The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-07-23 00:00:00

bfloutaitrc A-ottri.

Empowered by Act of Parliament 3d rfm,,,s,
./
' ECONOMIC LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,
NO. 34, BP.IDGE-STREET, BLACKFRIARS, LONDON.
Established 1823.
The Right lion. Taos. FRANKLANO LEWIS, M. P. Chairman.
lIENitY FRED. STEPHENSON, Esq.. Deputy Chairman.
Resident Direvi'or, JOHN KNOWLES, Esq., F.R.S.
Agent for Liverpool, T. 0. COOPER.
Medical Referee for Liverpool, D .ROBERTSON.
THIS Society has for its basis, F -ONOM Y COMBINED
WITH SECURITY—the t us of Assurances for young
and middle aged lives being m•h lower than those-of any
other Office which giVes" ato sto the Assured; and a full
&tatemeut of its allairs is an ally made to the Share-holders
and Poliev-holders, who have a coritroul over the Society.
• Three-fourths of the profits- are now divided among those
Assured on an equable scale, for the whole term (if lie after
the Policies shall have been in force four years , and ,eventually
the whole of the
for
will be so divided: . •
Endowments for children are granted, and Assurances on
Joint Lives, Survivorshi,is, Survivorship Annuities, as v;e;I as
every species of life miAingency,
at rates proportional to the
nature of the rists, which are as low as possible compatible
with security to the Assui ed.
Assurances are also effected, either by paying small Pre-
miums at first, and increasing them every five years, or by pay-
ing a high I).re/ilium at first, subject to periodical abatements,
and, ultimately, the payments to cease altogether. In fine,
persons may be Assured in any way which may lie best adapted•
to their circumstances or wishes..
By Order of the Board of Directors;
T. 0. COOPER, Agent.

Empzriat Vaztia4rent.

HOUSE OF LORDS, WICONESDAY, JULY 17
(Contiztued from our last number.)

CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. -
Earl GREY moved the order of the day for the second reading
of the bill. In the beginning of the session his Majesty, in his
most gracious speech, in adverting to the condition of the
English and ish church, recommended Parliament to approach
the consideration of those important subjects with calmness
and deliberation. His Majesty said—" In your deliberations
on these important subjects, it cannot be necessary for me to
impress upon you the duty of carefully attending to the secu-
rity of the church established by law in these realms, and to the
true interests of religion." In that spirit of salutary caution
did his Majesty, in his paternal benevolence, wish them to con-
sider the subject. With respect to the church of Ireland more
particularly, his Majesty said, "I recommend to you, in con-
junction with such other amendinents of the law as may be
found applicable to that part of my dominions, the adoption of
a measure by which, upon the principle of a just commutation,
the possessors of land may be enabled to free themselves front
the burden of an annual payment." To this last recommenda-
tion he (Lord Grey), iu the first place, intended to call the
attention of their lordships, and in doing so he could oot avoid
saving a few words on the arguments founded on a pretended
violation of the Act of Union in the introduction of the pre-
sent measure. It was acknowledged that the church was esta-
blished by law, but he had yet to learn that the Act of Union
precluded the legislature from making such alterations in the
general distribution of the church temporalities as might be ap-
plicable to and consistent with the interests of both those
churches. Was the Act of Union to bind down the legislature
against effecting ever any alteration which might tend to the
benefit of the church itself? It was this necessity which his
Majesty felt when, on the advice of his ministers, he ordered
them to introduce the present measure to the other House of
Parliament. This necessary work would now no longer be de-
layed, and it was to his serious regret that- it had been so long
delayed. He had referred to some authorities, but if other and
stronger reasons were necessary fur the adjustment of this
question, he might cite the vast majorities which had occurred
in the other House of Parliament in favour of such a step.
(Cries of "Oa, oh!" and "No.") If any noble lords thought
him out of order, they ought to rise .and state their opinions,
and not interrupt him in that unusual manner. (Cries of ideas.)
With respect to
_the - proceedings of the other house of Parlia-
ment, he must be allowed to say that they were entitled at least.
to some consideration frurn that house, and they were important
on the present occasion,. inasmuch as they displayed the almost
unanimous feeling of the country. On the division which took
place on the second reading of the first bill in that house, there
were 137 ayes and 45 noes, leaving a majority of more than 4
to 1. On the second reading of the new bill, on the 6thof May
(for the first was withdrawn in consequence of an informality)
there appeared ayes 317, noes 78, leaving a majority of 4 to I.
After the bill had gonathrough committee, the last division, on
the question that the bill do pass, showed 274 ayes and 91 odes,
a majority of nearly 3 to L In this last division it would be re-
collected that not only those voted who thought the bill went
too far, but many also voted upon the principle that it did not
go far enough, and was a pure delusion. Here, then, was a case
almost unexampled ill Parliamentary history, that while the
progress of the bill was so much contested, the majorities in fa-
vour of it were never less than three to one, and in some in-
stances four to one. The object to be accomplished was two-
fold—the removal of an injurious tax which pressed heavily on
the people, occaslbning great complaint and animosity, and
which, more than any other cause, promoted the spirit of insu-
bordination and violence which existed in Ireland; the other
was a more equal distribution of the temporalities of the church.
The first object included the abolition of the church cess; the
second, the augmentation of small livings. To such objects
were the provisions of the present bill directed, and their im-
portance could not, he believed, be denied by any one. Here,
again, he could refer to high authorities; for the primate of
Ireland and the clergy of the diocess of Armagh had admitted,
in petitions presented to the house, tht necessity of the aboli-
tion of the vestry cess, and stated that they would not object to
such a diminution as was essential to the churgh establishment.
The next object for which the bill prdfeslef to provide was
the augmentation of small livings; and he (Earl Giev) would
ask their lordships whether it could be denied that this object
was of an immense importance? He thought it could not be
