The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-01 00:00:00

THE LONDON PRESS.

THE WHIG REFORM MINISTRY.
It is impossible for any, man, no matter how closely he
may have watched them, to understand the principles,
or the motives, or the objects of the cabinet. They do
~ot seem to act upon any rule for two months together.
It is not yet many weeks since Lord John Russell, in the
most pompous manner, threatened the electors of Devon-
`shire with the ballot. Lord Advocate jefferey held out a
similar menace in Edinburgh. Yesterday, one of the
ministerial journals addressed the electors of Essex, who
have, to their honour, returned Sir John Tyrell and Mr.
Baring in the same tone. In short, " the ballot" was
the cry, not long ago, even by Lord Althorp himself.
411 of a sudden, however, the notes of these lords and
gentlemen have undergone a change. Mr. Secretary
Stanley has announced, on the part of his Majesty's mi-
nisters, that they have resolved to adhere to the bill,
and the " whole bill," which they now declare to be "a
final measure." By this we are to understand, that no
alteration whatever relative to the qualification in county
or town is to receive the sanction of his Majesty's Minis-
ters. The tax impediment is not to be removed; the
shilling impost on the registration is to be continued ;
the prompt payment of the rates, on the day and hour
fixed, is to be a sine qua non : and the unfortunate house-
holder, even though lie pay two hundred a year in rent,
who has nut resided twelve months in one particular te-
nement previous to the day of registration, is to be dis-
franchised as if he were a parish pauper.
If these be the present sentiments of the ministry, the
first question to ask is, how long will they adhere to
them ? We already know, that tney entertained very
different notions not three months ago. When they
threatened us with the ballot, they must have cherished
the belief that the reform bill was imperfect, and any-
thing but " a final measure." They did not propose
that debasing measure, the effects of which would totally
change the national character, and convert a large portion
of the electors into hypocrites, cheating being the rule,
lying the means, and the ballot the cover to the fraud ;
they did not, we say, propose that measure without re-
flecting that it would alter the whole spirit of the bill,
and be a violation of every constitutional principle. When
the menace was on their very lips,—when it was thun-
dered in Torquay and in Edinburgh,—Lord John Russell
and the Loid Advocate must have known trat they were
declaring opinions in accordance with those of a certain
number, if not the majority of his Majesty's ministers.
If they merely stated their own personal opinions, know-
ing that their colleagues or masers entertained the very
opposite opinions, then we say, that such an idle and
empty menace was a direct insult to the electors of De-
vonshire and Edinburgh, a disgraceful abuse of authority,
and a most sinister sort of compliment to Lords Grey and
-Brougham. For these and other reasons we are inclined
to believe, that, at the time these menaces were put forth,
the opinions of the cabinet were divided, this division
being caused by the unsatisfactory aspect of the ap-
proaching elections.
To what causes, then, are we to ascribe the return to
their original impressions by his Majesty's ministers, and
their resolutions as to the bill being " a final measure ?"
They have, probably, discovered, to their infinite satis-
faction, that the bill works much better for their party
interests than they expected. The bill has done all that
.was originally intended. It has inundated the House of
Commons with ministerial serviles.' It has given an as-
cendancy to the whig aristocracy. It has returned all
the Lord Johns and Lord Williams. It has secured the
.seat of almost every whig, placeman, and sinecurist ;
kept them all snug in their places and the receipt of their
pay, and, therefore, we need not wonder that they see
the bill in a new light,—think it one of the wisest mea-
sures under the sun,—the most. ingenious and useful
pieces of machinery that ever came from the hands of a
political millwright or a philosopher, and they, conse-
quently, in their raptures, declare it to be "a final mea-
sure." _ _

Well, this is the song of the day, but how long will it
last ? As we have already shown, ministers are never
for more than a few weeks of the same mind. What
may look fair in December may look dark in February,
and before the end of the session events may occur which
will convince the cabinet, that this cannot be "a final
measure." They must not flatter themselves with the
delusion, that all the members who enter the House of
Commons with the title " Reformer" emblazed on their
flags and placards, will, when the struggle begins, be the
uncompromising supporters of the present or any other
administration. Tile adherence, or non-adherence, of, at
least, an hundred members will depend upon events. We
can clearly see, that many men have been returned, not
merely because they are reformers, but because they are
expected to discharge a fearless duty to their country.
The times demand it; the state requires it; the nation
will insist upon the performance of those conservative, or
rather preservative, duties, which canal one relieve, the
severe embarrassments of the country. Let it not be
imagined, that the next session will be allowed to pass,
as tile last did, in long discussions on theoretical, or, if
you will, necessary reforms. We must have acts, not
professions—ameliorations, instead of blunders in finance
—a real reduction, instead of a paltry shifting of the bur-
dens of taxation. We must not continue one moment
longer to be gazing through the eye of the millstone—it
crust be set to work—it must begin to grind—it must
separate the chaff from the corn, and the scarf-skin from
the farinaceous matter, and give us bread instead of wind.
if the reformers, whether pledged or unpledged, do not
devote their earliest and undivided attention to this sub-
ject—the wants of the labouring classes—the privations
of the artisan—the stagnation of trade—the unprofitable
employment of capital—the enforcement of poor laws
upon Ireland—the correction of infant slavery in the
midland districts—the relief of the suffering colonists in
the West Indies—if these interests, or questions, are ne-
glected, as they have been for the last two years, woe be
ito the ministers and the reformers.—Guardian and Pub-
lic Ledger. -