The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-04 00:00:00

TITI4, LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

THE BALLOT.

Does Lord Grey know how large a part of those mem-
bers', on whearhe'relies- for. support, have pledged them-
selves to the introduction and establishment of the ballot?
Does he know that the four members for the county of
Surrey, the two members for West Kent, and a vast pro-
portion of the county members; who are called Whigs,.
have, without any hesitation or doubt, made declarations
in favour of the ballot ? Does my Lord Grey-know that
the Tower Hamlets chose Dr. Lushington, with a banner
waving over his head, having on it, "Lushington and the
Ballot?" • - Does he know that the members-for Lambeth
were elected. under similar professions ? Does he know
that even Mr. Stanley's brother, who has been returned
for Preston,' stands most unequivocally pledged to give
his support to the establishment of the Ballot ? But does
he know (and this comes more closely home to him) that,
Mr. Poulett Thomson, one of his privy-councillors and
co-servants, was elected at Manchester, under placards,
posted in every part of that great town, having on them,
VOTE FOR THOMSON AND THE BALLOT ?" The occur-
rences. (Whiah 1. shall mention in another place) which
have taken place at Manchester since the election, prove
very, clearly that. he owed his election to a very vile in-
trigue; and that good men, that sound men, of all ranks
in life, look upon him as anything but a member for
Manchester; but, even that -intrigue, together with all
the dishonourable means that were made use of; and even
my being,known to have been elected at Oldham by 'the
Middle of the first day of polling at Manchester; even all
these circumstances combined, could not, though with the
addition of great- expectancy with regard to public
plun-
der; all these put together could not have obtained him
a-majority over-Mr: Loyd' or Mr. Hope, bad not his par-
tisans pledged him tot the ballot. Does Lord Grey knoW
these things?—Cobbett ilqisto.

On a!dispassionate 'view of this question (cf the Ballot)
it: must, be admitted that the leading objections are not
cumulative hut. disjunetive,—that is to say, they resolve.
themselves,into its usetnlness; if the secresy- aimed at by
its-advocates be unattainablet,. or its evil consequences, if
"tare attempt'dt secresy be successfial."lt cannot be argued
against on both these allegations at once. Our own
opinion remains unaltered, that the claSses for whose
benefit the ballot is professedly designed would receive
no protection from it, or in so small a proportion, and
under such peculiar circumstances, as to constitute. a very
slender inducement towards the adoption of an elementary
change in the whole of our system Of election.- As for the
poor man, he has' no secrets' from the members of his
little circle. His own and his gossipping com-
panions of the ale-house will' inevitably, frOm the habits
of free communication thronghout that order of our coun-
trymen, be familiar with, his purposes and his acts; and
this, whether a canvass takes place or not before the day
of polling. Bnt there will-never fail to be a canvass. A
seat in Parliament is an object of toe grave ambition, of
too intense desire, the Oause.bf each candidate is an occa-
sion of Sympathy and eagerness with too great numhers
of active individuals in every district, to render it at.,all
presumable that the custom of canvassing the voters will
'ever be laid:aside or suspended. Then, if canvassing be
general,-nay, if, even without canvassing; public meet-
ings in the interest of each candidate for a seat be con-
ticued—and Heaven forbid they should ever-be dropped
in this country sey that with regard to the great
bulk of the electors (which is a broad enough ground:fbr
legislative proceedings every where,) it becomes morally
imp ossale that their suffrages should be unknown to
either friends or enemies. Among the upper classes of
voters, such as tenants of considerable farms, and so forth,
there-is-no doubt that persons may be found not incapable
of keeping their own secret in ordinary matters, when in-
clined to do so; but in election cases is such concealment
likely? A man who intends bona fide to vote for his
landlord is not immediately'under consideration at pre-
sent. He, of course, will make the nat Ural. use of his
complaisance or preference, and take care to-lose no merit
.in the landlord's eye. He, on the other hand, who has,
no conscientious scruple abOut promising and breaking
his word; and:whenever therefore can be inspired with a
true and sele-denying sense of honour, Will, in nine cases
out of' ten, betray the vote he- gives -to. the party or the
friends a the party whom he serveshy it; and what then
is our "secrecy" good for •

It seems to be taken for granted by the journals, that
by the excluSion of all just, honourable, and natural in-
fluence from elections, elections would be more free.
No notion can be more erroneous. We are obliged to
the Times for the means of. setting right this error. In
an article upon the ballot, the Times of this day gives
us the' following history of town eleclors under the bill.
All who recollect the opportunities which the Times
writers must have had in privately studying, as they cer—
tainly had in publicly suggesting, the several processes
in this mystery of iniquity, will appreciate the value of
the cOnfesSion:—

The club, or union tyranny, is a condensed and wholesale
power. It acts through means which are irresistible by indivi-
.and in no small degree formidable to the state. rersonal
violence is not often resorted to by your clubs, for the breaking
in of sturtly-electors,, because it is unnecessary,—being super-
seded by another, the moral outrage of making existence insup-
portable, through a multitude of ,ociu/ persecutions. There is
no form of punishment more painful than that which large
bodies of active and overbearing partisans, leagued together or
a -00111111011 purpose, and backed by a thoughtless and brutal
rabble, have it in their power to inflict upon individuals of their
own class, and within their own vicinage, who have spirit
enough to hold out against their projects. Abuse and ridicule,
the most malignant slanders, refusals to deal with them, sending
them to Coventry, and other moues of vexation which it would
be endless to enumerate; are hand-to-hand4eapons which it
require§ all the armour of. long-tried fortitude and conscious
principle to encounter. Few town voters, indeed, among those
orders of the community which furnish the busy-books of clubs
and unions, can muster up strength of mind enough to withstand
them." •

This is the system under which is exercised that over-
whelming portion of the franchise which in Giat Bri-
tain semis to Parliament three-fourths of its British
members. The &flowing extrixt fiom the Mayo Con,sii-
tuticu of Monday, Dec. 24th, will show bow far Irish
elections are free from influence :

" It was ascertained for some time previous to the commence-
ment of the election that the peasantry cl entire baronies had
been regularly organized, and provided with clubs, for the pur-
pose of marching into town, and keeping possession of it for
the repealeis during the contest. This arrangement was car-
ried into effect to the letter, and on the first day of the election
it was announced by a contemporary journal, in the interest of
Sir William Brabazon, that 'upwards 30,000' althe, people had
marched in.• Had the tenantry in the interest of the Messrs.
Browne been permitted to come in also, the collision would have
been fearful. '1 he freeholders who voted fur the Messrs.
-Browne, were escorted to and from the hustings by a military and
police force, and nothing was left undone on the part of these
gentiethen to prevent any thing like hostile collision with a mob
evidently bent on mischief and destruction.

On Friday night an immense cut, several feet wide, was made
across the rend leading, om Ballina to this ttaen for the puipose qf
obstructing the progress of the mail coach, which was c( :Teging
freeholders to the election. Providentially the trench was disco-
vered before the horses had plunged into it, and the coach and
passengers were thereby saved firm destruction. The horses
were taken out, a paszage made for the coach, aud, after a