denied that it would be completely consistent that some portion
of the revenues of the church, at present so unequally distri-
buted, should be applied (and from such an application it could
not surely be said any violence was perpetrated) to augment the
stipends of those who had labourious duties to perform, and
yet were suffering in penury and with incomes hardly sufficient
to maintain a decent existence. (Hear.) This was an evil for
which a remedy was demanded even by the enemies of the
church, and such a remedy was recommended by its best friends.
(Hear.) The last object of the bill was the building of churches
and glebe-houses, in addition to which, of course, provision was
contained in the bill for effecting necessary and proper repairs.
It must be obvious to their lordships that such a provision was
so immediately necessary, with a view to the best interests of
the chuch, that it would be superfluous for him (Earl Grey) to
endeavour to persuade their lordships to coincide in that which,
seemed to be so established a proposition. he would then, in
the first place, call their lordship's attention to that proposition
which seemed. most likely to be most warmly contested in the
present instance,—he alluded to the sale of perpetuities held by
tenants under bishops' leases. This proposition in the bill he
could not think would be opposed as an act of spoliation. No-
thing would be taken from the church—on the contrary, all the
revenues which it now enjo d in this respect would be fully
secured to them. It never coo be much, if at all objected to,
for it was clear that, with the remaining revenues of the church,
the bishops of Ireland would be amply and sufficiently pro-
vided for, not only for the proper and fit execution of their
duties, but also to maintain themselves in that situation and•
condition entitling them to that respect (Earl Grey) should
wish to see continued towards them.i e was at a loss to
conceive any cause of opposition to this part of the bill, and
though he would admit it would be an alienation from the
church, vet the alienation was to be applied to church pro-
perty. Re was aware that a great deal of dispute had arisen
upon this point, and that it had been stated that by limiting this
propeHtion. the 'best principle:of the .bill had been sacrificed.
In alienating, in the manner proposed, the property affected by
the bill, it could not be said that there was any departdre from
principle, or anything approaching to wrong or injustice, and
he had examples and precedents to quote in support of that opi-
nion. It could not be forgotten by their lnrdships that two years
ago a bill had passed through their lordships' house, under the
sanction of a right rev, prelate, and which another right rev.
prelate supported, by which part of the property of the chapter
of Durham was sold for the purpose of establishing a college in
that diocese. (Hear, hear.) He (Earl Grey) had subscribed
to the propriety of such an application of the revenues, and to
the benevolence of the object in view, and no man gave more
credit than he did to the right rev. prelate for the liberality he
had manifested upon that occasion; and he would further state,
that, as in this instance, the property of the church might,
without any breach cf the coronation oath, be yielded up with
immense advantage to the church itself, by the promotion of
good, moral, and religious education of the community. (Hear.)
It was proposed by the bill, that as soon as certain bishoprics
should fail vacant, they should be united to other sees by which
means the number of bishoprics in Ireland would lie reduced
front the present number, namely, 22, to 12. He thought that
nothing could be offered against and in opposition to this re-
duction, provided it should be found to be expedient (Hear.)
With reference to the number of bishops, he must remind their
lordships that in Ireland their number had never been uniform
up to the time of the union. The number had once been no
less than 33, and from that had fallen below the number at
which they at present stood, and had been altered both in prin-
ciples and modes. The present number of Irish bishops, how-
ever, was 22, and these sees consisted of several unions of
dioceses made at different times, under different circumstances,
and by different parties. The noble earl then mentioned other in-
stances of the kind, and proceeded to say thatfrom these precedents
it appeared that the bishoprics of Ireland could be united and held
ince/amend= in the same way as is proposed in the bill by the au-
thority of the crown without the interference of the legislature.
He had already said that the number of bishops had been higher
as well as lower than at present. The number now, it was
known, amounted to twenty-two, while in the reign of James I.
the number was eighteen, comprising four archbishops and
fourteen bishops, and of that number it was worth attention,
