The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1850-06-04 00:00:00

THE LITERPOOL StAfritAkß.

deaths in the borough were 175, being 19 more in the pre-
vious week, but 70 fewer than in the corresponding week
of 1849, when 25 deaths were registered from cholera. Of
the deaths, one was from English cholera, 59 from diseases
of the lungs, and three from intemperance.—Messrs.
Holt, Cooper, and Freme attended as a deputation from
the Water Committee, in reference to the appointment of
Mr. Thomas Duncan, deputy engineer, as water engineer.
Mr. Holt explained that the object of the deputation was
to solicit the co-operation of the committee in the appoint-
ment of Mr. Duncan. A saving would be effected to the
public, and they would be placing the water-works in
charge of an efficient and deserving officer. Considerable
discussion ensued, but ultimately the resolution was
passed, the chairman dissenting, and also Mr. Ferguson,
who considered the resolution of the water committee in
direct opposition to past experience. The water committee
recommended that the whole establishment should be
under one engineer, in order to obviate inconvenience in
the breaking up of the streets and the laying down of
pipes. He did not like to jump Jim Crow in this way.—
The general purposes sub-committee recommended the
appointment of the chairman, deputy-chairman, and
Messrs. Hornby, Rimmer, Langsdale, Lloyd, and God-
frey as a deputation to communicate with the parish
authorities, and to make preliminary inquiries as to
the desirability of appropriating the refuse of the town
to agricultural purposes and pauper support. Mr.
Hodson looked upon the scheme as a complete
farce. Mr. Hornby complained that the sub-com-
mittee had not :given any report on the subject,
They should have gone into the merits of the scheme.
and expressed some opinion, one way or other.—Mr.
Thomson considered it a piece of the grandest humbug.
The idea of carrying ashes to put upon sand to cultivate
it was a complete farce. They intended to turn all the
water-closets into the sewers, and what would they do
with dry ashes or sand ? The thing was too ridiculous
for common-sense people.—Mr. Dover objected to the
scheme, and grounded his opposition on the experience
which he had had in all public bodies that tried their
hands in trading. They tried their hands at farming at
the Industrial Schools, but the produce of one year did
not meet the expenses one week. If they drove the
parish to farming, they would find they did a very unpro-
fitable business.—The Chairman said nothing could be
done until Mr. Rose's contract was out, three years hence.
—Mr. Dover said if they entertained the subject at all,
they would encourage speech-making and letter-writing
in the papers. All schemes, however mad, found sup-
porters out of doors ; and he thought this, if adopted,
would he a loss to the town of many thousands of pounds.
—Mr. Lloyd said there could be no great harm in a de-
putation from the committee and parish taking the mat-
ter into consideration. If it proved an abortive scheme,
they would at least have done their duty ; and if great
expense was likely to be incurred, there were gentlemen
there as conversant with farming as Mr. Thompson, who
was so foul in his observations. In courtesy to the com-
mittee and to Ms. Blundell, they ought to give the sub-
ject a fair consideration, and not to put it down in this
holus bolus way. Would they send word to Mr. Kaye that
it was all humbug, or would they treat him as a gentle-
man ? Every public body ought to give a reasonable
reply to any proposition, and they could not give a reply
without taking the subject into consideration.—Mr.
Hornby said Mr. Dover seemed to be afraid that the
matter would find favour with the public, after being dis-
cussed. If they were at once to put a wet blanket on
every proposal, they would never make any improvements.
—Mr. Dover said there was a mania abroad on what was
called health matters, which was eating up the middle
classes.—The proposition of the sub-committee was ulti-
mately adopted.—Mr. Walthew, seconded by Mr. Feral-
hough, proposed " That the resolution of the 16th May,
That the watch committee be informed that this com-
mittee cannot at present make any arrangement for the
gratuitous bathing of the inspectors of lodging-houses,'
be rescinded, and that the officers of the police force, en-
gaged in the inspection of registered lodging houses, be
permitted to bathe at the Public Baths gratuitously, under
such regulations as may prevent the abuse of the privi-
lege."—On this question a long discussion took place,
and several long speeches were made. The committee
were gravely told that the good feeling existing between
two of the largest committees of the council was endan-
gered by the decision. On a division, seven members
voted that the inspectors should, like any other of the
inhabitants, pay for their bathing, and seven voted in
favour of the motion.—The Chairman gave his casting
vote against the proposition of Mr. Walthew.

