The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

TIIIIATRE ROYAL, LIVERPOOL.

. -
The new Play of TIE WIFE continuing to be received on
each representation with the most rapturous applause, will be
reheated To-morrow Evening.
TFirst night of the new Farce of MR. and MRS. PRINGLE.
HIS present TUESDAY, the 4th instant, will be per-
formed Shakspeare's Tragedy of
RICHARD THE THIRD.
Richard, Duke of Glo'ster Mr. Vandenhoff.
Queen Elizabeth Miss Huddart.
Atter which, for the first time here, a new Farce, as produced
this season at the Theatre-Royal Drury-lane, with distinguished
success, called

MR. and MRS. PRINGLE.
John Brush Mr. Browne.
-Mr. Peter Pringle..Mr. Baker—Mrs Pringle..Mrs. Clarke.
To conclude with a Comic Drama, (in one Act) called
MANCEUVRING.
Finesse Mr. Browne.
fount de Villae Mayor Mr. Cooke.
Costanza. . . . Miss Eyre I Zauetta....Mrs. Clarke.
On WEDNESDAY under the patronage of Colonel, Egerton, and
the Officers of the Cheshire eomanr avalry, •
The popular New Pla
Julian St. Pierre.. Mr. VandenhoffWlVE
Mariana.. Miss Huddart.
After which, the favourite New Farce of
SECND ,
which continues to bete ceived wTHOUGHTS
the
universal approbation.
Mr. Jabber.. Mr. Browne I Mr. Sudden.. Mr. Baker.
Mrs. Trapper Mrs. Clarke.
The new and interesting brama of ELLEN WAREHAM,
with arm been received on the first and second representations
distinguished approbation, will be shortly repeated.
Places in the Boxes may be taken of Mr. Parker, at the Box-
office, from Ten till Three.
Lower Boxes 45.; Upper. Boxes 3s. 6(1 ; Pit 2s. 6(1. • Gallery is.
Doors to be opened at Half-past Six, the Performance to
commence at Seven precisely.

Vie liibcrpoot Atanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 4, 1833.

We have received Montreal papers to the 2Sth April,
but they contain little or nothing worth extracting. We
observe that- Captain BACK and his party left that place
for the northern regions on the 27th of April.
We have also New York papers to the 9th May, but
they are equally barren of intelligence. The New York
Qazette makes the following sensible remarks upon that
crazy old eccentric, ex-sheriff PARKINS :
The Montreal Vindicator publishes the trial of Ex-Sheriff
Parkins,for Slander, as recently decided b2fore Judge Betts
°I. N. Y.., and adds respecting the sheriff, We know this man
personally--he is. hair-brained, next to a confirmed madman
`l5 is, in other words, a madman unchained. We consider it
persecution of the most positivelind to be hunting this poor
'creature from court to court, as he is hunted in the States,
bmerely because he has, property. We have been talking with
apparently in a state of tranquillity, in the streets of New
ork, and he has suddenly begun to curse the president, the
government of the United States, and the whole of the people
Mto the bargain, and brought about both tall-er and talkee a
‘'olo mob of boys and women. This man ought to be put into
11,11
hands of guardians. It would he more creditable than to
e stripping
tripping-
him of the last shilling in this way."
hiin of his last shilling, indeed ! Our friends
43, ver the water know the wav too well.
to

rd ALTRORP'S reduction of five-sixteenths of a penny
icte d
nnttoa wool has produced the result which we pre-
" would do at the time. Yesterday the first sale
tookba Place since the reduction, and upwards of 8,000
khl'es were sold at a rise of one-eighth per lb. The re-
TetieN therefore, is clearly' a boon to the Americans.
The
manehester spinners, who persuaded Mr. POULETT
thinltscrs into this paltry trick, and who have formally
thanked Lord ALTIIORP for making it an item of his
sll,let, have gained nothing, for the loss of revenue only
:us the profits of the American cotton growers. And
th can tell these honest gentlemen much more than all
bulds.. The speculation to which the reduction of the
to get gave rise will make them pay more for their cot-
d:it •than they would have done had. they allowed the
thj !° reraain as it was. The quantity of cotton is less
ria!t Was at the same period last year, and it is in fewer
11', so that a farther rise is confidently expected.

