The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

is a comp

Sop and seed

time on account of these proposed alterations. Sir Robert,
however, has stated publicly in the house that as regards
seeds the reduction will not take place until June, which

will enable the seller to get rid of his present stock for thi
spring sowing, before the price can be materially affected

THE TIMES AGAIN.—In 1841 the London Times ex-
ulted, in no measured terms, in Lord Morpeth's defeat;
in 1846, the same journal is equally elated at the noble
lord's success. How is this? Is the leading journal to-
, tally destitute of fixed principle ? Or has Lord I

adopted the opinions which ware then advocated in the
columns of the Times? Lord Morpeth has even advanced
in the cause of repeal: consequently the change is in the
Times, It has, in short, copied the example of Sir R.
Peel, but with this difference, that, while the Premier

change, the Tim; has ;he audacity
_to speak as though

. .
cated. It is a favourite practice with this journal to
refresh the memories of members of Parliament by ex-
tracts from Hansard; but its own columns exhibit charges
of inconsistency against itself which were never equalled

since the invention of newspapers
SOUTH NOTTINGHAMSHIRE

—There is every appear-
,le for the representation

ante of a most desperate stru

by T. B. T. liildyard, Esq., of Flintham,.a staunch pro-
tectionist. The Earl of Lincoln's raturn will be opposed
by his father, the Duke of Newcastle, the Duke cf
Portland, and the Earl of Chesterfield ; while Lord Mid-

dleton, Lord Howe, Lord Runcliffe, Sir Robert Brom-

ley, &c. have given him decided promise of support; and,
although Earl Manvers, the Duke of Rutland. and others
have not spoken with so much favour, yet they expressly
stated that their influence shall not be exerted in any way

his opponent are
course it is iropos,

lens yet Co predict the result

leading free traders of NOttingli.am have formed them-

selves into a committee to promote his lordship's return.
The nomination takes place on S,turday next, and the

polling on

nesday fullowin

GETTING UP LL,AGUE PETITIONS.—A. FAcr.—Sheets
of paper for the purpose of being signed and attached to a

op in I.

Mr. Hume, it is likely, will claim the credit of Sir
Robert Peel's " comprehensive measure." In a letter
written by him to his constituents, he says. " I recom-
mend that 1000 of the entries in the British Tariff should
be abolished out of 1150, and these articles admitted. Sir
Robert himself, in 1841, abused me in the House as an
Utopian and visionary, to think of, or to recommend such.
a clecn sweep of the tariff as I had eone ; but he was not
one year in office before he adopted every one of my prin-
ciples. and now I have grounds for expecting something
large."

RICHARD OASTLER AND THE TEN HOURS' BILL.—
Men sometimes cannot comprehend the great importance
of a subject in which, at first sight, individual importance
can only appear. Despite this difficulty, however, we
contend that no subject of greater importance can possibly
present itself to our mind at the present moment than that
of FORCING Richard Oastler into the House of Commons,
whether he will or no. If not the inventor, he is the re,
novat.or, the improver, and the engineer of the short-time,
machinery ; and he is the man, above all others, to enforce
the weight of the pressure from kithout, to strengthen the
opinions within upon the subject. Moreover, we wish the
question of labour to be forced in all its phases upon the
consideration of the house, pending the debate uron the
ministerial policy. He has a way peculiar to himself, and,
at the same time, not distasteful to the most critical, of
plumping out truths and strorg facts. There is an ear-
nestness, a sincerity, a vigour, an irresistible courage
about the Old King, which sets feeble opposition at defi-
ance, and laughs prejudice out of countenance. Shall we.-
then, without a general election, put our every shoulder
to the wheel, and give to the ten hours' cause a comman-
der that can neither be corrupted, bribed, or intimidated ?
By all that is just, we would suffer any amount of priva-
tion to bear the lion of labour roaring amongst the wolves.
And we further assert, that full anti unrestricted free trade
in everything, with the unrestricted use of machinery,
would be the greatest curse that could befall this country,
as the inevitable result would be an active and destroying
competition in slave labour, to maintain our manufactur-
ing pre-eminence abroad ; and no man in England can so
effectually bring this question before the House and the
country, as Ricbard Oastler, the KING OF THE FACTORY
CHILD !

MINISTERIAL

REASONS FOR CONVERSION

TO FREE TRADE IN CORN

MR. SYDNEY

HERBERT-MONDAY'S DEBATE

" Like many others be had a great change of opinion to
announce with regard to this measure (hear, hear, and a
laugh). He did not stand on consistency as to smaller
matters, and he frankly avowed that he thought the law
of 1842 had failed (loud cheers from the opposition
benches.) He repeated he admitted frankly that the law
of 1842, the first time it was tested by adverse circum-
stances, failed—failed it might be by a combination of,
circumstances which they had not foreseen in estimating
the ordinary alterations of the harvests, but not the less
signally failed (hear). * * * . Reflecting then on the
circumstances which had occurred previous to the break-
ing up of the administration of his right honourable
friend, seeing that the law of 1842 had failed in its purpose
—that food was deficient in quantity and inferior in qua-
lity—that the disease which was doing so much injury
here was not peculiar to our own country, but was com-
mon to the whole of Europe—perceiving that, in conse-
quence of the deficiency, nearly all other countries had
opened their ports—that those countries from whom we
usually obtained corn, Northern Russia, Turkey, and
Egypt, had closed their ports against exportation, and
that Belgium, Holland, and other countries had opened
their ports—findir
been c