THE NATIONAL EXHIBITION OF 1851.-SPECIAL
MEETING OF THE LIVERPOOL COMMITTEE.

On Saturday, at noon, a meeting of the committee took
place. in the Council Chamber, and was well attended,
after the opening of the proceedings. His Worship the
Mayor presided, and called upon the secretary to state
the objects of the meeting, and to make a statement of
what had been done, and what was in progress.
Mr. JOHN GRANTHAM said the meeting was for a spe-
cial object, to meet Dr. Lyon Playfair, one of the London
commissioners, who had come down to learn what we had
done, and also to afford us information. Mr. Grantham
then entered into a review of the whole of the proceedings
in Liverpool from the commencement. In November
last a large committee was formed—found to be too large
for business—and it was divided into a Finance and Ge-
neral Committee, since amalgamated and called the Exe-
cutive Committee. He was glad Dr. Playfair had come
down, as he would no doubt afford them valuabl3 infor-
mation. The committee had sent out numerous circulars,
inviting all classes to forward the object in viev
there was no staple manufacture in this town, from its
being merely a commercial port, it was considered that wo
had no special interest in the matter, as .the people of
Manchester and other large towns had. Replies were
sent by many parties, many of them favourable, and nu-
merous promises had been made ; but the result as yet was
not quite so satisfactory as was desirable. Difficulties had
to be encountered, and many of them had been overcome.
The officers of the committee had exerted themselves to
the utmost. As Liverpool produced nothing that would
identify us with London, a proposition bad been made to
furnish a model of the docks and adjacent buildings, as
far as the Court Houses; and also to send specimens of
our imports from foreign c3untries ; the two representing
fairly this town and its pursuits, at the great National
Exhibition. It was not proposed to obtain the funds for
this from the institution in London, but from local friends.
Active exertions had been made for this purpose, and se-
veral gentlemen (architects) had promised to furnish gra-
tuitously some model of one or the other of our principal
public buildings, to be placed in the model. The propo-
sition was favourably received ; but the question, it ap-
peared, roust be reconsidered. He felt deeply interested
in this work, having been employed upon it, and he hoped
that an effort would be made to accomplish the object, and
that something might be given towards it by the London
commissioners. But should it be decided against, he
should waive all personal considerations. He invited Dr.
Playfair to explain his views on the whole subject.
Dr. PLAYFAIR said it was thought by those present that
a model of Liverpool docks, and specimens of its products,
would be desirable, and he agreed they were praiseworthy
objects. They had written to London to the effect that
they had raised £BOO, which, if the commissioners in
London had to pay £lOOO for the model, would leave them
£3OO less than nothing for imperial purposes. He wished
to know what sum they were to receive from Liverpool,
and that sum must be for general, not for local purposes.
He suggested that they should open two columns for sub-
scriptions, one for local and one for general purposes. He
urged that it would be necessary for them to appoint a
sifting and selecting committee, to examine all articles,
before they were sent, for no article would be received in
London unless previously sanctioned by the local com-
mittee, and sent through them.
Mr. RUSHTON asked whether the London Executive
Committee would not examine the articles ?
Dr. PLAYFAIR said that they were reluctant to do so as
some of their body might be competitors. He afterwards
in reply to questions said that the preliminary expenses
of the building would be £lOO,OOO, and the interior fit-
tings and other expenses about £50,000 more. They
had consulted parties, and especially in France, as the pro-
bable amount to be received for admission ; and the
sum would not meet the deficit that would arise. A
rumour had got abroad that the institution supported
party politics. This he utterly denied.
Mr. RUSIITON said that it would be wrong that Dr.
Playfair should go away under a wrong impression that
Liverpool would supply a large amount to wards the
general purposes, (the building, &c.,) in London. In
November a very influential meeting of gentlemen had
been held, who had pledged themselves and the town so
far as a public meeting could, that a respectable aum
should be raised. These gentlemen then expected to
receive £5,000, but they had been grievously disappointed.
Mr. T. LryrernALE, chairman of the Dock Committee,
said that the subject had been brought before them with-
out effect. He would bring it on again, but he had no
hope of success.
Mr. S. HoLmE considered the notion of politics being
introduced as most absurd, for all parties heartily con-
curred in the object, irrespective of political opinion. If
the whole of the money were to go to London, of course
the model must be abandoned.
After a rather desultory conversation, in which all the
speakers, including the Rev. Rector Campbell, concurred
in the object of the exhibition being praiseworthy, as con-
ducing to the mental, moral and scientific improvement of
the people—
A GENTLEMAN suggested that if the Town Council
and the Dock Committee would take the lead, the town
would follow.
The MAYOR said the Council had been applied to for a
grant, but did not agree to it.
Dr. PLAYFAIR expressed his hope that the existing
apathy would yet be overcome.
Mr. HORSFALL said that when the subscription was set
on foot, he expected the Dock Committee would pay for
the:model, and he could not help saying to the members and
chairman of that estate, that they made a great mistake
in not coming forward with the requisite funds but he
thought it was not too late for them to retrace their steps..
He was disposed to think, that, if the chairman brought
the question again before the committee, they might yet
be induced to acquiesce in the proposition ; but, whether
they did or not, he thought, after what had passed, they
had no alternative but to devote the funds which had
been subscribed and which might be subscribed to the
general purposes of the committee in London. It was
certainly very desirable, nevertheless, that, if the Dock
Committee declined to contribute to the model, a general
fund should be raised for its construction.
Mr. RUSHTON suggested, and wrote out, the following
resolution, which he read :
" That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is necessary that
the public of Liverpool should at once decide bow far they will
support the proposed Great Industrial Exhibition of 1851 ;
and, in order to ascertain this fact, deputations from this com-
mittee shall visit, each ward of the town. In the opinion of
this committee this becomes the more necessary, because, at a
meeting held inAhe Town-hall, in November last, it was deter-
mined to givo4in ardent support to the geneial proposal of his
Royal Highness Prince Albert ; and, further, because it is
right that the Royal Commissioners should know to what ex-
tent they way mum aid from. thectofftt of Liverpool, That