'e provisions of the monetary or currency reform bill
tareth announced by Lord ALTRORP in the House of Com-
--°43 en Friday last, and they will be found in another b
Co,
b "It• It will be sewn that this curious measure has
eea introduced jay what is called a side-wind, or, in other
AOs, has been smuggled into the house under the gar-
'4 euts sof the Old Lady of Threadneedle-street. The
reader must give his undivided attention to the project,
it le one of first-rate importance, and of ten times more
--sportance
than it appears to be at the first blush.
9c'lt is not many days since Lord ALTHORP, in the most
.etl ,1 1 tenns, deprecated every proposition which should
?h"' 'or its object the alteration of the currency. He had
,•-,,e11 such an instinctive abhorrence of paper money, and
j'co a strong relish for the auri sacra fames, that the very
tamper
depreciation almost threw him into a fever. To
`4ruPer with
the whole the currency, he contended, was to throw
mercantile world into new convulsions, unsettle
Public credit, bring on a panic, and reduce' the nation once
mere to a state bordering upon bankruptcy.
the 01 were the sentiments of Lord ALTIIOBP at or about
1;° 1'
ti me when the present now full moon showed her first
t 111; but-0 miseras hominum mentes !—here we find
tge same Lord ALTBORP coming forward with a measure
° unsettle that whiCh he deemed it treason to touch, and
sacrilege to talk about—to change the currency of the
;untry—to set aside the final settlement of 1819—to fling
EEL 's bill into the fire—and place the whole of our cir-
,tu'lating medium upon a new basis! Deny it who may,
t e Pronounce the present measure to be a positive repeal,
I°l all practical intents and purposes, of the bill of 1819.
Ow ittomAs ATTWOOD, and old COBBETT, and all the
cep
of them, must laugh!
is We shall pass over the minor details very quickly. It
Bof little or no consequence to the country whether the
tilt of England is paid £248,000, or only £128,000 per
is um' for the management of the national debt ; and it
equally unimportant whether its monopoly continues
e,.."1. eleven or twenty-one years. It is also of trifling con-
`htntnent whether some ten or a dozen joint stock banks
st.-°llld be established in different parts of the kingdom,
e6nr they cannot issue more money than is required, or
~-,ncleet their business more admirably, or more benefici-
-"Y, for themselves and the public, than the present pro-
vincial bankers.
thtut it is a sweeping change—we mean that proposed by
e CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—tO make the notes
tor the bank of England a legal tender all over the coun-
vrY ; and it is
rtb a perilous project to make these notes con-
needii le into
e=street,"but
gold, not only when presented in Thread-
the king, au, at all its branch establishments in
of Lordl two propositions embrace the marrow
ALTIIORP.4ese
reform in the currency.
Let us, therefore
u
;examine them more narrowly. Is it
meant that the Bank of England shall be liable to pay all
,70 th'lutes, at its several branches, in gold On the face
e proposition this is clearly indicated, but we are
bound to conclude that it
not mean what it expresses.
4._e are bound in charity to presume that the terms used
4`rieciPurely of the Althorpian order, expressing one thing
net signifying another. It cannot surely be intended,
ta_ witith standing the provision to this effect, that any great
r°
the Bahst of England shall have it in his power to compel
braticuank a England to close its several or any one of its
"es Chit an against the demand for gold, and virtually com-
-
tible act of insolvency ? If its notes be made conver-
pi 111 to gold at these branches, what would prevent any
talist of London or Liverpool, in a moment of false
esr93. or
P'que. or otherwise, from carrying into one of
4 4terel branch banks far more paper than it is possible for
n,
tto have gold to
~e
very converse of what he contemplates.
is 11.rnere, then, ;
,epossible that the
Ls a dilemma at the very starting post. It
Paper which is to be a legal ten-
beingr an. be converted into gold except in London. This
t„. the case, the
"'ssarilv drir inconvertibility of paper must ne-
it to L. e all the gold out of the provinces and send
ent_,;:guunun.. What then is to constitute our small cir-
ttleasttiethe medium ? Liverpool is differently situated from
r towns, and therefore we shall not argue upon
44 plyoalead case; but let us take Exeter, Bristol, Hull,
.tou, Notwich, Birmingham, York, Durham,
h 41 )aven, Newoastle-upon-Tyne, and Carlisle. 'Sup
"Sin that -
try g in either of these places a man takes a coun-
,ptinaok-note for £5 and demands sovereigns, is it not
bound
with the banker to refuse him ? He is not
to PayP.llabl his note in sovereigns. He is only corn-
' to pay in the legal tender, and that is
Bank of

England paper. He may tender a Bank note in payment
of his own note, and this is all which the proposed law
would oblige him to do. Whence, then, can we procure
our small money ? In the absence of sovereigns wee
must have one pound notes; and if these are denied,
why, by Lord ALTHORP'S measure, we must invent some-
thing in their place, or pay a premium for gold and sil-
ver, or carry on our business without having any legal
tender under five pounds !