delay of some hours, the mail proceeded on its route. Finding
this means of retarding the communication unavailing, the
peasantry last night broke dou-n the Pontoon bridge, and another
on the same line, so as effectually to cut off all intercourse with the
drawly districts; and in consequence no mail reached us from
Sligo last night.
Sir William is reaping the fruits of the exertions of yesterday
and last night, during which the houses of many free/solders
throughout the county were surrounded, and the owners compelled
on their knees to swear that they would plump for the repealer.
The maj aOty for Sir. William on the day's poll up to this hour
is 10. Thcountry is described as being in a state of the most
appalling excitement."
These are influences a little more cogent than any as-
cribed to property, rank, or intelligence, and these if they
cannot be corrected, ought, at least, to be balanced. The
TimeS, indeed, suggests a corrective, and one in which,
as far as it goes, the Chronicle would concur, inasmuch
as that journal would make the remedy universal. the
Times proposes to try the ballot in town elections and in
Irish elections. Though, however, we doubt whether
it is possible for any thing to make town elections in
Britain, or Irish elections of all kinds, worse than they
are, we are thoroughly persuaded that the ballot would
niake them no•better. .The system of rabble conspiracy,
and club persecution, which the Times justly describes
as tyrannising in our British towns, does not confine its
despotism to the nomination of members of parliament
—it pervades all the pursuits of life, and debauches to
detnocratical principles our whole municipal population.
This the ballot could not cure.

Again, in reference to Irish elections, the Times
seems to forget that the priests are the tyrants of Ireland,
and that from his priest a Papist has and can have no
secret. To establish a ballot-voting in Ireland would be,
in fact, to relieve the priest from all his present labour and
responsibility at elections—leaving him, however, more
absolutely master of them than ever. Besides, what would
the ballot do to obviate such outrageS as those described
in the Mayo Constitution? The utmost that the ballot
could be expected to do would be to screen the elector
from punishment on account of his vote. It could not
prevent his being sworn by a ruffian mob as to the man-
ner in which he should dispose of it.
But though the ballot can do nothing but to produce
further mischief, it is highly probable that the ballot will
be adopted before the next. election, if fur no other rea-
son because it threatens evil to existinc, orders and insti-
tutions; and we would more strongly press upon the
Conservatives the necessity of preparing for it as inevi-
table, because the same preparation will be available for
Conservative interests, come the ballot or come it not.
They, have the rank and property of the country—let
them use both for their own protection, and for the pro-
tection of their children, and let them use both boldly.
The cant that political feeling ought not to influence
men in the other concerns of life, always fallacious and
mischieyouS, is now an utter and most transparent absur-
dity. The measures of Lord Grey's government have
made all political questions, questions of no less than life
and death to every one who haS any thing, whether in
station, possessions, character, or talent, which a success-
ful revolution would.depreciate. It used to be reproached
to the Dutch, that they sold gunpowder and bullets to be
fired upon themselves; but it they sold these they got an
equivalent, and they gave the munitions of war. to ene-
mies' who, if not supplied by them, would have been sup-
plied elsewhere. But what shall be said of the conserva-
tive who expends a shilling with an anti-conservative, or
gives, or, if he can help it, continues, to such, a foot of
ground Which a' conservative would be willing to have
upon the same terms? Why, such a fool or coward dis-
arms his friends and supporters, in order to provide his
enemies with weapons to be directed against his own life.
—Standard.

