The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-12-01 00:00:00

FIFTY TtIOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.

The rewird will be given, on the delivery to the Committee of
Vigilance for the parish of East Feliciana La., of the notorious
abolitionist, ARTHUR TAPPAN, of New York.

K`-- Papers opposed to abolition throughout the United States
are requested to give publicity to the above.
Jackson, La., Oct. 15,1835.

The above is in most of the New York papers. TAP-
PAN, the.man thus threatened, is a citizen of New York.
He has committed no offence known to the laws—he is
not guilty of any crime—but he is believed to be favour-
able to slave emancipation, and for thus exercising his
free opinions a price is set upon his head, and fifty thou-
sand dollars are offered to any scoundrel, or any band of
scoundrels, who shall do violence to his body, seize him
by force of arms, and convey him to Louisiana, where
most unquestionably he would be murdered. And this
is the land of liberty ! GOD preserve us from such liber-
ty ! The citizen has equal rights provided he chooses to
exercise equal cruelty, and practise corresponding bar-
barity; but the moment he interferes with the traffic of
the spoiler, and moots an abStract principle at variance
with their rude notions of justice and selfishness, that
very moment be becomes a marked man, and fifty thou-
sand dollars are offered to any wretch who shall convey
him before. Judge LYNcti, and deliver him over to the
republican gallows! ! !

It is singularly characteristic of the faction at present
in power that they hare never carried or attempted to
carry any measure Of reform without having recourse to
some mean and disingenuous artifice. They have never
tnet any question in a candid and honest manner. So
tortuous has been, and still is, their policy, that they la-
bour to arrive at their object by the must tedious circum-
locution in preference to the open and plain l ath by

I

which it might be easily and directly reached.• They are
not satisfied with the adoption of a principle until they
have seasoned it with a spice of falsehood, just as persons
of a vitiated or sublimated taste are not content with the
pepper and salt of the cook until they have administered
an extra dash of their own.
It would be no difficult task to show that every mea-
sure of the Whig party for the last four years is tainted
lin this manner. In every instance they have taken care
that each and all of their contemplated reforms should be
ushered in by a job—by some sort of commission or
other—by certain forms of inquiry, setting at defiance
all the rules of evidence, and making a jest of the first
maxims of justice, but by which they might provide for
a long tail and dove-tailed band of needy adherents to
do their pleasure and obey their instructions, without a
spark of pride or independence.
The Irish church commission was one of these bare-
faced impositions concocted for the sake of patronage.
Lord Atit)* stated that he could not enter upon the
reform of the Irish church without inquiry, and he accor-
dingly ordered a travelling commission, which was com-
posed of the most needy of his creatures. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL was-of the same opinion in 1834, and he sup
ported Lord ALTHORP. But in 1835 Lord JOHN changed
his opinion ; and although his commission had not made
any report, he, with the gravest and most glaring incon-
sistency, proposed to reform the Irish church without in-
quiry! lle actually obtained the consent of parliament
to a principle which embraced the „whole question at is-
sue, which the commissioners, although employed for the
avowed purpose, were not allowed time to report upon !
The same might be said of the municipal commission.
If ever there was a fraud committed upon the common
sense and the justice of the country this was one. It
was an inquiry destitute even of the ordinary forms of
judicial proceedings; and although it may be said that
the tree will be judged by its fruits, still we contend that,
be the fruits sweet or bitter, wholesome or pernicious,
it was an act of unpardonable iniquity and oppression,
affecting the rights of property in a way which we fear
will be imitated and put in force against those lords of
"reason and philosophy," and of palmy wealth, by whom
it was countenanced.

But we come--for that is the
_object of the present ar-
ticle--to the last act of one-sided investigation and vio-
lated professions committed by Lord JOHN RUSSELL and
his colleagues. We allude to the commission which was
appointed, near the end of the late session of parliament,
to inquire into the state of the Church of Scotland, and
the extent of religious provision for the people of that
country. It will be difficult, we know, to make ourselves
understood to most of our English readers; but we shall
do our best, and, as the subject is of vast importance to
every protestant churchman, we beg the earnest attention
of all ; for let it be borne in mind that the Church of
England can only stand by maintaining her outposts.
While these remain she is safe. This the ivhigs know ;

and their policy has consequently been to attack the dis-
tant forts—to make war upon the extremities of our
lines—to assail isolated points—and to clear the way to
the citadel—England
Is any man who knows the way to parish church so
blind, so dull, so obtuse, as not to perceive that this out-
post war has already begun. What is the meaning of
the persecution of our protestant brethren in Ireland by
the papists, and the menaced overthrow of the establish-
ment in Ireland by the RUSSELL and O'CONNELL coali-
tion, but a war—a war to the knife—against the Church
of England
What is the meaning of the recent, most uncalled for,
and most heartless attack upon the Church of Scotland
by his Majesty's ministers, but an attack upon the
Church of England?
What is the meaning of the monstrous union between

the unitarians and the papists, in which the quakers, the
anabaptists, and the people who call themselves indepen-
dents, are almost to a man joined, but a deep-laid con-
spiracy against the Church of England ?
Why are infidels and evangelists—those who profess

to tolerate all creeds, and those who would tolerate none
but their own—those who revere the bible and those who
would burn it—those who acknowledge no sacraments
and those who believe in seven—why are these conflict-
ing parties banded at this moment in a most sacrilegious
union, but to root out and utterly destroy the Church of
England ?

These are hard nuts, which we leave the incredulous
of our friends to crack at their leisure. Now for the
Church of Scotland.

Jo the early part of last session, and in accordance
with the freely expressed and most earnest solicitations of
those who represent the majority in numbers, in wealth,

n intelligence, and in true piety of the people of Scot.

land, a deputation consisting of the most distinguished
clergymen of the Scottish church waited upon Lord JOHN
RUSSELL to represent the neglected state of their church,
the urgent wants of the people, and to solicit-the aid of
government in providing for these wants by the erection
of new churches. Lord JOHN did not attempt to gnes-

tion the truth of their representations, for that would
have been dangerous ground. He did not even attempt
to controvert the position that the state is bound to pro-
vide for the spiritual wants of the people. He was too-
well trained a jesuit to advance any bold doctrine of this
nature. On the contrary he professed, and poor Lord
MELBOURNE did the same, that he was anxious to meet
their views.and promote their wishes. But, under the
cover of deliberation, be shuffled, and shifted, and twist-
ed, and equivocated, (a la Exeter,) in order to gain time.
Meanwhile he put himself in correspondence with the
dissenters of Scotland—the enemies of the church—the
worst class of sectaries, perhaps, in all Christendom—
men who are mere stockjobbers in religion, and xl ho
drive a trade by poaching on other men's manors—who
derive a profit from the waifs and strays of the church—
who speculate in chapels and pews as the expelled mal-
contents of the Stock Exchange—who frequent its lanes,
and speculate in scrip omnium and time bargains—Lord
JOHN, we say, put himself in correspondence with these
factions, because, under the mask of purity of religion,
they are in reality only political dissenters.
What happened ? They represented to Lord JOHN

that which he was extremely anxious to avail himself
of, viz., that the Church of Scotland was not only amply
endowed, but that it had more churches than it could fill,
and that they the dissenters were the only flourishing
and popular class of religionists in the country. We
give them credit here for no mean measure of worldly
wisdom, and We concede to them a liberal allowance of
ingenuity ; but no degree of impudence, or ingenious
sophistry, or well-concerted malevolence, can conceal the
"trail of the Serpent," the brand of the Jesuit, and the
stockjobber. They took alarm lest the price of pews and
the rent of chapels should be deteriorated. They saw
in the measure a probable reduction of profits. They
beheld a plan calculated to narrow the field of their se-
cular and venal speculations. They trembled for their
bonds, their followers, and their victims. They had
risen to some distinction owing to the tardy justice of the
landowners, the careless habits of whig impropriators,
the anti-social nature of the Scottish nobility so different
from that of the nobility of England, and, last not least,
from the cruel spoliation to which church property in
Scotland had been subjected for several centuries.
It is needless to say that the dissenters of Scotland—
the self-interested and narrow-minded proprietors, bonds-
men, and trustees of chapels—offered the most furious
opposition to the clairns and the rights of the established
church. Perhaps the vehemence of their opposition was
not a little increased, by their collusive knowledge of the
private sentiments of Lord JOiUSI RUSSELL. Religious
factions, no matter how much they may differ from each
other, are like the bituminous patches which float on the
bosom, of the dead sea—they naturally draw towards each
other, until they unite, unscathed by storms, in one com-
mon centre. Lord JOHN-, smiling like a small fiend at
this centrepetal association of ,discordant elements, took
advantage of it.
The mean Whig is the shabbiest of all politicians, and
Lord JOHN is the meanest of the class. He
resorted, aCCottliiihf ie hig nature, to the usual job of a
commission: fie ifidEeti Lord IViivro at the head of this
conirnissiofit if hiif of the members of which can be
consideted fridida .I:'f the chute?, some of Whom are
farie6tolig diftetiietv 04 triMfft ?tie' uteri elutteuble with

having any settled notions of religion at all. The insult
thus offered to the Scottish church has, we know, been
deeply felt, and will be deeply resented. Lord Joxil
will, perhcps, live to regret it, but that is his business.
What Lord MELBOURNE thinks concerns Mr. O'CoN•
NELL we suspect much more than the premier. We
much mistake the feeling and the pride of the country—
we much mistake the opinions of those who speak through
the public press—we much mistake the visible signs of
desertion from the RUSSELL camp by the old whips—if •
we do not see proofs that Lord JOHN RUSSELL is now
held in as muck-detestation as O'CONNELL is, and tha)
comes high up to a measure of overflowing and unanimous •
execration of one man or set of men as ever was cherished
by a nation.

It would have been well for the guilty--contrivers of
this scheme—this job thrown as a bribe to dissenting
pew-dealers--the chapmen of pulpits, preachers, and
chapels—if the matter had ended here. But by all ac-
counts it only begins where it should have ended. The
commissioners are prosecuting their inquiries. They
not only demand to know the extent of duty, the extent
of territory, and the pecuniary compensation of•every in-
cumbent of every parish] church in Scotland, but they in-
vade the private concerns of the members of the church,
and insist upon knowing the condition, means, resources,
and liabilities of every chapel of ease. This inquisitorial
proceeding, objectionable though it be, would not, we
are assured, have been complained of, if an equal measure
of investigation were applied to the dissenting chapels.
This, however, is not the case. The commissioners, be
it remembered, are, by their commission, authorised, and
required, to ascertain the amount of provision for the re-
ligious instruction of the whole people of Scotland. The
church deputation clearly understood from Lord JOHN
RUSSELL and Lord MELBOURNE, that the dissenting cha-
pets would come under the instructions of general in 7
quirt' as much as the establishment itself. This promise
has not been fulfilled. The dissenters oppose the scru-
tiny; and they are now told that they need not answer
any questions unless they please. This concession—this
most unfair and unjust concession is everything. How
can the practical and spiritual utility of the establishment
be ascertained except by contrast with the opposition
sects. if two men row boats in the same direction how
can the speed of the one be arrived at without the cor-
responding speed of the other being equally well ascer-
tained. if seat rents are high in a chapel of ease, their
exorbitancy of price is a mere matter of contrast, and
this can only be decided by the proper returns. If a mi-
nister of a church chapel have an income incommensurate
with his duties or his abilities, how are we to judge of the
fact except by the substantiated superiority in talent, and
inferiority of remuneration by, the dissenter most opposed
to him. If the dissenters, their chapels, their incomes,
their debts, their congregations, their funds, their chari-
table collections, do not form part of this inquiry, the
whole thing is a farce, a gross delusion, if not a shame-
less imposition upon the people of Scotland. If dissen-
ters are to be exempted from this scrutiny then we hesi-
tate not to declare that the ccmmission is a fraud, and
that every member of the church who submits to it is bar-
tering
his rights, and selling the dignity of his ecclesias-
tical station, and humbling the sanctuary to which he is
endeared by so many ties—committing an outrage upon
his sacred mother—compromising his principles, and,
unintentionally perhaps, recognising an authority which
is as Various as it is assumed, and the author of which,
instead of being treated with respect, should be openly
arraigned and defied.

When this commission was issued there were thousands
of moderate men in Scotland—good men—intelligent
men too—men who not dreaming of evil, but little ac-
quainted with political parties, and averse from question-
ing the paternal attachments of what they had lived long
enough to consider a paternal government—who were
disposed, in the assurances of a minister of the crown, to
abide the scrutiny, and assist to the fullest of their power
the inquiries of the government. These men now see
their error. They not only see error:—they feel all the
pangs which can be imposed or inflicted by fraud. They
consider that their good faith has been challenged-41w
`their love of truth has, been qnestioned—that their
n_ Jibe-
rality)ll,l has bee const;' ed into an admission of accumn- '
lated negligencies on t eir part, and the part of the church;
but they now plainly
.. e that the church is nothing in the
eyes of the kovernmE.: t-that dissent is everything--
that popery arid disse' .‘
stand highest in, the estimation
of the ministers of the-crown—that the rebel religionist
is the preferred' christipi—that the creed of our fore-
. fathers is an old almanack, and that protestntism, when
it jars with popery, sOcipianism, or infidelity, is a thing
to be hUnted down as a fox or badger is in the environs of
Woburn Abbey.
This is, going far beyond the bounds of toleration. It
is insulting to the presbyterians of Scotland in the high-
est degree, and surely it will noti'be endured while we
have a protestant Prince of the House of Brunswick on
the throne; Whatever may be done, or attempted to be
done in Ireland, it is too late in the day to tell us that
.the protestant people of Scotland will submit to have
their religion prejudged by a man of such contemptible
intellect as Lord JOUIN RUSSELL, or allow fetters to be
placed upon their minds, or counterbalances upon their
settled opinions, under the vile pretext of advancing their
political' regeneintion.

We have much more to say on this important subject,
but, our spacn,lcieing occupied, we shall return to it at the
first opportui!ky.

We are delighted to announce that our 'honoured and
popular representative, Mr. WM. EWART, is, and will be
for a few days only, at home. The electors, therefore,
will be pleased not to lose any time in paying their re-
spects to him at his inn. He comes to hear all griev-
ances, and redress, as far as he can, all wrongs.
We regret to observe that there are some staring pla-
cards on the walls containing the elegant address which
Mr. EWART published to his fellow burgesses a few years
ago. This digging up of old bones evinces an unchris-
tian disposition, and cannot be too loudly deprecated.
What interest can the people take in anything that was
uttered or published by the honourable member in
.1830 ?
If, indeed, it be intended to prove his consistency, well
and good, for no man breathing his more reason to be
proud of his consistent politics, his untarnished independ-
ence, and his notorious hatred of bribery and corruption..
But we strongly suspect that the placards are posted, by
some of the fallen and defunct tories, merely to evince
their envy of Mr. EWART. Various notices have also
been exhibited on the walls in reference to the honour-
able member, but we are authorised to say that none of
them are authentic.

The following, which, per favour, we have received
exclusively is the only letter which Mr. EWART, at the
present sitting, has addressed to his constituents. We
request for it the most attentive perusal.

"Angel Inn, Dale-street, 30 Nov., 1835.
" TO THE INDEPENDENT BURGESSES
01' LIVERPOOL.

" FELLOW COUNTRYMEN.

"The plurality of indifferences which, like the poet's halo,
throw a dim obsenration over the reminisences of political affi-
nity, are revived and tempered into the kindliest ardour by
finding myself, once more, my dear fellow countrymen, after
the lapse of a few short months, in the midst of you. Arduous
and anti-complacent, no doubt, are the exuberances of con-
dign patriotism, and refreshing as the dews which descend
from the etherial are the pleasures which sustain the recipro-
city of enjoyment when friends embrace in overpowering con-
gratulations. I am, therefore, unostentatiously and calmly
sensible of our beneficial intercourses at the Angel Inn, kept
by a most respectable lady, whom 1 am proud to prepossess by
the most amicable concords, and in one of whose most deli-
cious parlours, on the first floor, I shall be trancendantly en-
ra.ptured to see you any day between the hours of twelve and
two o'clock.

" I premise this announcement in order to prevent any mis-
stakes. I shall be unutterably happy to see My friends, unbi-
assed by undue predilections, in order to concert with them the
destinies of liberal extension, the promulgation of academical
theorems, and secure for the common welfare of our beloved
country those esteemed attributes of felicitous mercantilism ire
which I take so profound an interest.
"It is requisite, my fellow burgesses, at this awful and irw;
pending crisis, that the intrinsic maxim of the Latin poet
should be observed—

WhOteveiorilyus est nos againstibus

Cannotis bi, per um:, foribus.'

. -
''The times are replete with untiring examples. My pledges
itlid in undying sunshine—my votes are in the records of Air