Stich is the most nonsensical and absurd measure
which the noble CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has pro-
mulgated under the wing of the Bank charter renewal
bill. It is perfecly inoperative. It is as glaring a blun-
der as any of the nine hundred and ninety-nine which
the noble lord has committed since in an evil hour he
took upon himself the managernent of the finances of an
unfortunate country. It is true that the convertibility of
bank notes may be limited to the notes of the particular
branch at which they had been issued. This, however,
is not expressed in the provisions of the plan; but even
if it were so, the matter would not be mended. The
Bank of England is not boUnd to issue notes at its branch
establishments, and as prudent men, should this plan be
carried into effect, they would take care either to issue as
few as possible, or none at all. Here, then, is a new ob-
stacle. The provinces, in the first instance, are placed at
the mercy of the Bank for their necessary convertible
currency ; and in the next place the whole country is
placed at the mercy of the Bank, should any untoward
events create a run upon London, and push the Bank
beyond its resources.

For we can easily imagine such a state of things under
this new financial and monetary arrangement. It is ob-
viously the object of Lord ALTHORP to make the paper
money of the Bank of England the universal and the
only ciiculating medium out of London. We are to
have paper in abundance, hut no gold—five pound notes,
but no sovereigns—drafts upon London, convertible in-
to gold and silver, but no means of obtaining this smaller
description of money any where else but in Thread-
needle-street.

We do not deny that if the provincial bankers should
feel disposed, and no panic should arise, little or no
inconvenience would result from the proposed restrictions.
But he is only a fool who legislates for the present mo-
ment. To meet the necessities of the country, and bank-
notes being made a legal tender, the issues of the Bank
of England must be greatly increased. Instead of twenty
millions, the bank must send forth from thirty to thirty-
five millions of paper. This paper must eventually raise
prices and drive the sovereigns beyond seas. No diffi-
culty will be experienced by the country bankers. They
can only be compelled to pay in paper of the Bank. But
what is the Bank to do in case of a run ? We are not
supposing a case of insolvency—we are not questioning
their means—we are not doubting their credit; we are
only assuming that a panic might come, and that country
bankers, as well as the public generally, might press their
notes upon the Bank and demand hard cash. Is there
any man so rabid as to believe that the directors of that
concern would be prepared to meet such an emergency ?
In 1825 they were nearly swept clean of their last
guinea; and if the public had known, as Lord ALTnoRP
propdses they shall know, in all time coming, the miser-
able plight they were in, the. Bank would have been com-
pelled to stop payment. In short, without wasting any
more ink on the subject, the proposed measure of the
noble lord is a crude absurdity which we defy him to
carry into execution without at the same time sowing the
seeds of a convulsion which will sweep him and his plan
into oblivion.