It is vain to blink- the matter; the question of ballot,
or no ballot, must be set at rest, and speedily; but we
have reason to suspect that a decision in the negative
will be most in accordance with the feelings of a vast
majority of EngliShmen, in spite of the clamour which
has been got up on the subject,—that is our serious
belief. Often, perhaps too often, we have lately felt
called upon- to state . our impressions with regard to the
vote by ballot, and once more we are bound to declare
the continued bias Of our judgment against that plausi-
ble, but inefficient and disgraceful, and if not inefficient,
most dangerous and immoral measure.
Those who appeal to .the late elections as an argument
in favour of introducing the secret vote, appear to us to
have little respect for facts, or less capacity for the most
obvious .reasoning. Attempts at intimidating voters
have been complained of in four or five dozen places ;
and in half that number of instances they may have been
successful. But look at the bulk of the new Parliament.
Has its complexion or character, as a whole, been Much
affected by the influence of Tory landlords in counties,
or of ultra-Radical combinations over the town voters ?
Why, the popular returns are in the proportion of five
to one. Our firm persuasion is, that no sensible mischief
will ever be wrought. by the threats or denunciations of
unconstitutional power against any large portion of the
constituents of this country.
We have applied a phrase to the ballot which to some
may appear uncouth. We have called it " odious."
This expression is employed by us deliberately. It is
not enough to say that the performance of an honour-
able duty, the discharge of a solemn trust, and the enjoy-
ment of a valued privilege, ought, according to the
whole spirit and context of our constitution, to be open
to the public view : but the introduction of the hada
would be hateful-Ist, to all ranks of voters throughout
the kingdom, who feel conscious of their honest and in-
dependent principles, and exult in the open vindication
of them. 2d. And this fact,' if new to many of our
readers, is equally striking and unquestionable, the
notion of the ballot is most odious to a very extensive
and growing body of the NON electors in many parts of
England. This vast numerical majority of our country-
men regard with jealous vigilance the conduct of those
in whom has been vested the political power from which
themselves (though on well-considered grounds) are ex-
eluded. They look upon the elective franchise, like the
representative office, to be a " trust," created. for the
benefit, not of elctors only, but of the
.whole people, and
.y consequence for that of non-electors, the undisputed
-majority of the people. They have begun therefore to
declare their anxiety that the elective trust shall be per-
.finmed in such a manner as- to fix. an effective respon-
sibility upon the trustees—that responsibility which no-
thing short of absolute openness and publicity can pro-
duce. They .are not acute . enough to see the enormous
difference insisted on by the balluteers between the cases
of the reprensentative and constituent. But as the
elector has a right to ascertain how the representative
does his duty on a division, so the non-elector has (in his
own judgment) an equal title to be satisfied that the con-
stituent does his duty at the poll, and conceives that the
ballot out of doors would be-as gross a violation of the
national right of superintendence over the exercise of
the elective franchise, as the ballot within the walls of
Parliament would be an outrage upon the constituency
of the realm. We have good authority for assserting
that this language has been used in one of the largest
counties, and openly and extensively in an important
town, which contains the largest constituency in Great
I3titain.

It may here be stated, that Mr. SPRING RICE'S argu-
ment against the ballot, at Cambridge, was received
with great approbation by a body of electors, many of
whom might, from circumstances, be supposed to require
protection in the exercise of their franchise. Our wish
is confined to a single point—that if the innovation be

adopted, it may effect all the public good which its t British 'Monarchy, proscribe the right
It Church, and make anarchy and disc
sanguine partisans predict from it. Some, thougans of accomplishing the other object:
bition.
we have shown, but a partial injury may have arise
we are unteachable enough to continue under the
hese OVONNELLITES—these family
take, if it be a mistake, which we set out with, ged representatives of -the priests, an
that the ballot would be no cure for any existing Nity
'
confederates, come into Parham
and that if it were a remedy for them, it could on eal of the Union. It is - not yet four
so by becoming the source of others at present unk ived the boon' of sitting ht Parliami
to this country.—Time4 concessions' then made to them • we

DUTY OF CONSERVATIVES IN PARLIAMENT.

tld be grateful. The " healing measi
the feuds, and heart-burnings, and poli
es
of Ireland. A grand atonement
the sins and crimes of that country.
s.to act like the angel's tear in 'Malin;
ins of past years ; angry passions w
'lion was too-sleep with the kid, and •
tethicide were to be converted into the
n;s.of -hnsbandry. Anxiously and• s
y that. these happy consequences wo
s gave them time, and waited the iss
ple' allowance •for the recoiling wave
cessation of the tempest, but ala
ridaf's 'grief,

We have borrowed from the Morning Post a li
the English members of the douse of Commons,
curate, we believe, as such a list can be made by an
gree of care. The display, it cannot be denied, is i
tisfactory enough ; the conservatives, it must be o
are few and far between ; and when the Irish and S,
returns shall be added, the aggregate will have ev
worse appearance, but " Nunquam desperandum e ,
Republica."—there is " Some soul of goodness in tl
evil." As the returns have not been a great deal b:
it is well that they are altogether as bad as they a
`ti hile this Parliarrient lasts there can be no suspicion
the conservatives are battling for place, nor can the
now be divided by projects of particular ambition, or
tracted by jealous suspicions that such projects are
where entertained. They have, too, the property o
country, and, with that, it must be their own fault if
have not a preponderance of political influence. A
present election, the legitimate and natural influen'
property has been nellatralized by the reform cry; •
the conservatives do their duty this cannot last for
nor, if the conservatives do their duty, will it last t•
next elections. The Bristol election—the splendid
play of plumpers for Lord Chandos in Bucks,—fo,
Edward Knatchbull in East Kent,—and, indeed,. for
conservative candidates every where, demonstrate
can be done with the people when properly addre
Everywhere we know the feelings of the respec'
classes are conservative. The great manufacturing to
have, indeed, been turned by Lord John Russell
close boroughs, as has been proved ; and the caned/
corrupt cities will be everywhere antipatriotic ;. but
enough remain, to give 'assurance; that if the Conserva
of high rank begin in time, and steadily fix their a'
tion upon that object, they must have a great mail
in the next House of Commons [no revolution into
ing.] They have, as we have before said, the. pro I
of the country; and while they are careful not to
the means of political power, or, if they can help it,
tinue the means of political power. in the. hands of
sons likely to abuse it, they must make their patrol
also tell for the great work of national defence. A'
all, where private ingratitude is manifested in poll
perverseness, it must never go without punishinent.
no threats of the ballot avail to deter from this saP,
but indispensible vindication of moral justice. If
ballot can be introduced upon this, it will be introd ,
upon this or some other pretext, and the best po;.-
mode of obviating its more serious mischievous e
willbe the creating and the attaching a body, of &Le '
whoSe principles can be depended upon, whether ti
vote openly or in secret. With respect to the course
be pursued by the conservatives in Parliament, we
them at once to the example of such leaders as
Chandos, Sir Robert Inglis, Sir Richard VyVvafi•
Robert Peel, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Mr. Attwood•
many others. Aft to the Scotch conservatives—bil'
may leave them out of the question, as Scotland, w '
instinct that has never gone astray for 125 years,
sent her whole quota to the support of the treasury be
—Standard.

That wears out th' traces of the deepest
As the sea washes the prints made in tt
Hath passed o'er them in vain."
r years of " Titize". have rolled by 1
ealing" on their wings. One boon hal
tike dustlike a despised thing. Our c
,1 - gii-en rise to fresh
.demands ; and i
4 tranqUillityinstead of gratitude an
-ead of " oblivion for. the past and
't.tre," we haVe renewed turbnlence, i
bas, More pestilent politics, more factio
:.e audacious violations of law, and
`,B of plunder and murder. To stinvul
the representatives of Ireland now des
THE U NION. _ .

Ireland. has hitherto been a burden to
a financial point of view, she costs
Qs in the shape of income. At the sa
tile policy and the strength of both cou
*y sensible man must be convinced ; 1
pestered by these absurb and destru
'have a wish to reserve Ireland from tit(
IPrincipled demagogues, perhaps it wi
consider whether we should not cons
'lull repeal. But we would advocate it
%Inds from any which are assumed by 1
'ticn. We would make many sacrifice
% beyond the pale of mischief; and rer
e responsible situations in the Br.
nimons, which they profess themse:
.ions to fill. Let us, by all means,
tPerimental repeal of- the Union, and
lee more in a state of single blessedness,
1. a few years, to lead a monastic life; in
`'n whetlier it be possible for her to imps
lading and amend her morals.
tut, let us not be mistaken. We do :
L'Peal of the Union, that Ireland should 1
' ! incubus •of a. Dublin Parliament. I

propose to administer a more poter
,ate her on a simpler diet. She shall
demagogues to herself, but she mu
;tied to choose a Parliament composed o
the priests, O'CoNNELL being the leade
nephews, cousins, and Other
'1 the majority of the house. Widely
4111. We wish to 'see justice done t(
to see it governed by a just Govei
'%tilent factions ; and, as it seeks disuni
t, at its own expense—a repeal of the linic
arliament !—Guardian and Public Lec4

