cheers .and laughter. )
The ASSESSOR put the question, which was carried-unaiii-
mously.
The HIGH SHERIFF begged to return his thanks to them fur
the honour done him in approving of his conduct. (Cheers.)
He had done nothing but what lie was convinced every other
gentleman placed in the same situation would have done. He
was now going to perform the same duties iu another part of
the county, and he trusted that he should discharge them so as
to meet the same satisfaction as had been evinced on that occa-
sion. (Cheers.) .
The Court then adjourned. The ceremony of chairingovhich
has. hitherto been usual on these.occasions, was dispensed with,
and the whole proceedings terminated in a most gratifying
manner.