The discussion on the West India question in the
House of Commons was, for the second time, adjourned
on Friday till last night. Yesterday we understand some
of the deputies now in London were to have another in-
terview with Mr. STANLEY, for the purpose of ascertain_
ing what other modifications be is willing to concede, or
whether the last proposition relative to an advance in the
sugar duties is finally arranged to form part of the mi-
nisterial plan. Some of the deputies, we learn, are of
opinion that the government will be induced to convert
the proposed loan into a gift, and to increase the su m
from fifteen to twenty millions..
Such are the rumours which have reached us as pre-
vailing in the best informed circles. For our own part,
the more we consider the details of the scheme the more
are we convince d of the difficulty, we might say the im-
possibility of carrying it into practice. The system of
indentureship , and protracted and therefore indefinit
emancipation, is decidedly objectionable. It imposese
upon the planter and proprietor the onus of educating
their slaves for a state of freedom, and the odium of con-
tinuing slavery after the House of Commons has recog-
nised the principle of emancipation. The better way
would.be for the government to declare the slaves flee at
once and for ever, so far as any ownership appertains to
their present masters. Let a fair compensation be made
to the owner 5 and, whatever that is, let it be paid forth-
with. The slaves then would be transferred from the
planters to the government, who would have the power
of hiring them out at fixed wages, and restricted time
and compelling them to lab our for a given number of
years, until they had in whole or in part redeemed the
price of their manumission. This would at once put the
slave under the protection of the magistrate, and release
the owner from the vexatious duty of enforcing tasks
upon slaves in a state of quasi freedom. Those thus
hired out could be fed and clothed as at present, so long
as they are able to work ; and the fixed wages, over and
above the value of their food and clothing, could be paid
to officers appointed for the purpose, and made applica-
ble to the redemption of the purchase money. Or if it
were deemed more el igible, a rate of wages proportion-
ate to the labour of the individual might be fixed, one
portion of which should be allotted to the labourer and
the other to the government. By this system the hard-
working, negro would be well paid, and enabled to work
out his freedom in a much shorter space of time than
twelve years, and more speedily than the less useful or
more indolent negro. By this plan, too, none but the
really industrious would be rewarded. The government
would take upon itself the maintenance of the young, the
aged, and the infirm. The planter would be released
from the expense of medicines and medical attendance.
Between him and his labourer there would be no jea-
lousies, no contentipns—no abuse of power on the one
hand, or sense of degradation on the other.
This, after the fullest consideration of the subject, is,
in our opinion, the only way to get rid of the mischievous
clamour at home relative to slavery and slaves in the
West Indies, and quackery and quacks in Aldermanbury.
For more than twenty years have we been bored in this
country by a species of spurious philanthropy, which has
in fact been nothing more than an electioneering ma-
noeuvre, by which he who canted most loudly had the
best chance of being returned to Parliament, and the best
opportunity of dipping his fingers into the pockets of sen-
sitive maidens in the yellow leaf, and other foolish per-
sons equally credulous. The money .collected in this
country, and spent upon meddling zealots, itinerant
spouters, innumerable secretaries and subs—upon print-
ing circulars, petitions, and reports—upon postages, mis-
sions, and commissions of inquiry—within the period
above mentioned—would have purchased the freedom,
twice over, of all the blacks in the West Indies. Our
plan, if carried into operation, would effectually put an
end to at least this species of quackery. No more ma-
nifestoes would issue from Peter Pringle and Matthew
Mawworm." Am I not a man and a brodder ?" would no
longer resound in Exeter Hall. The Whigs would have
all their dear brethren in their own holy keeping, and
the government would become, pro tempore, the only
slave-owners in his Majesty's dominions.

we imagine, to
It has been a matter of much surprise,
all who give •themselves the trouble of thinking upon
our foreign relations, that, even on the part of those
whose duty it is to watch the proceedings of Government,
there should have been so marked a silence on the contest
in Portugal for several successive months. The question
has, at length, been taken up; and by that individual
who, of all men in the country, best understands it in its
several bearings. On Thursday last the Duke of WEL-
LINGTON asked Lord GREY "if he knew that armed
ships with troops on board had left England, under the

command of a Captain of the Navy, for the purpose of
aiding the belligerent parties in Portugal ? " To which
Lord GREY replied, "that he had seen such accounts in
the public papers, but that was all he knew on the sub-
ject "

The rejoinder on the part of the Duke was befitting
the man; and last night he was to move an address to
his MAJESTY on the subject, which we think may proba-
bly not only bring a somewhat different answer to that
of Thursday on the general fact, but even a confession,
on the part of the noble premier, that, in the interval,
he has discovered that an act was passed in the 59th year
of the Reign of GEO. 111., cap. 69—commonly known
as the "Foreign Enlistment Bill"—professing to be "An
Act to prevent the enlisting or engagement of his MA-
JESTY'S subjects to serve in foreign service, and the fitting
out or equipping, in his MAJESTY'S dominions, vessels
for warlike purposes, without his MAJESTY'S license; "
—but that the existence of such an act had quite es-
caped the recollection of Government. There is some-
thing tin the preamble to the effect that such practices
" may be prejudicial to, and tend to endanger the peace
and welfare of this kingdom:" but that is not material,
because Portugal has only two or three millions of popu-
lation, and therefore cannot conveniently declare war
against us, however overt the acts of hostility on the
part of this Government. We should very much like to
know what would be the course pursued by Lords GREY
and PALMERSTON if some upstart pretender were to
land at Riga, and declare himself a rival autocrat to NI-
CHOLAS of Russia—or one of the BuoNApARTE family
were to get possession of Brest with similar designs
upon the Government of the Citizen King of the
French. Would they consent to the purchase and equip-
ment of vessels of war, to constitute a navy, and the
hiring of steam-boats and, transports for the conveyance
of troops and military stores from Portsmouth and Fal-
mouth to Riga or Brest, to aid the invading party in
their designs ? Would they tolerate the opening of re-
cruiting-houses in every part of the three kingdoms, for
the purpose of enlisting men to be sent out in those ves-
sels, to rendezvous, without let or hindrance, in the dif-
ferent ports of England, avowing, in the most ostenta-
tious manner, their object and intent? Would they
allow men holding commissions in the naval and mili-
tary service of England to take the command of these
herds .of ragamuffins, these hired bravoes, and to become
chiefs in a system of land piracy ? We think, foolish as
they are, his MAJESTY'S Ministers would pause before
they went so, far. We think, to use a parliamentary
simile, that the preamble of the bill would be admitted as
proved, and that such a course might "be prejudicial to
and tend to endanger the peace and welfare of the king-
dom :"—in other words, that either Russia or France
would instantly declare war against this country. But,
then, Russia and France have each from 30 to 40 mil-
lions of population, with fleets, armies, and resources
proportioned. Portugal has only two or three millions
of population, with a small army, a still smaller navy,
and a revenue on the same scale ; therefore Portugal
cannot declare war against England. Besides, from
time immemorial Portugal has been in a state of stead-
fast" alliance and friendship with England—and if we
cannot take liberties with our friends with whom can we
do so ? This is the regard for alliances, for treaties, for
the law of nations generally, and for the national honour
of England especially, which is entertained by the Whig
Government of England, under the enlightened direc-
tion of Lords GREY and PALMERSTON !