But as

the deputations be instructed to report to a meeting of this
committee, on Wednesday, the 19th instant, at one o'clock."

This was moved by Mi. RLYSHTON, seconded by Rector
CAMPBELL, and unanimously carried.
The meeting then separated.

CORRESPONDENCE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

MR. EDITOR,—I have just seen an extract from the
LIVERPOOL STANDARD, stating that a young woman was
overtaken by a person on the road from Elland to Halifax;
and the woman said that she had been shipwrecked on her
voyage from Bombay to England, and that her name was
Cobden. It may tend to throw some light upon the sub-
ject, and prevent others from being imposed upon, by
stating that a young person of very dark complexion,
about five feet in height, came into our village about a
year ago with a story somewhat similar to the one men-
tioned in your paper. She stated that her name was
Maria L. Cobden, that she had been shipwrecked on her
voyage from Calcutta to England, at the Cape, and was
picked up by a ship, and brought to England entirely des-
titute. I wrote to several persons of respectability to
whom she referred me, but I received unsatisfactory an-
swers from them all. She behaved with perfect propriety
during her stay at the inn in the village, and refused the
loan o some clothes which was kindly offered to her by
the landlady. She was very abstemious during the time
she was staying there. However, the matter ended by her
walking off without saying a word to any one. I imagine
that she did not find us charitable enough to afford her
anything more than the necessaries of life without some
confirmation being given of the truth of her story !
I remain, sir, yours truly,
B. W.

Near Tunbridge Wells,

FREE-TRADE BOMBAST

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

SlR,—The advocacy of any great national principle in-
variably provokes hostile interests, opposing prejudices,
and differing opinions. Protection is no exception to this
rule ; the great meeting just advertised to be held in Li-
verpool to support it has produced precisely those results.
The fear of its foes has revealed itself in alternate threats
and solicitations; the confidence of its friends is indicated
by the spirit in which they answer their taunts. We do
not complain of this skirmishing discussion ; on the con-
trary it is invited ! the object is one of investigation, and
when that is produced we claim it as so much success.
But, sir, we cannot heedlessly pass over the sneering and
the blustering tone of our opponent's criticisms. They
may be indignant upon finding their " friends" styling
free trade " an experiment," when they thought it pos-
sessed the character of a Medio-persian law (!) but they
should not blame us for accepting the valuable expres-
sion, and acting upon the policy which it appears to us to
insinuate. If they feel aggrieved, let them accuse the
guilty parties. They can follow the example which the
position of Sir R. Peel elucidates, if they think it neces-
sary, but they need not waste their energies in a
desperate effort to prevent the reconsideration and
ultimate destruction of their ruinous and anomalous
theory. " It's all botheration !" We care not for their
clamour. We are prepared for every contingency ! This
is no reckless or circular struggle ! We have well consi-
dered our object and estimated our sacrifices, and we tell
them they cannot intercept the issue. It is inevitable !
The intimidation they have attempted, and the bribes
they have offered, we deride and refuse. We stand, and
will do, unawed, on isolated justice ! Free from the
meanness of official trickery and the odious influences of
references, WE DEMAND AN IMPERIAL REMEDY FOR
OUR IMPERIAL WRONGS ! Cobden says we sha'nt have
it !! ! We say WE WILL !! ! We love our country too
well to let her fall by criminal treachery and wicked
falsehood ! We will wrest her from the iron tyranny
that grasps and tortures her, that sacrifices her dignity,
that threatens her nationality and destroys her power of
independent maintenance !
I regret as much as any man the decisive language
which we are compelled to use ; but between danger and
despair, between constituted freedom and hateful subser-
viency "to one man," who would demean himself to
choose ? Who ?? ?

Such, sir, is our resolve ! May the meeting of
Thursday speak out with a loyal, a distinct, a determined
enunciation, such as no man may impeach, and none
pervert.—l am, sir, &c.,

A PROTECTIONIST

June 1, 1850.

4er
PROTECTION TO NATIVE INDUSTRY

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

Stu,—The forthcoming demonstration of the friends of
British labour, appointed to take place in the Amphi-
theatre at 12 o'clock on Thmsday next, seems a favourable
opportunity in which to hinge a few remarks in reference
to this all-important question, in which the best interests
of society are inevitably at stake. Most strongly does it
behove every man, who has the welfare of his country at
heart, to come forward—the man as the individual, and
the member of the community as a good citizen—to take
a part in the momentous struggle now spontaneously
initiated to redress the wrongs of spurious legislation,
which, in its pursuit of the specious chimera of universal
cheapness, has blindly sacrificed the highest interests of a
great nation, and found the realisation of the fondly ex-
pected Utopia in a fast approaching crisis of universal
ruin.

This, Sir, is no time to come " with bated breath, and
whispering humbleness," and lay our case before the
present House of Commons—that honourable assembly of
the people's mis-representatives stands pledged head and
foot to the maintenance of the Manchester theory—to pe-
tition there for redress is to waste a precious opportunity.
I congratulate the country, says Mr. Charles Villiers, on
the successful foray on the landed interest which gives as
its fruits the spoils of £90,000,000, and the free-trade poean
of the orator meets with the heartiest responses from a
large majority of his legislative auditors, as if by any
process of conversion the robbery of any one interest in
the state could tend to the advancement of the common
weal. No, Sir, it is to the country the appeal should
now be made. Justice to British industry is the basis of
the demand ; it is the cause of truth, humanity, and
justice, that we advocate. Peer and pauper, merchant
and operative, are alike bound up in its success ; and
already does the rolling swell of the advancing tide of
public opinion sound in the ears of those who know the
forerunners of an approaching tempest. A stern, terrible,
truthful reaction is taking place in this country, which,
most assuredly, sooner or later will execute its strictest
letter of justice ; the plain, outspoken declarations of
ruined men will not be meted by an ordinary standard ;
they must and will be hefted. "What wonder that a
starving orator will sometimes preach sedition ? If the
state parent cruelly neglect her fostering duties to her
subject children, how can we be astonished at the insub-
ordination of her estranged offspring ?
Let this free-trade Moloch be earnestly grappled with,
and truly understood, and the imposture of the delusion
will be evident to all ; politico-economy, forsooth, to
justify a dogma of unrestricted imports ! Where do we
find the shadow of an argument in favour of such a glaring
sophism ? Take up Adam Smith, the great text-book of
free-trade scribes and orators, read him through, study
the enunciation of his principles, and, having done so, I
challenge the whole free-trade party to adduce a single
evidence therefrom in behalf of the total abolition of a
system of protective duties—nay more, I will show proofs
from Adam Smith in favour of the very opposite ; issue
shall he joined with them on the very first principles of
their darling system, and by the judgment of their own
philosophy shall they be found guilty of a lie !
It was Adam Smith then, Sir, who clearly laid down
the distinct principle, " that all British capital consists
necessarily of two kinds, labour and money," the poor
man's labour is his capital, on the produce of which he
lives, and, any system which tends to the displacement of
that labour, by the introduction of foreign competition,
tends by so much to the displacement of native capital,
and the consequent injury of the state, for as labour
diminishes, pauperism as certainly increases ; and, here
again the mischief is of greater import, as the remaining
labour and money capital is taxed to the support of the
unemployed labour capital ; but worse yet, the alternative
of pauperism is not the only evil, there is the inducement
to become a criminal, and thus the moral, physical and
material interests of society are alike disadvantaged in the
deterioration of native industry.

Again, Sir, what do we find in M'Culloch, that eminent
authority of the Hon. Baronet of Tamworth, who is said
to have derived from the writings of the great Scotch
economist, his strongest corroboration of the " plain un-
adorned eloquence" of the leader of the League; turn to
the work in question, History of Taxation, p. 91, and
we have M'Culloch treating on the agricultural interest
in the following remarkable expression :
"That in the event of any such revision (of the duties
on corn) taking place, a sufficiently countervailing duty
should be imposed as a fair and just equivalent for the pe-
culiar burdens pressing on land."
Well, there is a concession of the whole principle of
protection in the ipsissinza verbs of no less a personage
than the great free-trade oracle, M'Culloch Why,
armed only with these two text-books, a man might prove
his whole case, for all that is asked ; and, the least that
justice demands, is a fair, equal, and just amount of pro-
tection to the efforts of native industry.
The meeting of Thursday next Sir, is of the highest
national importance, as an exponent of the great com-
mercial port of Liverpool ; it will be on that ground only a
demonstration of no common kind, but, taken as a spon-
taneous ebullition of popular feeling concentrated in this
vast emporium of commerce, and giving a form and sub-
stance to the national movement for a restoration of pro-
tection, it becomes undoubtedly a " great fact."
The voice of Liverpool will be heard in the offices of
Downing-street, the cry of the ruined agricultural ship-
ping and colonial interests will penetrate the arena of the
Court at Osborne, the demand of a suffering people for
justice will not be disregarded by an ever amiable and
justly beloved sovereign, the loyalty of the territorial in-
terest is of ancient and unquestionable certainty, while
that of a millocrat democracy is at least of a newer if not
more equivocal kind. Britain may yet maintain her
proud supremacy of the seas, e'en though Manchester
have not a school of statesmen, nor Cobden hold a port-
folio of office. The colonies are yet, and shall be treated
as an integral portion of the empire, despite the rabid
blusterings of out-door Financial Reformers, and while
the ranks of protection boast such brilliant names as
Stanley, Richmond, Disraeli, Herries, and a host of
others, the helm of state may yet guide the vessel to the
haven of safety—though Palmerston may not get up per-
petual imbroglios, nor Grey keep the colonies ever in
threatening rebellion..
One loud, unanimous demand for justice sounds in the
tocsin of appeal summoning the demonstration of the
friends of protection to native industry—to meet together
on Thursday next, in the Royal Amphitheatre, under the
presidency of the Earl of Wilton, having inscribed, on
their banners the time-honoured adage, of Fiat justitia
ruat *alum. HENRY C. ROBIN:80N.
AtiVerf9ol4, June•3,.1850..