that many of the unions of sees then existing were the same as
it was proposed to make in the present bill. The 43d clause of
the bill proposed, in the first place, to unite the dioceses of
Killmore and Ardagh, both of which were held together from
the year 1603 to 17'27, with the exception of a short interval in
the years 1693 and 1694. The dioceses of Cork and Cloyne
were united from the year,l4ol to thy year 1553, and the sees
of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross were united from the year 1638 to
the year 16%3. It was proposed by the bill to unite the dioceses
of Derry and Itaphoe. Now, those dioceses were held by the
same bishop from the year 1605 to the year 1610; and with
them was also united the bishopric of Clogher. It was proposed
in the bill to unite the diocess of Down and Connor with Oro-
more. Dromore had been formerly annexed to the diocess of
Down and Connor from 1606 to hill, and, subsequently, after
the restoration, from ldflO to 1667. It was proposed by the bill
to unite the diocese of Waterford and Lismure with Cashel and
Emly. These dioceses had been united at two different periods,
from the
year 1552 to 1569, and from 1592 to 1607. It appear.
ed, then. that of the unions proposed to be established by the
bill, five had hitherto existed; and with that evidence before
them, he would say. that the expediency of the measure being.
'once proved, they had a -perfect right, without the infraction
or contravention of any principle wnatever, to pass a measure
for the due regulation of the number of bishoprics in Ireland.
He would now come to the question of sees. The question was
could 10 bishops he taken from the number now existing in Ire-
land without detriment to the interests of the Irish established
church, or without detriment to the spiritual wants of those per-
sons who were she objects of the care of that church.? In ad-
dressing himself to that part of the subject he thought that in
common with their lordships he should derive some advantage
from comparing the number of bishops in England with the
duties which they had to perform, with the number of bishops
in Ireland and the duties which they had to • discharge. In
England there were, in all, 26,—namely, 2 archbishops, and '24
bishops. He is ould just state the number of benefices that were
under their charge, as it was given in a return laid before the
House of Commons in 1833, premisiug that he believed it was
rather short of the number that had been returned to the eccle-
siastical cemmissioners. By that return the total number of be-
nefices under the charge and superintendence of the bishops in
England was 10,5:53. It appeared, then, that in England they had
26 bishops for administering a church with 8,000,000 of mem-
bers. Now, in Ireland there were 22 bishops, and according to
the last census of the population of Ireland, taken in 1831, the
amount of the whole population of that country was 7,781,536.
Now, he believed that the total amount of the members of the
established church in Ireland could be fairly stated at not fnore
than 1,000,000 of persans. They had therefore in Ireland 22
bishops to superintend the spiritual wants of 1,000,060, while in
England 26 bishops performed the same duty for a population
of not less than 8,060,0 W. If the number of bishops in Ireland
were reduced to the number proposed by the bill, each bishop
there would have only 83,000 persons and 121 benefices to at-
tend to, which was less than one-fourth of the amount of popula
tion that each bishop in England had to superintend, and scarcely
more than one-fourth of the benefices that were under his charge.
He was ready to adroit that the present arrangement of toe
dioceses in England might be improved, and he believed that
that arrangement might he amended, - and that the dioceses
might be better distributed in this country, so as to reduce the
amount of labour where it was too great. upon some bishops, and
to increase it where it was at present too small upon others.
But he conceived that twenty-six bishops,. if properly distri-
Nted, were amply sufficient to attend to the spiritual wants of
the members of the church in this country, and he had never
heard it contended that they were too few. He did not think
that the income of the bishops in Ireland should be reduced, in
any instance, below £4,000 a-year, which was the minimum
fixed by the bill. The Measure in that respect did not aim at
perfect equality; at the acme time he thought that means should
be taken to remove that immense disparity in value which was
to be observed between different sees, pot only in Ireland but
in England, and which was the cause of no small odium and
imputation being frequentiy cast upon the bishops in both coun-
tries. Ile would now come to a much disputed _ part of
this measure—he meant the tax which it proposed to im-
pose upon all future incumbents of livings in Ireland.