We will indulge ourselves with another supposi-
tious case. We will imagine that there- still remained
(which, in the present situation of the country, we
may thank God there is not,) a descendant of the
STUARTS in existence, and that he had assembled an
army on the continent, and had got possession of Ports-
mouth or Chatham, claiming the crown of England, and
that our worthy ally LOUIS PHILIPPE allowed ships of
war, transports, steamers, soldiers, sailors, Grand-crosses
of the Legion of Honour, or of the order of the glorious
revolution of the three days, with arms, ammunition, and
stores, to be sent. from Calais, Boulogne; Havre, and
half a score other places, month after month, for a year or
two, to. Chatham or Portsmouth, for the support of the
pretender. ; supposing this were done, is there a man in
England whose blood would not boil with indignation at
the attempt ? What would be the feelings of any man
deserving the name of Briton, if, upon expostulation at
Paris, in such a case, the first minister of the King
were to give for answer, " that he had seen such accounts
in the public papers, but that was all he knew on the
subject" ? Why, every honest man, from John o'Groat's
house to the Land's End, would say the minister of the
King of the French was either a fool or a rogue, or both ;
and every man would cry, " To war !" to avenge the in-
sult and perfidy. This would be the first feeling if the
case were our own. Then is the British Government so
lost to all sense of honour—to all just regard for the na-
tional faith and character, that it will tolerate a course in
its own subjects towards an ancient ally which, if it were
practised towards ourselves, would rouse the spirit of
every man in the country to war and vengeance ? Is it
thus that the once honourable and honest Government
of England treats its allies ? But it would seem useless
to pursue the subject. Whether the question be the
maintenance of the national honour and faith towards our
foreign allies, or the protection of the properties and
lives of our fellow subjects, there is the same reckless in-
difference—the same utter disregard of the laws of the
land and acts of Parliament in the one case that there is
of the laws of nations and the stipulations of treaties in
the other. Many and severe will be the struggles of the
world hereafter upon the almostvvorse than Machiavelian
policy which has hitherto marked the reign of three years
of Whig principles in England in the 19th century.
Many will be the black pages in the history of those
years, which nothing can efface, and which will bring
blushes upon the face of every honest Englishman when
they are brought to his recollection. We cannot go
through the different sections of the foreign enlistment
bill, twelve in number, and several of them of consider.
able length, but we will take the liberty of calling the
attention of officers in his Majesty's navy, and of the
customs and excise, to the 6th and 7th sections of the
act, by the first of which every master of a vessel engaged
in such transactions is made liable to a penalty of fifty
pounds for every person enlisted for foreign service who
may be on board his vessel ; and, by the second, every
person concerned is " guilty of a misdemeanour, and
shall, upon conviction thereof, upon any information or
indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or
either .of them, at the discretion of the court in which
such offenders shall be convicted ; and every such ship
and vessel, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture, together
with all the materials, arms, ammunition, and stores, which
may bAong to, or be on hoard any such ship or vessel,
shall be forfeited; and it shall be lawful for any such
officer of his Majesty's customs or excise, or any officer
of his Majesty's navy, who is by law empowered to make
seizures for any forfeiture incurred under any of the laws
of customs or excise, or of the laws of trade and naviga-
tion, to seize such ships and vessels aforesaid, &c. ;"
and it then goes on to declare that the whole may be
condemned in the usual form and courts.

