The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-08-15 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY EXTRACTS.

A HEAVY HIT AT THE ANTI-CORN LAW LEAGUE.
-I will say one word about agitation, not only with refer-
ence to repeal, but extending a little further. I see now
many who do not care about repeal, but who care a great
deal about fixity of teuure, which means confiscation of
land (hear, hear); the destruction of property, the abro-
gatio i of all rights of property whatever (hear, hear);
whiei means, turning tenant into landlord, and the culti-
vator into owner (hear, hear); that is a:popular doctrine,
and very likely to be well received, coming from those
whohave little property, by those who have none. (" Hear,"
and a laugh.) That is very likely to make some way in
Ireland, and accordingly, I have heard there is something
of preaching non-payment :u' rent and converting the
landlord's rent int.; repeal rL ,it, and that is begun to
be felt already. The law is strong enough to deal with it;
if not, it ought to be, and I think it is. But do not let
I any one suppose that that is wholly an Irish doctrine,
I (Hear, hear.) Repeal is an Irish doctrine; repeal will
I never cross the Channel. There was only one English
member, now no longer in Parliament, to support it, and
there will be no more to support it in Parliament. But fixity
of tenure, the destruction of property, is not Irish, it is
' not local ; it is as likely to spread in England as in Ire-
I land. (Hear, hear.) I should say rather more likely,
and let all in England as in Ireland beware how they al-
low it to be introduced. ( Hear, titan I should not have
said so much, had 1 not heard something said in the other
house of Parliament, coming from a certain ntiarter there,
that fixity of tenure, if a thing not to be ati,...mpted, was
a subject for consideration. (Hear, hear.) It is, indeed,
a subject for grave consideration, for alarmed considera-
tion. (Hear, hear.) It strikes at the root of society
(hear, hear)—of all government ; and if not put down
with a firm hand and with a strong and unhesitating judg-
ment, it will outstrip all the efforts of all the enemies of
the country, in working the ruin and degradation of this
mighty empire.—Lord Broughat. 's speech on Lord Ro-
, den's motion.

EFFECT OF AGITATION IN IRELAND—It must be
recollected, that no one was more strenuous for the
Roman Catholics than my noble friends and myself—that
we have always shown ourselves very strenuous in resist-
ing those measures that necessity did not wring from us,
of coercion against the Irish people—that we always stood
their defenders against all attacks, and that the sacrifice
we, on this side, mad , for between 20 and 30 years, when
Lord Grey was at our head—from the year 1807 to 1830—
sacrifices of the dearest objects to all statesmen—that of
being in a position to carry their principles into action—
for any one worthy of the name of statesman ought
to be satisfied with nothing less than carrying out
his principles into effect—that all these sacrifices were no
doubt in a great measure made because we would not give
up the claims of the Irish Catholics, which we had made
an individual part of_ our own proper cause, and from
which nothing could tear us until they were carried.
Therefore I may consiler we are giving them the advice
of friends rather than hostile or suspicious advice. Then
we tell them that their present course is fatal to them
(hear, hear); that it is fatal to their own object ; that the
agitation under which they are living is the greatest evil
and pest under which Ireland can suffer (hear, hear),
and while they are told that they are miserable on account
of not having a share of the established church revenues
(hear, hear), —a thing which could not by possibility
affect the interest or estate, or life, or conversation, or
happiness of any one individual of the whole 6.000,000 of
Catholics--they are made miserable, poor, kept idle,
starving, and without wages, by that want of capital that
want of employment, which they owe entirely to their
agitation, and which if they left (f agitation and took to
peaceable courses, and left their agitators in vain to call
these meetings, would fall again into those channels of
Irish industry which would once more make the country
happy and improving. (Hear, hear.) That is the advice
I tender to the Irish people.—Lord Brougham's speech
on the motion of Lord Roden.

AMERICAN SYMPATHY WITH REPEAL.—One word
more as to foreign interference with this agitation. I quite
agree with my noble friend the noble duke that it is con-
fined to a few individuals, and that it does not extend to
any foreign governwent ; on the contrary, where it has
last broken out is in a party, one of the most moderate in
point of extent, one of the smallest in point of amount,
one, I was going to say, ridiculously ludicrous in the dis-
proportion of the phraseology used to the money collected
(a laugh) and to the means and, I would also say, to the
importance of the parties, for they are to my thinking but
unimportant who have so spoken; but I have reason to
say that that politic and wise prince, who is as true a
friend of the peace of this country as he is of the tran-
quillity of his own, and not only he, but his Ministers—
all men, in fact. who deserve the tame of statesmen, all
who deserve to be known, who deserve to be numbered
amongst political characters, who deserve well of the mass
of good society in the French capital, are only moved to
pity at that demonstration. But no doubt there has been
across the Atlantic a demonstration of a little more im-
portance ; but it is not of Americans, it is confined almost
entirely to emigrants, and I have shown you how little
they gain in thus taking hold of foreign agitation and fo-
reign alliance with repeal. They say, " Oh, let us save
the wretched, ill-treated, poor Irish from the misery of
their situation by the repeal of the union !" I have illus-
trated how much that would be lessened by the operation
of that which would cut them off for ever ; but they say,
We helped the Americana in their distress, and there-
fore they will hell, us; it was the same case with the Ame-
ricans in the war of 1776." But the whole question then
iyerlobe,t,lnAtritrklibshoinlL)e..4xsd by the British Par-
ment. If instead of that the Americans had had 134:0r,
I would venture to say, 54—perhaps 1 might add the odd
4 (a laugh), you never would have heard of the American
war, and the Congress would have remained, as some say,
an ornament of the British Crown, or, as others say, a
millstone about its neck. But I have seen it said that a
person named Tyler, said to be a relation of the Presi-
dent, has taken part in this agitation. No one is answer-
able for the fooleries—the excessive fooleries—any one of
his family pleases to commit (a laugh); and I do not for
one moment believe that, as has been said, the President
has written a letter to say that his heart and soul were in
the cause. I will not believe it until 1 see the letter. Mr.
Tyler is accidentally President of the United States; but,
by the same accident that made him President, I hope
and trust, and I have every reason to believe, that he in-
herits, with the President's chair, some of the wisdom
and prudence of his predecessors. I will not believe that
any man in the situation of President Tyler would write
such a letter as that which I have seen bolstered up in
some of the newspapers ; as it the Queen of this country,
like the President, were to say she had her heart and soul
in the cause of the Carolina and Virginian negroes, and
that she hoped ere long to see a white republic in the
north, and a black republic in the south ; and that the in-
tolerable bond which now united them would be severed.
Why, we should have the British Parliament most justly
up in arms; but though I hold repeal to be as utterly ri-
diculous a measure, and as pernicious to be entertained,
as I certainly hold the emancipation of the Carolina and
Virginian negroes would be a wise, humane, just, and
virtuous act, yet God forbid that, if I were in a situation
of advising the Crown, I should think of uttering advice,
either in an official capacity or an unofficial capacity, for
the purpose of exciting the jealousy and embittering the
animosity that may be supposed to have prevailed between
the two countries. That is a course which no good citi-
zen of his own country or of the world, and loving the
peace of the world, would think of advising. I have
thought it my duty to state this matter with the humble
but earnest hope, that my strong impression of the bitter
evils, the cruel calamities, that are now being inflicted on
Ireland, and which may be summed up in figures as a
matter of pounds, shillings, and pence, and from which
every man in Ireland, more or less, suffers—the hope, too,
of all capitalists in this country—may sooner or later be
removed, and that capital and a spirit of industry may be
infused throughout the land.—Lord Brougham's Spee-ch
on Lord Roden't motion.

COMMITMENTS.—On Wednesday. at the Mee-court,
a:young girl named Mary Byron, etas charged by a gen-
tleman, who had been bathing at Bootle, with carrying
off his coat out of the machine in which he had undressed,
taking advantage of his being in the water at the time.
She was with several companions, and was stopped by a
police-officer, who found the article in her apron. She
had before been once committed and twice discharged,
and was committed to the House of Correction for two
months.—Same day an oid man, a pauper, was committed
to gaol for a month for having absconded from the Work-
house with some articles of clothing belonging to the
establishment. —A boy, named M'Ardle, was also com-
mitted for seven days for stealing a cast-metal wheel, at
George's Dock.

ILLICIT DISTILLATION.—A poorly-clad man, appa-
rently in very feeble health, named Thomas Pilkington,
was yesterday brought before Mr. Rushton, at the Police-
court, on a charge of being connected with an illicit still.
An inspector stated that on Saturday night he observed
the prisoner in a cellar in Boundary-place, lying stretched
on a board before the fire, and the witness added that he
saw a still in operation in the apartment. He gave direc-
tions to a police-officer, and the prisoner, who was known,
was apprehended in the street. An excise-officer after-
wards found two sti:ls—one of them at work—in the cel-
lar ; also a gnantiti of low wines. The prisoner denied
that he even knee.= the cellar ; but as he could not account
for his whereabouts that night, Mr. Rushton adjudged
him to be fined £3O, or be imprisoned for three months.
He was, of course, sent to gaol.
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tempt to imitate it. The very idea of a counterfeit is a
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original. The universally high repute of RowLAND's
MACASSAR OIL. has induced some unprincipled Shop-
keepers to try to
.impose upon the publita spurious imita-
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have copied the Labels and Bottles of the Original Arti-
cle—for which fraud the said Parties have lately been
punished in a Court of Law. The principle on which
ROWLAND'S MACASSAR OIL (the Original and only
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and practice of A. ROWLAND and SON, 20, Hatton Gar-
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therefore such a declaration only brings disgrace and con-
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