The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-04-14 00:00:00

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tad. Is Lord JOHN RUSSELL prepared to go this
length, and to legislate, not according to his conviction,
but as he may be instructed or ordered by O'CONNELL ?
Perhaps he is ; but will any whig of the old school, or
any man of independence, support him ?' It is easy to
carry an abstract question in the House of commons,
where there are so many persons utterly reckless as to
what they say or do ; but it is quite another thing to
carry such party propositions into law. There is still a
House of Lords to be consulted, and that alone. would
render nugatory all the measures emanating from an
Administration actuated by the spirit and the new-
fledged principles of Lord JOHN RUSSELL. In short,
the whole difficulty resolves itself into this. Is the King
to yield to Lord JouN's views of policy, or is Lord
JOHN'S party to yield to the King and the conservatives ?
It the former, then is the revolution not only- begun,
but actually complete. That is the only barrier to be
pulled down, and then comes the rush of anarchy, con-
fusion, and civil war. If the King must yield, he might
as well surrender—if he must forego the exercise of his
prerogatives, he might as well abdicate. Better reign
quietly in Hanover than be the slave of a tyrant mob in
England.
Our reading of the case is, that the King WILL NOT
YIELD ! His Majesty knows that it would require a
creation of at least one hundred peers to put the Rus-
SELL administration into working and executive order,
and this his Majesty is well aware would be -a death-blow
to the constitution and the monarchy. The King re-
fused to have recourse to such a measure at a period of
far greater embarrassment than the present, and he is
not likely to hazard its effects at present. What, then,
is to be done ? Why this—the commons must either
yield now, as the Lords did in 1831,, or his Majesty will
be compelled to appeal once more to the sense of his
people, and the sooner the better. Sir ROBERT PEEL
cannot be expected to take any subordinate place under
any administration, and unless he can be enabled to
carry on the governmentiaccording to the principles he
has laid down; without any factious opposition in parlia-
ment, the King, we take it, has no choice but either to
dissolve the House of Commons or confide the govern-
ment to those who can command, no matter at what
sacrifice, a majority in that assembly..

The popish journals in France, Belgium, and in Ger-
many are exulting over the discomfiture of Sir ROBERT
PEEL and the expected and long-desired downfal of the
protestant church of England. We do not wonder at this,
considering who are the parties who still flutter in the
wake of the exiled BOLRBONS, count their beads, prostrate
themselves before a wafer, sprinkle themselves with holy
water, and repeat some nonsensical jargon to a piece`of
wood, supposed to represent a saint, who is supposed to
be in heaven, and able to hear and answer the prayers
of the faithful over the whole earth.

• These are the sort of people who rejoice at the attacks
made upon the protestant establishment by the papists
and the sectarians of England and Ireland. Poor old
blockheads! They have contributed largely to bring
their own beloved BOURBONS into contempt—they were
the advisers of the measures which excited the wcond
revolution, and expelled CHARLES X. from the throne of
his ancestors—and yet the drivellers cannot see that the
very popery which they still cling to was the besettini,
sin and the crowning error in that unfortunate sovereign.
If CHARLES at the- begining of his reign had swept his
couit of the moody priests, the narrow-minded bigots,
and the slavish devotees who crowded it, and taken to his
councils men of talent and intelligence, the revolution
of the three days. would not have happened, and he
would have been the reigning sovereign at this very
hour: It was, however, ordered otherwise. The curse
of popery was upon him, and CHARLES X. fell as JAMES
H. of England fell before him.
These antiquated dotards of France flatter themselves
that the church of England has as slight a hold in the
minds of' the people of this country as the Romish
church had in the minds of the people of France.
This is a mistake. Four.fifths of the people of England
are ardently attached to our religious establishments;
and, what .is more, our countrymen understand what
religion is, which is more than can be said for nine-
tenths'of-the population of France. 'For this ignorance
they are indebted to popery.

It is true that our institutions are at this crisis exposed
to considerable danger. They have been so for the last
six years. Revolution is contagious, and we have suf-
fered from that which broke out in France in 1830, and
raged in England in 1831 and MI We still suffer
from the recoil, as it were, of the convulsion, and it will
take some time before we are entirely safe from its
effects ; but we beg to assure the popish gentlemen con-
nected with the journals of Paris that the church of
England is not yet fallen, and there is little fear that
WILLIAM IV. will be driven from his throne by the mob
of London, as the rabble of Paris drove CHARLES. At
any rate we can hold out no hope to them of the revival
of popery in England. That day is gone by for ever.
What may happen in Ireland is quite
.another thing.
The Roman catholic population there constitutes a large
majority. But numbers do not always give strength.
If that had' been the case the Duke of WELLINGTON
could not have driven the French out of Portugal and
Spain, nor could NELSON have cleared the seas of all the
fleets of all the powers of Europe. We, therefore,
do not estimate strength by numbers in Ireland. If the
British government, would leave Ireland to itself for a
few " short years," as Mr. EWART expresses, we should
have no fear as to the issue. The protestants would very
speedily restore order, and give a good account of
O'CONNELL and his agitators. This perhaps would be
the very best way of settling the question.