We recommend the officers of his MAJESTY'S cruisers,
and of the revenue, to detain such ships wherever they
may be found; and to proceed under the recited sections
for the penalties, and the condemnation of the ships and
everything on board ; and we should like to see if any
Member of the go'vernment would interfere to stop the
proceedings. This would be a praiseworthy course com-
pared with the proceedings against the Dutch. The lat-
ter was little short of piracy, threatening to involve us in
war. The former would be calculated, as provided by
act of Parliament, to .prevent the peace
.and welfare of
the kingdom from being endangered. -
What will be the defence- of the ministers against the
accusation (for such it undoubtedly is) of the Duke of
WELLINGTON, we shall learn before our next publication.
Nothing, we are sure, can be advanced that shall excuse
the gross breach of neutrality which, if net. actually par-
ticipated in, or directly encouraged by the government—
of which we have strong suspicions—has, at all events,
been connived at by thein to an extent alike dangerous
and criminal.

We perceive by the reports that a Mr. OnDE, the ho-
nourable rPpresentalive for Newport, in the Isle of
Wight, has moved for a return of the number of. stamps
issued to the provincial newspapers during the year
ended the Ist April, 1833. We also gather from the ob-,
servations of the Newcastle Journal that this honourable
gentleman has had some unfortunate connexion with the
press, and that his motives for this enquiry are not ex-
actly so pure as " unsunned snow."
Be this as it may—be it curiosity, or petulance, or
vanity, or professional pique, which has given rise to the
motion—certain it is that in prying into matters with
which he has no concern he has only followed the exam-
ple of Lord ALTHORP. The latter statesman has pro-
posed, in one of the clauses of the currency reform bill,
that all private country bankers shall make a confidential
return to him, Lord ALTHORP, of the amount of notes
they have in circulation, and the value of their assets.
In other words, the noble Lord is anxious to become ac-
quainted with the private affairs of private bankers. They
are asked to make a return to him of the notes they issue,
the bills and bonds they hold, the cash they. have in their
boxes, the salaries they give or owe to their clerks, the
number of desks at which, and the three-legged stools
upon which the said clerks sit and write. The Whigs
we are told, are liberal persons who abhor what are called
inquisitorial proceedings, and this, we presume, is a proof
of the fact.

The Mr. ORDE alluded to, pointer-like, smells hard
after Lord ALTHORP. He is charitable enough to take us
of the provincial press under his special protection. He
requires to know how many papers we and others sell—
whether Tims beats Muggins—whether the demand is
more in favour of whiggery or toryism—and whether one
half of the puffers of quack medicines, who all belong to
his order, are earning anything like salt to_their broth.

So far as we of the STANDARD are concerned, we have
not the slightest objection that Mr. ORDE should receive
full and perfect information ; but if he were not a very
dull person indeed, he would know that this is impossible.
Every man acquainted with the business could tell him
that the stamps for the provincial papers are obtained in
such a variety of ways—from Edinburgh and from Lon-
don—from other news-offices—from London papers, &c.
&c., that to make up a correct return is impracticable.
An incorrect return must be injurious to the parties con-
cerned; and the member who does an injury in this way
infringes the liberty of the subject under the shelter of
his parliamentary privileges, which, we are sure, no gen-
tleman of honour or character would do with this fact be-
fore his eyes.
The House of Commons, however, is not now what
that house once was. It is, we admit, the "people's own'
house," but it nevertheless takes strange, we were half
tempted to say impertinent liberties with the people.—
After this it would not surprise us if Mr. ORDE, or some
other liberal member, were to move for a return of the
number of eggs eaten during Lent by the readers of the
True Sun, or the Liverpool Journal—distinguishing
French eggs from English, hen from duck, and stale from
moderately fresh. Why dots he not move for a return
of the number of glasses of gin consumed during each
session of parliament, by his friends of the fourth estate—
distinguishing neat from mixed, and the warm with from
the cold without It might be as well, too, if he had a
parliamentary return of the number of looking glasses
pawned since the passing of the reform bill—the begging
boxes sent round by honourable members—the quantity
of rump steaks consumed, but not paid for, at BELLAMY'S
—and the number of halfpennies collected by O'CONNELL
during the last three years.

But stop a bit, Mr. ORDE. If you take such liberties
with the people, or rather if the house should continue to
sanction such unjustifiable inquiries, what is to prevent
the people, whose servants you and the houSe are, from'
making similar inquiries concerning yonrselves. What
7.::41:_51d the Etta. r 7; mber say if we were to petition to know
how many debts have been levanted, how many tradesmen
cheate., many tailors' bills zit: paid by the re-
presentatives of the nation ? We have as good a right
to be officially informed on this subject as Mr. ORDE has
in the matter of stamps, and as Lord ALTIIORP has with
respect to bankers' assets. And we have a better claim
to this information than the above illustrious statesmen
have to that which they seek. They are responsible per-
sons ;we are the irresponsible electors. We have a
right to know how often Lord ALTHORP goes to church,
and what property Mr. JAMES SILK BUCKINGHAM and
others have in this or any other country. After-this it
will be our duty to keep an eye on. Mr. ORDE.

Within a very short period, we had alMost said a
" little month," the legislature, in obedience to " the '
sovereign will and pleasure of the people," abrogated the
Game Laws as one of the few remaining vestiges of
manorial rights, that modern eyes could not bear to look
upon. Supposing that this, one of the thousand and
one sacrifices to public opinion of the Monarchical cha-
racter of our laws, was at least satisfactory to the party
from whom it emanated, we were not a little astounded
at reading the report of the proceedings of the House
of Lords on Friday night, under the head of GAME
LAWS, where we find the Duke of WELLINGTON pre-
senting a petition from the operative Gun-makers of
London and -Birmingham against the present Game
Laws, in which the petitioners state " that since the
passing of the late act, their business had very much de-
creased, and that poaching had enormous* increased."
We do not recollect whether the " operative Gun-ma-
kers" took an active part in passing this bill, but we
well remember that the usual number of petitions
preceded its introduction and adoption. On Thurs-
day last, Mr. STANLEY • when presenting to the world
(for speeches in the House of Commons are now ad
dressed to the people) the details of his nego slavery
abolition scheme, said that " no Parliament, no govern-
ment ought to resist, or could resist the weight of public
opinion ;" which we interpret into an admission that the
vox popiai is the vox del, unerring, infallible, and un-
changeable. The right honourable gentleman may by
this declaration gain a little popularity, the most fleeting
and precarious of all earthly possessions. As a young
statesman of great promise, we take leave to tell him,
that popular applause is a draught so sweet, and yet so
intoxicating,—so powerful, and yet so evanescent, that
he who drinks of it soon becomes incapable of maintain-
ing that steadiness; that discretion, that high, cool di,-
nity, so necessary to the support of all government and
governors.
ONE-COLOURED HUMANITY.—An acquaintance of ours
happened, the other day, to meet a member of the So-
ciety of Friends who has been a most zealous promoter of
Mr. BUXTON and Mr. STANLEY'S emancipation schemes,
or rather, who Would go much further than anything yet
propounded, from WILBERFORCE to STANLEY inclusive.
Our friend interrogated him as to hiS sentiments on the
factory question; presuming that his philanthropy was
coextensive with his zeal, regardless of colour. The an-
swer was, that he had not interfered in it, and thought it
was impolitic to meddle between the master and the work-
man. Our friend expostulated with this consis tent advocate
of humanity, and pressed him for his reasons for with-
holding his services from the children of his white neigh-
bour, whilst he was so urgent in his demands on behalf
of the negro. His reply was in these words. "Thou
seest our society has no property in the colonies, but we
are largely concerned in spinning establishments at
home. Therefore, if we were to interfere to shorten the
hours of labour in factories, we should injure our own in-
terests, and no man Is called upon to do that. But we
can work for the relief of the poor negroes at a very cheap
rate; it costs us nothing !" Is this an isolated case ?

WHITEII ELVEN PIERS.--The first stone of the new North
Pier, Whitehaven, was laid last week, by John Peile, Esq.,
amidst a vast assemblage of people. The stone, which was a
block of enormous weight, having been lowered to its station,
below the foundation of the present wall, and finally fixed, Mr.
Peile with the usual masonic ceremonies. gave the finishing
bloW, and then addressed the company as follows :—" Gentle-
men.—Nine years have elapsed, this month, since I had the
honour of laying the first stone of the West Pier—that hand-
some structure which has proved alike ornamental to the town,
and beneficial to its inhabitants; which is the admiration of
eve!), stranger, and which ought to be the.pride of every resi-
dent. That Pier, Gentlemen, has already proved of immense
advantage to the port ; and it is peculiarly gratifying to me
that I have been selected to lay the first stone of this wall, the
completion of which, I believe, will secure every advantage we
have contemplated, and under the able management o? Mr.
Logan, the superintendent, I have no doubt it will be finished
in a style which will do credit to his taste, and to the liberality of
the builders. Having said thus much, Gentlemen, it would
be needless for me to enlarge upon the manifold advantages
which must ensue from this work, and therefore let us give
tlitee cheers to show our desire for the success of the Northern
Pier.". The audience made the welkin ring with three times
three, and one cheer more, in honour of the undertaking, and
then
ogfr audi
eu apl
rd iissp
ienr
tsee
nd
dtcod their t
orun
urespective o ht
1e sea in a (I,nies. Phis p r
i
north-
western direction, verging towards the' pbint Of the West Pier,
so as to narrow thet entrance to the habour—a plan that has
become necessary from the :accumulation of sand deposited by
the tide in different parts of the harbour, which threatens to
become, in time, if 'not obviated, a very serious inconvenience.
The work is now proceeding rapidly, and gives employment
to an irnmense number of men.—Carlisle Patriot. •

LONDON LATEST NEWS.

Saturday Evening, Half-past Seven o'clock.

The Consol Market was exceedingly heavy on Thursday, but
was a shade better on Friday; an this day it has been very
buoyant, and 894 was the closing quotation for the Account
this afternoon. The proceedings at the Bank meeting, and in
the House of Commons, last night, respecting a renewal of the
charter, have caused Bank- Stock to be an Object of consider-
*able speculation. It was done early in the week at 198, from
which it fell, on Thursday, to 192 191; and at the latter price
some transactions were done this morning. During the day,
however, great animation has been displayed, and 199 was the
closing price this afternoon. Exchequer Bills are 50 to 52,
and India Bonds 27 to 29 premium. Brazilian Bonds, in con
sequence of a revolt at Para, fell to 641, a decline of 8 per cent-
in ten days. Greek Stock has risen to 40 42. Dutch are
491.
By accounts from China, we learn that an Imperial decree
had been received at Canton, ordering an inquiry as to an
English ship which is said to have appeared in November last
on the shores of Mantchou Tartary, in about lat. 41 N. It is
supposed to have been the Sylph, and orders were issued to
drive her off to her own country, in case of re-appearance on
any part of the coast. The rebellion in the island of Formosa
is said to have assumed a very formidable appearance, and all
the military force from the province of Fokien at the disposal
of the governor was about to be sent against the rebels. The
Viceroy Of Canton had issued an edict prohibiting the receipt
of all fees on vessels bringing to Whampoa. 'ln consequence
of some recent discoveries concerning an illegal sect or asso-
ciation which has existed at Pekin for about forty years, sen-
tence of disgrace, or dismissal, or degradation, in serious de-
grees, had been recorded against the local officers where the
sect originated, the Governors of Pekin durini, that period, and
the Ministers of State who failed to detect the authors and
abettors of the heresy. The President of Peih-chang informs
the Emperor of an attempt at rebellion in that city, and that
two Mohammedon Begs, who had received " buttons and fea-
thers," had fallen by the hands of the conspirators. The Pre-
sident had, however, brought 'Fa-wa-kih, the leader, and twenty-
six of his followers, to a slow and ignominious death, and sent
their heads round the Ko-ten territory, " to illustrate the laws
of the land."

The advices from Bombay give the particulars of an attack
by the 14th regiment of native infantry upon one of the forts
of the state of Serwunt Warree, situated to the southward of
the territories of the Rajah of Sattarah. This little principality
had been for a long time in a disturbed state, owing to the mis-
conduct and oppression of the rajah, and his subjects had gene-
rally risen against him, and a body of them, headed by Bhon
Serwunt, had seized the fort of Mahadooghur and openly re-
sisted his authority. In this state of things he applied for aid
to our government, who are bound by treaty to secure him the
possession of his dominions against this individual who laid
claim to them. The 14th regiment was in consequence ordered
to proceed against Mahadooghur. A sharp attack took place,
which ended in the fort being carried, with a loss to the govern-
ment troops of a lieutenant, an ensign, and 17 rank and file
wounded, and Ensign Wilhnott killed, who fell while leading
the attack.