From what we know of the vacillating unsteady
racter of the ministers, and the awkwardness of
position, we should not wonder if they attempted a ti
course, that of being Conservative and Destructive
turns, according to the exigence of the moment, ia
hope of keeping both parties at bay; and so floating O
long_ as they can from one quarter-day to another.
we do not think it possible for this plan to succeed, f.Ol
many interests would be placed in continual jeopardy
such a line of conduct, and so much general dist'
would be induced by the jeopardy of those interests, I
all parties would soon be glad to unite against the PI
tical nuisance of such a government. Half-measures
conflicting principles will not now be tolerated. Fre
aggression must be arrested, and old alliances
served, or Europe will be plunged in war. Ire
must be saved or lost to the empire by a plain.
intelligible course of decisive policy. The West
must be tranquilized or abandoned to some rival poI
The Bank Charter question, the East India question',„
Currency question, the Church Reform question.
the financial system generally, must now be fairly
and the thousands of respectable families, whose
means of subsistence are connected with those questsv
must know whether they may pursue their avocation
0
safety, or whether they are liable to sudden ruin from 5C
hasty tricky resolution of a desperate gambling mini-01,
We wish ministers success in their attempts to settles
jects of such magnitude and delicacy with the assist'
c
of a reformed Parliament, the wisdom of the pollt'i 01,
unions, the occasional suggestions of Talleyrand
O'Connell, and the added illumination of those bilisl
lights of the new representative system, Messrs. (5,1
and Cobbett. The elections are over, and the conse:.L
tives have well performed their duty by sending into .70
lament, in defiance of the bill, a firm and compact
lanx of patriots, who will either arrest the progresso
revolution, or record their protests against it as a, 0!
mento for better times. It only remains that all tl3,
interests which are known to be in, the proscriptio
of jacobinism should cordially unite with their par,,
mentary leaders in organizing the necessary meal°
self-defence. Good men must associate when bad 0,1,,
conspire. The country cannot always be deceived, 1.1,
must wake at last to a distinct perception of that Spevil
of government which is absolutely indispensable to P
protection of its vast and complex in terests.—Morit.Pe'

TIIE " HEALING" MEASURE :—IRELAND.
We have heard much of the unbounded influence,
the aristocracy of England over the elections, but we 10„
never heard of any one family, noble or otherwise, OP
ing so many members to the British House of Comfy
as the illustrious family of O'CONNELL. in Ireland. ,tv
priests of Ireland have evidently more power than
aristocratic families in the United Kingdom. Ist. 'lllto
is the head of the House himself, the Great AgOic
member for the city of Dublin. 2nd. There is MAO ful
O'CONNELL, eldest son of the aforesaid, membeics:
Tralee. 3rd, comes his second son, MORGAN O.V(-)1
NELL, member for the county of Meath. 4th, is
O'CONNELL, third son of the said Daniel, membieir •
Youghall. sth, CHRISTOPHERFITZSIMON, son
Daniel, member for the county of Kilkenny. 6th,
FINN, brother-in-law of Dan. for Kilkenny. 7th,
GAN JOHN O'CONNELL, nephew of Daniel, membe%ill
Kerry. In addition to these seven, there are three cOl
6-i?
returned upon the same interest, making in all oil
members of the reformed Parliament returned by ei
?nem, backed by the Popish Priests, and that man 013
the most restless and pestiferous demagogues that e%
disturbed the peace of an unhappy country. Wellle
O'CONNELL be proud, and the ministers and peOP ,ti
England ashamed of such a triumph. It shows t 1
there is a power mightier than the Government,
aristocracy, and the owners of the soil; and that P°si
is priestcraft, which works in secret, which pours,
" leperous distilment" into the ears of the ignorant 11
enslaved, and sends forth its sworn agents to underni