• ----
,hat our usual sources of supply bad

plied us, had become competitors with us in the purchase
of corn—having regard to these circumstances, and taking

all things into consideration, he did agree with others of
her Majesty's government in thinking that the time had
come when it was necessary that some steps should be
taken to relieve the difficulty in which it was likely the
country would era long find itself (cheerP.l" * * * *

and probable quantity of corn in foreign. countries, which
could be made available for our supply, which, he con-
tended, were such as to ensure a high price in this coun-
try for three years to come, the hon. gentleman pro-
ceeded:—" He saw, too, a great change in public opinion
(hear, hear). He saw, also, a very meat change of oni-

ninds of the agricult

hear). lie found an

great inclination to say, as they had said to him fre-
quently in strong language " this is a landlord's question "
(hear). These opinions are prevalent among the tenants
of large plots of land in his county—men of intelligence,
capacity, and experience; and, with these opinions, it was
impossible for any length of time to maintain a system,

_ .
s thus questioned by those
I in it. They said it

the soundness of which v
who were said to be most inter

.., . .
great doubts, that it depended upon parliamentary majo-
rities, and upon different administrations ; and that they
would prefer to trust to their own capital, skill, and in-
dustry. They would then have nothing to complain of;
but at present they were in a perpetual state of uncer-
tainty. As to the labourers

fleeted with tt

in a proper condition ? * * *
Wiltshire where the evil of low 7

y one con-

ment was rife, in the mids

" He lived in a part of
Iges and small employ-

sisted, he scarcely knew how. And this was a question
which had disturbed more men's minds than his who
lived in that county (hear). Honourable gentlemen had

been at great pains to invest

what they would he defied ti

ect ; but say
h truth that

to say

their condition could t

"The question has been asked, " Have qotitinireason
since 1842 for changing your opinion ?" I say that since
1842 aims whn ma”. .... A n 41.1. -e

affai-s, and who had watched the various circumstances
which have occurred, have had experience, not to be mis-
taken, leading to conclusive consequences. We had, first
of all, the painful and lamentable experience of 1842 itself,
a year of the greatest distress, and since it has passed, I
may say, of the utmost danger. (Hear, hear.) What were
t i
en there
em L
immense
were n
ec
nolsne
assembled'
the circumstances of 1842? Allow me just to glance at
them. We had in this metropolis, at midnight, Chartist
rnoe
nars
oyf meetings,tthh assembledese weeks
metropolis
si nn
masses- ofi el:
si
people n i lt m,h
greatly
rseetna
vtfory-
discontented, and acting in a spirit dangerous to the pub-
lic peace. What was the condition of Lancashire, the seat
of our great staple manufacture, depending for its prosper-
ity on uninterrupted tranquillity and labour? Such was
the madness of the people on that occasion, that a great
cotnbination existed to stop machinery, and to put an end
to the source of the labour, on which they depended for

. •
subisstnenca."
The Home Secretary, goes on to contend that with low
prices and abundance, this spirit of insubordination has
entirely passed away, and advances statistical facts from
the Home-office proving his position. With the recent
rise in the price of provisions, however, he sees its ap-
proaching return ; and this is one of his reasons for advo-
cating a settlement of the Corn-law question and the
abandonment of the sliding scale principle, which he con-
tends has totally fsiteri_ hnth se to its eltnprted operation

classes. He next remarks upon the changed feeling of
these classes themselves ; and concludes, whilst urging the
necessity, on every ground, of a final settlement of the
question, by an attempt to throw dust in the eyes of the
manufacturing operatives, as to the certainty of a repeal of
the Corn--

a'vs rendering unnecessary any legislation for the
restriction of their hours of labour, and the following sop

interestedness

" As to the agricultural interest
which I am myself connected—l woul
certainty with referince to the value of ou

the interest with

,y, let us have
it land. That

certainty you will have as far as it can possibly be given
from a change in the law. But in add;tion to certainty you

enjoyment without exciting the jealousy of your poorer
neighbour. And Ido not think that landlords will have to
make any very great sacrifices; but, entertaining the opi-
nions which I do, founded on the experience I now possess,
I say, were the sacrifice ten times greater, I for one, sooner
than it should be said of myself, or any of the class to
which I belong, that our object was to secure for ourselves,
an increase of rent, and not to promote the welfare and
happiness of the great body of the community—sooner
than leave any room for stich a suspicion, I should say,
speakine for myself, that I would descend to a lower es-

tate, and abrof.a..te my inheritance. (Cheers.) It is said
a great party has been dissolved. It is said old political
ties have been severed. It is said that social relations
have been disturbed. It is anticipated, and it is probable,
that an administration may be dissolved. (Cheers.) And
though I should regret the former part of those conse-
quences, on my conscience I believe this proposition will
save a great and powerful- nation from anarchy, misery,
and ruin. (The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat