The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-04-16 00:00:00

OLD CANARY WINE.

rpms old and excellent WINE, so highly praised by media
JIL cal men, is still to be hril, l
ieiry.ll7ing to JAS. REN-
WICK and CO., CROWN-cHA tS, E.DcROSS-STREET.
Price, (Bottles included,) 21s. per Dozen.
Also, excellent PORT WINE, fine-flavoured, at 28s. per
Dozen, Bottles included.
Orders from the Country, inclosing a Remittance, or a Draft
upon a correspondent in Liverpool, will be carefully attended to.

THE' LOVDON PRESS.

(P oat THE STAN DAM].)
The uniform regrflt of the later elections hag filled with
dismay all the adherents of Lord Grey's faction. The
alarmed retainers of the administration manifest their ex-
pectation of an aproaching change, according to their
several natures. The Globe is angry, and bitterly in-
dignant at the conduct-of thb conSerratives; In even ac-
cepting the support of that section of the movement party
who were so lately the efficient patrons of the whig cabi-
net. The Times, on the other hand, is making very ma-
nifest preparations for what, we believe, is now techni--
eally called in politics "a bolt," but what used to be de-
scribed by the less dignified name of "ratting." Our
evening contemporary, a 4 we have hinted, complains of
the impulicy of the coalition, which, upon no sufficient
grobbtl+, as-we think, it asserts to have been formed be-
tween the conservatives and the radicals. As respects,"
says the Globe, " the motives and objects of these un-
seemly coalitions, it is useless to affect either surprise or
indignation. They may be of the essence of party tactic
from the beginning of the world. We shall, therefore,
confine ourselves to a word or two upon the probabilities,
in the way of immediate or ultimate result. Our opinion
i 4, that the first and evanescent profit of this game is with
tile tory. The probable ultra one in favour of the ultra-
-I:wheal—in other words, whatever promotes taltr-a-torys•
ism in the first instance will advance ultra-radical triumph
i the end. But, be it understood, that triumph, if it
take place, will be preceded by revolution." There is a
fair share of dogmatism, it will be owned, in these obser-
vations, but we are not going to quarrel with that. Let
it be all true, as stated, that a coalition, if such were
pOtisible,'between conservatives and radicals would lead
t-1) a present tory triumph, and ultimately to revolution—
admitting this, the question remains, who has brought
on the crisis—who has called the revolution party into
eisistence—who has set the example of forming alli-
ance with it ? If this question mast be answered by
dttnring the Grey faction, as it must, then follows another
question--What hope of escaping revolution is there in
perpetuating the ascendancy of this revolutionary faction ?
In-fact, Lord Grey and his colleagues have brought mat-
ters to that point, that however probable revolution may
be upon their overthrow, it is inevitable if they remain.
Ikon the coldest calculation of chances, therefore, it is
the policy of the conservative party, and of all who dread
revolution, to use all lawful means for the removal from
power of the Grey faction. Cold calculation is, however,
neit always wisdom. It is frequently more prudent to
give play to the generous instincts of our nature, than
re walk in the fetters of the strict mathematical canon.
We are men before we are politicians, or even citizens—
and those principles which are necessary to the simplest
State of social existence are entitled to a much higher de-
nee of respect than any motives of mere artificial policy.
ss.
al the dang in a political sense, of removing Lord
Grey's faction, hung in even balance against the danger
oftsermitting him to remain, as in fact it is much lighter,
even in that case we ought to take vengeance upon the
treachery, tyranny, and sordid baseness of motive which.
his all but deposed the King, degraded the House of
Lords, and thrown the whole country into confusion for
the -sake of a few pounds, shillings, and pence. If this
fardtion have betrayed the radical party, did it not first be-
tray that considerable section of the conservative party
Which opposed the late administration, and placed the
present men in power? Did it not, also, betray the
Other section of the conservative party at a still earlier
period, when it led that section into the fatal fault of the
popish bill, under an engagement that a continued whig
support was to be the price of that measure ? In short,
whom has the Grey faction not betrayed ? And for what
has it thus been impartially and universally treacherous ?
The Red Book will tell—c'est tout pour la tripe. And
saizal we be told by the Globe, that we must ingeniously
calculate results through a long series of sequences, be-
fore vve join with all in punishing the common enemy of
aHI ? No, we will allow of no such delay—entertain no
Such samples. We can imagine no worse consequences
of any revolution that can ever take place in England,
than that conduct, like the conduct of the Grey faction,
should go without ignominy and punishment.
The Times; as we have remarked, makes manifest pre-
parations fora. change of sides. It charges.the ministers.
wadi "want orfidelity tetheir engagements," with devi-
ating from the ." path of honour and virtue ;" and, what
is worse a great deal to such men than the imputation of
faithlessness, dishonour, and vice, it exposes their weak-
ness. "lii Parliament,' .says the Times, "as the ses-
iion advanced, their majorities have been dwindling from.
week to week; and out of Parliament their declared sup-
porters have been roughly handled wherever they showed
themselves against Radicals or Tories. In the city of
London, which, at the general election, had returned.
Alderman Waithman, an avowed friend of ministers, a
new election was held for a citizen to supply the place
of that honest and consistent whig, but instead of Al-
derman Venables, who, besides being'a pledged liberal
grid a friend of the Grey adminiStration, had recent and
atinsiderable claims upon the-favour of the 'London con-
stituency, Mr. Lyall, a known tory, was returned.—
In Marylebone, Mr. Murray, a professed 'friend of
Iris Majesty's ministers, was set aside with little ap-
parent trouble; and Sir Samuel Whalley, -whose liberal
politics were understood to be of a far broader and more
thorgh-going character than those which had lately
begun to be ascribed to the cabinet, was elected by a
large majority. Mr. Hope, the rankest 'of the `tory race,,
was far ahead of the ministerial candidate. The 'Grey
Crinciples, it seems, were more odious than those of the
onservative Club." •

The Times proceeds with the like kind minuteness in
detailing the other defeats and disgraces of its ministerial
friends. Here we 'must beg, however, to pause fora mo-
ment, to remind the Globe of the conduct of the Grey
party. Marylebone election. In supporting . the
"broad principled and thorough-going radical," Sir Sa-,
novel NI alley, who left their own candidate a thousand be-
hind, they had none of those Compunctions which the
Globe would new infuse into the minds of the Conserva-
tive party. They acted then, as they acted throughout,
in strict accordance with the injunction in Lord Grey's
letter to Lord Clanricarde—Any one rather than aVon
xi native." In answer to which we say again—" Any
one rather than a member of the Grey faction." With
Ilhe most pathetic profession of " writing more in sorrow
than in anger," and a solemn declaration of its unwilling.
ness to rip up inconvenient questions, the Times makes
a fair display, and a very relentless one, . too, of pretty
neatly all the "misfortunes" and "blots" "-mistakes,"
" imbecilitiesP " "hesitations," "'contradictions," "cow-
ardice," &c. &c. that deform the ulcerous body of the
administration. There is one point of the conduct of
'ministers upon which we are delighted to have the con-
currence of the Times—to find the ministerial journal,
indeed, not merely adopting the opinions of the• Standard,
but quoting the very sentences in which those opi-
nions were conveyed. We are delighted at this, not
from any value we set upon the co-operation of the
Times, but as a proof that the public has ,gone along
with us ; for did not public feeling go before it, the Times
would never do any thing so abliorent from its natural
bias, as support the interests of humanity against the 'in-
fluence of money.

- The subject to'Which we allude is the Factory Commis-
sion. " How," asks the Times, "can the ministers, an-
swer to themselves their cruel concession of the appoint-
ment of a committee (commission) upon the factory
gmestion. Could any evidence alter 4hrnotorious truth,

that infants ought not to be worked 12, 13, or 14 boors
a day within a cotton factory. Can the nature of things,
or the capabilities of human beings, be affected by the
swearing of any individuals. What have any extra ex-
aminations, before a committee, to do with an alterna-
tive like this, which after all embraces the entice ques-
tion. We grieve to reflect that ministers by their fa-
cility, their unstatesmanlike pliability, have," &c. sacri-
ficed "many lives of poor helpless innocents. * •`
Had they shown more pluck we should never have seen
a division so disgraceful to them."
Here, again, the Times gives hard measure to its
ministerial friends, when it charges them with pliability
and want of pluck. Of pliability upon the factory ques-
tion the ministers are accused most unjustly, for we will
deal fairly by all men. From the first, and throughout,
they have not merely connived at, but protected by all
means, honest and dishonest, the infanticide system of
the factories. Their only want of pluck (since we must
repeat the language of the lowest blackguards) consists
in a reluctance to change sides upon the instant, a
reluctance with which certainly nobody will charge the
Times. The obligations between the ministers and the
mill owners are equal and reciprocal. The milt owners
of Yorkshire-, and they only, returned Lord Brougham
at the general election in 1830, and Lord Brougham has,
to the extent of his power, been the active supporer of
the factory system. The mill owners of Leeds returned
Mr. Thomas Macaulay, Secretary to the Board of Control,
to the exclusion of the great and good champion of-the
infants' rights—indeed the champion of the rights, of the
human rage, Mr. Sadler. The mill owners of Manchester
returned Mr. Poulett Thomson, the person who was
always most pointedly put forward "infelix Auer et im-
par congressu Achilli," to meet the illustrious man just
named, when pouring forth the full tide of that eloquence
with the heart gives, and which nothing else c.aitt giVe,
in vindication of the rights of the mother and her babe.
Lord Morpeth, another minister, is returned by the mill-
owners of Yorkshire.

But why need we proceed? The whole is a factory
administration—a herald would symbolize it by a bundle
of those wooden instruments of unreasoning cruelty,
which the evidence made familiar to us by the name
of "Billy-rollers." How could such an administration
refuse a year of grace to the petition of the infanticides?
To return, however, to the point from where we set out;
—it is plain that the ministers feel that they are tottering,
and seek to crutch themselves by the opposing powers of
Conservatives and unplaced Revolutionists. To the
first they say, " We are pressed so hard by the Radicals,
that if you do not stay us up we must give way." To the
radicals, on the other side, they say—" The hand of the
conservatives presses us so sorely, that, if you do not aid
in resisting them, they will overwhelm all." It is plain
that if they are allowed to play this game, they can erect
themselves into the tyrants of all parties; and, as tyranny
is the worst possible termination of any course of politics,
every thing ought to be tried rather than permit the con-
tinuance of the Grey faction.

(PROM THE GUARDIAN AND PUBLIC LEDGER.)
Jamaica has a population altogether of above 350,000
souls—the labouring class in the main being one of the
happiest and most comfortable upon the face of the earth,
without a care or a want. It has several considerable
towns, and is divided into between four and five thousand
properties, large and small. The lowest estimate of va-
lue that ever was put upon the island is fifty millions ster-
ling, (and we ask if all the bankers of London together
are worth fifty millions, or within ten or twenty millions
of the sum ?) Taking its trade with the united kingdom
for only the last fifty years, or about a quarter of the time
that we have held the island, we have received from it to
the amount of more than two hundred millions sterling of
valuable products—it has taken a hundred and fifty, mil-
lions sterling of our manufactures—has contributed,about
the same sum to the revenue of the country—and has gi-
ven, constantly, employment to above a hundred-and fifty
thousand tons a shipping; whilst, in the same period of
time, the proprietors resident in this country have ex-
pended here between one and two hundred millions ster-
ling of their incomes. This applies to Jamaica only.
There are no exaggerations in the statement, and yet,
forsooth, all this, and all that proceeds in the same way
from the rest of our West India possessions, is treated as
nothing by such men as Mr. George Stephens.

(FROM THE GUARDIAN XND PUBLIC LEDGER.)
The Right Hon. Mr. Stanley, as Currently reported,
was the first cause of all the confusion, by refusing, when
he should have concluded the ungracious work of the
„Irish Coercion Bill, to remain under the government of
Lord Anglesey. As Mr. Stanley is the mainstay of the
Cabinet, it was necessary to retain his services; no:
thing lessiban a Secretaryship of State could be Offered
or was likely to content him. In casting about, Earl
Greycould find rro 'Secret'ary so easily• to be dispossessed as•
Lord -Goderich.; a 'statesman extraordinarily facile pro-
viding- the appearance of a minister be left to him. To •
the application the amiable Colonial Secretary is .
said to have at once yielded en the oiler (of the Privy:,
Seal, butkienrianded the 'Garter in addition. The Gar-
ter was refused, there being no precedent, or it being
'contrary to etiquette, to grant the Garter to a Viscount.
Eventualty the-1./int-ter wasinadenp -hy-an nuduistanding
that the Visconnt was to -be-made Earl .of •Ripon, with:
the second vacant Garter.

'But Lord Goderich, it would appear, is .one of those
'persons who require some time to know their own minds.
'He felt some :qualuis.of offended:pride at the unceremo-
nious manner in which he had been turned out -of the
'Colonial Office, and complained of it 'to Mr. Charles
C4-rant, 'who again talked the matter over with Lords'
Melbourne and Paknerston, -add this rump of the Can-
ning party (having, however, nothing Of -the spirit, ta-
lent- and principles of that:great man but the name) cAn
'sidering that if this disgrace of their colleague were
tamely submitted to, it-might bea prelude to their own
!dismissal --on -a -eotweaient occasion, --rem-onstvti:cd yritlr
the Premier, who, fearing- the 'breaking up of the ad-
ministration, was obliged to give way, in proportion as
;Lord Goderich rose in his demands. 'Matters have, it is'
said, been patched up at present on the following -basis
of treaty :
• First: Lord Goderioh ,be 'created Etttl
(the Gazette of last night has confirmed this) with 'the
second vacant Garter-and the Privy Seal'for the preeent. •

Second : Lord Melbourne in a certain time to succeed
the Marquess of Anglesey. in Ireland,. on which Lord
Goderich, Earl of Ripon, is to imve the Rome Depart-
ment.

Third : As it..isprobable that Loi:d Aliboap, from cir-
cumstances to which we shall not allude, may .be called
to the Peers, Mr. Stanley will take .the tExchequer and
the-leadership in the Co ions; in the which case 'Mr.
Edward Ellice goes to the Colonial Office to make way
for the all-accomplished Lord nowiCk in the War Office
—the family arrangement concluding all these .official
squabble as mrturally'.asriglit'handand.leildoes a coun-
try dance.

Fourth : By this combination it is intended at a fitting
season to despatch Lord Palmerston to India and to land
the Earl of Durham at the' Foreign Office. In the last
name the public have a direction 'to all the intrigues as
well as the articles in certain late Ministeral ,Morning
and. Evening Papers. Notwithstanding this man's crazy
health, notorious incapacity and unbearable temper, he
appears not to be able to breathe out of the atmosphere of
Intrigue, and we marrestiassused that his lateeo.:mates
of the Cabinet will have no peace until he has vtormed

the Foreign Office and revoltttionized the half of Europe.
We presume there is no need of any other key to the
scurvy articles and maomuvrest of the morning and even-
ing papers we ha.ve alluded to than the reports we have
given—which will be credited in proportion as our
readers have or have not access to good information—
along with our allusion to a nobleman who may be truly
distinguished as the offspring of spleen and the yellow
jaundice.