The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-25 00:00:00

BEGGING.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE. LIVERPOOL STJ!XDARD.
Sin,—Our worthy chief magistrate-was, on entering office,
15articularly effective in suppressing street beggars. Let him
dot relax, as a most remarkable horde has just made an irrup-
tioll into the town, and is levying contributions in every direc-
,ti°O. Two or three of these vagabond§ go together from door
to door, and seldom fail or frightening females into giving them
40raething. They pretend to have come off a patriotic campaign,
Perhaps fighting against the Dutch ; are perpetually talking
about freemen; and, when they can get a person into a dalk
"rner, they throw open their breasts, all gashed with green and
wounds, which they call honourable scars, received in
e deadly breach.* This is really disgusting, as they are in
tae deadly
old sores, the effect of a disordered spleen, and the break-
--58 out of bad humours, which they irritate to excite compas-
-8i°o• Some of these fellows put on a most friendly mode of
address, and are well dressed, talking largely, about disenthral-
i4g, freedom, purifying, purity, &c.; but the constables will
easily detect them, by the strong symptoms of disorder which is
harked in their bilious countenances. It would be very de-
airable to stop them before getting into the country, as they
aught play upon the feelings of children at wakes and folly-fair,
to the great prejudice of Punch and his fraternity, during the
Christmas holidays.—Yours, &c. A BURGESS.

* Query, breech ?—Printer's Devil.

NEGRO SLAVERY.

To THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.
SIR,—It is surely incumbent on all who, under the plea of
experience, may offer suggestions upon this really difficult sub-
ject, to consider them well in all their bearings. Projects and
recommendations, no matter how various and inconsistent with
each other, are seized by party spirit with all avidity to be di-
rected against the West Indians.
An Old Subscriber, in the Courier of yesterday, commends a
-Practice which he states to exist in the Brazils, of allowing every
81ave, who can produce the sum, to purchase his freedom at his
°riginal cost.

The practice, coeval with the existence of slavery in the Bra-
may be a good one, where the facilities Of escape into the
e44aok settlements are, at the outset, much more ready and tempt-
Ing than the"means and the exertion necessary to purchase free-
deal ; but the circumstances of the Brazils and our West Indies
are widely different. 'There have been imported into the Bra-
Ills, since the British abolition of the trade, more negroes than
there are in all our West Indies. A. clandestine importation
Ito the Brazils still continues, so that the money there obtained
Afront one slave, who must necessarily have seen some service,
easily purchase another in the prime and vigour of youth,
o the benefit rather than the prejudice of property.
In the British colonies each emancipation takes away a la-
bourer, whose place can never be supplied ; aud, as it is clear
that, at importation rates, the best slaves would procure their
'teedom first, and soon the remaining would be depreciated in
seemetrical progression, as the most effective labourers succes-
illyely departed, leaving the old, feeble, and least valuable be-
„led, until the final dregs would be a monstrous burden on the
proprietor, bound by law to maintain them.
In the Brazils the negroes have been purchased lately at low
which are easily referred to.
1a the British Colonies, particularly in the old islands, a great
1114 lay slaves have never been sold, (nor can be sold separately,)
kn
ti 4 their value depends not so much upon their physical quali-
Ilea s
as upon the various duties which they relatively fulfil in
-ge system and arrangements of an estate.
An Old Subscriber, however, warming as he proceeds, argues
:eta the foregoing that the Imperial Legislature ought to insist
'Pen the British Colonist granting one day in the week to
, enable his slaves to purchase the rest.
but ke Imperial Legislature may, in its omniotence, insist ;
the West Indians hold their slave property under the law.
Measures contrary to law. have they, in their numeFical
successively
been grievously exasperated; but they have resisted
according to law, and the Legislature may re-
15.eat (which ought not to be anticipated) its arbitrary mandates,
LePalsive alike to common feeling, common sense, and common
mersesty : they will be again resisted.
Wltit December, 1832.

w. L

FREEDOM AND REFORM-PRACTICE v. PRO•

FESSION.

TO AIR. JOSEPH OKILL, RUNCORN.

- Stn,—As you profess to belong to a party, the watch-words of
which are freedom and toleration, you cannot be justly offended
if I use the freedom so allowed me, by commenting upon your
public conduct. In thus holding you up before the public, I
am aware, however, how much your modesty will suffer; yet I
do not know that any apology is necessary, your abilities as an
orator being amply sufficient to make amends for any thing
your natural bashfulness may inflict. I was one of your auditory
when, very lately, you exhibited your powers on board the Run-
corn packet; and I" cannot sufficiently admire either the forci-
bleness of your arguments, or the courage you displayed when
expressing your willingness to punish those.who did not feel
convinced by them. Stupid indeed must those have been who
did not discern their clearness, for it approached so near to
transparency, that though not peculiarly sharp myself, I not
only saw fully their tendency, but even saw through them; and
admired your boldness in venturing them among such a com-
pany, and in such a place.
It is true, Sir, that an endeavour to force our new-born free-
dom-down the throats of others, is not quite consistent with our
public professions; but then, we all know that public professions
are not to regulate our private actions. Were this to be the
case, what would become of our patriotic ministers ?—our
Broughams ;—our Greys ;—our Wilbrahams ;—our Grosvenors ?
No ! no ! Public professions do well enough in a public meet-
ing; but in a snug company, or in our own families—towards
those who are placed beneath our pPwer, force and intimidation
is by far the easiest and the best method of Reform: for, in the
first place, it saves a long course of arguments, and in the next,
it precludes all possibility of contradiction; thus producing that
unity of sentiment which we so much admire. And truly, Sir,
if men are so stupid as not to know what is good for them : we
who are so well informed, should force them to better them-
selves, even if it be by "hanging a barrel round their necks and
throwing them into the river!"
It is not, however, merely to hold up the mirror to you, and
to shew you what a ridiculous figure you made, that I now ad-
dress you: but, if possible, to prevent you from exposing your
weakness in future : and in order to do this, let me advise you
to look at the public professions 4?1 your party, and to make
them the regulators of your private conduct. This is, however,
so contrary to the plan generally pursued by that party, that I
am much afraid you are too much a reformer to practise it.
Rest assured, however, of one thing, ungenerous as your con-
duct was in denying to another that which you claim for your-
self, namely, the right of private opinion ; and unmanly as you
must have seemed to all around you in lOwering yourself so far
as to threaten a stranger, and one.equally respectable with your-
self, it failed of the effect interided. I suppose your intention
(if you had any) was to influence your hearers in favour of the
two reforming candidates; but if your conduct was calculated
to produce any effect at all, it was 'disgust with the cause you
advocated, and pity for an advocate who could so far forget
himself; and this effect, I know, was produced in the minds of
not a few of your audience.

But, to set jesting aside; what do you think of yourconduct?

I am a conservative; or, if you please, a 'Tory: yet whatever I
may be, have I not an equal right with yourself to hold my
opinions? Is it any part of the new principles of liberality,
which you and others have broached, that while a reformer has
full liberty to rail at toryism, and to vilify the " Conservatives,"
these latter persons are not even allowed to avow their princi-
ples, much less to defend them? Is this your freedom? Is this
your Reform ? I was, Sir, as I said before, one of your auditors
on the memorable occasion referred to; and, though I said no-
thing, nor, thought it worth my while to, reply to your exhibition
of eloqtience, yet I tell you freely, I was thoroughly disgusted
by it. To‘see a man seat himself in a company who are com-
pelled to endure his presence, and in that company assume
the airs and arrogance of a master, augUrs little either for his
principles or good breeding. But when such a man, descends
to threaten those around him, he is (unless he pretend to put
his threats in execution) a subject only for laughter, and is best
answered (as you were) by silent contempt. •
Indeed, common-sense might have told you thatmotiovoliling
the whole conversation to yourself_ was not the way to con-
ciliate; that blustering and assuming conduct was not the.ivay
to gain attention; and that -mean _and vulgar threats of what
"you would do" was not the way to persuade. In qualifications
like these, any fishwoman at Billingsgate is more than your
equal; and as to "deeds of prowess," why, any frequenter of the
prize ring can outboast you. I' can only find one- ground o f
excuse for your conduct, and that is by supposing that you had
partaken of the good cheer of your friends, till your common
sense had lost its activity.
Take, therefore, for once, the advice of "a conservative,". and
not again make yourself ridiculous;, or, if your propensity -to
eloquence must have a safety •valve by which to evaporate, for
the sake of "the dignity of human nature," let some private
room be the scene of your exertions, and your looking-glass the
sole'auditor. I am, Sir, your friend,
Liverpool, Dec. 22, 1832.

CONSISTENCY.

THE DUTY OF CONSERVATIVES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL. ST./INDAI?D,

Sitt,.--'Wheu individuals modestly substitute thems elves in
the place of the nation, and state every private discontent as a
public grievance, I am lost in the surprise, hoW the public can
be se infatuated, so gulled into the belief, that these evils really
exist; they refer us to their own libellous remonstrances, and
to those infamous lampoons and satires, which they have taken
care to write and circulate. For my own part, lam not dispos-
ed to take the voice of a miserable faction for the voice of my
country. For this man, in order to answer one purpose, and
that man, in order to answer another, will tell you, that a gene-
ral cry has gone abroad against a particular party in the king-
dom, whose principles, say they, are held in abhorrence and
whose very name is execrated by the whole nation. But can
you be so credulous as to take him upon his word, when • ou can
so easily penetrate his interested views, and find him the origi-
ginal and prime mover of all the clamour.
These uninformed zealots, who wish to appear animated with
an exclusive love for their country, charge us with being oppos_
ed to all national improvement, and state, as the grounds of
this assertion, our devotedness to the existing institutions of the
country; but is not such an endeavour to sever the interests of
society a base attempt to demoralise the people of this country.
by making them ready instruments in the adoption of those in-
novating principles, which these political screech owls are ad_
vocating ? Are we so wicked, so degraded, so unconstitutional,
by throwing into the opposite scales a preponderance of opinion,
an opinion consolidated upon the strictest principles of justice
and equity. Are we to be held up to public odium, by onr un-'
flinching adherence to these opinions which we believe in our
consciences to be in accordance with the welfare of the state ?
But, if after all these public professions of disinterestedness, we
still retain this unmerited scorn, we shall retire from the world
and its foul stain of prejudices with the conviction that we have
done our duty. But 'taking it for granted that the people are.
discontented :—are we , upon all occasions, to conform to their
views? Are we never to consult the sense of our conviction ? li
Are we to be led on,, step by step, from error to error, for the
purpose of satisfying a mistaken outcry ? No. I maintain that
we have higher obligations to justice, than to the public. It is
our duty to guard, not to invade the constitution. We are
bound to promote their true interests in preference to the dearer