The bill, without diverting the revenues of the church to any
purposes that were not ecclesiastical, proposed to apply a por-
tion of them to purposes which had bug been contempiated by
Persons -ishose .station and authority, when he should naine
them to the house, would show that they were not likely to act
Midas feelings or upon principles adverse to the interests of the
established church in Ireland. Ile would beg, in the tirst place,
to state, that in the year 1832 the evils of the churCh cess .in
Ireland were so strongly felt, and the dangers arising from
it were so imminent, that at a meeting which was then held
of the clergy of the diocess of Derry, a resolution was
carried, recommending the abolition - of the church cess,
and that provision should be made for it out of the church
funds, including a new valUation of • the first fruits.—
Their lordships were aware, that by the 10th of Henry VIII.
it was provided, that every clergyman in Ireland, in charge
of a benefice, should keep, or cause to be kept, a school in
that benefice, defraying the cost out of his stipend. Their
lordships would observe, that there was no stipulation made as
to the amount to be paid by the clergyman. Since the passing
of that statute every clergyman in Ireland on his induction to
a benefice was obliged to take an oath that he would keep or
cause to be kept a school in his .parish, as prescribed by the
statute in question. Now, let them see how far that obligation
had been complied with. In the year 1787 it was recommended
from the throne thsa some regular and comprehensive plan for
the general improvement of education should be established
in Ireland, and Mr. Orde, the then Secretary for Ireland, in
proposing a measure with thatview, stated in 'his speech on that
occasion that since the passing of the 10th of Henry VIII.
scarcely any minister had coniplied with the terms of the act,
but that a contribution of 40s. from each minister towards the
maintainance of a- school had been uniformly considered by
them as a compliance with the oblig,iition imposed upon them
by the oath they had taken. Mr. Orde then said that, taking
408. as an amount to guide them, he would propose that, to-
wards the maintenance of schools throughout the country, a
contribution cif 40s. should be levied on all livings not worth
more than £l5O a-year ; that upon all worth £2OO, and not worth
£3OO a-year, £3 per annum should be imposed: and that 6d.
in the £1 should be levied on all livings with more than £3OO
a-year. Here, then, was a direct proposition to tax the clergy.
Their lordships were well aware that the first fruits were origi-
nally a tax of one year's income, (and were still supposed to be
such,) imposed on the incumbent's induction to a benefice, and
which, by law, was payable by instalments. The tax was first
levied by the Pope, not for church purposes in England, but
for the maintenance of the temporal authority of the Pope else-
where. • After the reformation, the right to levy this tax was
transferred to the Crown by an act of the legislature, which;
according to Blackstone, considered the tax due to the King: of
England, inasmuch as he had become head of the church, in-
stead of the Pope. Under this title the first fruits were held
by the successors of Henry VIII., down to the period when it
was converted exclusively to church purposes, as " Queen Anne's
bounty." Originally, then, the first fruits was a tax raised
not for church purposes, but for temporal objects; and not until
the period referred to, when it was very properly set aside for
the augmentation of small livings, and the building of churches
and glebe-houses, did the first fruits cease -to be part of the re-
venue of the state, applicable to public purposes. -The first fruits
were grauted by Queen Anne for the augmentation of small liv-
ingsin England, and for the building of churches and glebe-
houses in Ireland. The fund clearly arose from a tax on the
clergy, and the new tax was proposed as a substitution for the
first fruits. The principal objects of the measure, as he had stated
in the outset, were the abolition of vestry cess, the augmentation
of small living's, and the abolition of first fruits. The means by
which he proposed to carry these objects into effect were the
sale of the perpetuities of bishops' lands, the consolidation of
the revenues of the bishops, and a tax on incumbencies. • The
sum to be provided in order to effect the before-mentioned ob-
jects he calculated at £136,500 per annum. The items of that
charge were as follow:—Church cess, £60,000; augmentation
of livings, £46,500; building churches, £20,000; glebe-houses,
£lo,otk : total, £136,500. It could not be pretended that all
the objects to be obtained by this expenditure were not church
purposes. Church cess emb'raced a variety of matters directly
connected with the celebration of religious worship. • The num-
ber of livings nom £3O to £2OO being 465, it was calculated that
to raise them to the latter sum the average augmeutatiini Would
be £lOO, which gave a total of £46,500 fur the whole; £20,000
would be devoted to building and repairing churches, estimated
on the average' of the last three years; and a sum of £lO,OOO to
the erection of glebe-houses—a very necessary expenditure,- in-
asmuch as not one-half of the benefices in Ireland were pro-
vided with glebes. Some additional expense would be incurred
by the commission, but he trusted not much, and the amountbeing uncertain, it had not been included in the estimate.
To meet these expenses there would be the proceeds of a
sale of the perpetuities of bishops' leases, of the consolida-
tion of the bishops' incomes, and of the tax on incumben-
cies. The annual value of fines of all descriptions on-
bishops' leases was estimated at £lOO,OOO. This sum was cal-
-1 culated as one-fifth of the value of the beneficial interest of
the tenant, which latter, therefore, amounted' to £500,000.
Taking the perpetuity at two years' purchase, it probably
might be sold for more, but as there was to be a deduction
of 4 per cent. on the purchase-money, he would cut off against
this any value that might be obtained above the two years'
purchase, which might therefore be taken as producing the
net sum of £1,000,0`1;O. The funds, therefore, to meet the
charge before stated would be--Interest of £1,000,000 of the
produce of perpetiiities,
taken at 4 per cent
Produce of the suppressed Bishop tics
Tax on those which remained
Tax on Incumbents
Repayments for 15 years
Immediate reduction on the. Bishopric of Derry....
Future reduction of the same Bishopric.....
Future reduction of Armagh

£40,000
50,780
4,6(X)
41,&;0
8,000
4,160
2,000
4,500

£155,840

Making in the whole
Of this, however, there would be immediatly avail-
able only, fiom the Bishopric of Waterford.. 4,000
Repayments
Derry
(This was to be available from the Ist of Feb-
rury, 1834)
Making in the whole 16,160
To this might be added whatever might be realized from the
early sale of perpetuities. All benefices under £3OO a-year
wo,ulclhe exempt from this tax. This would reduce the number
Of taxed-benefices to 691 out of 1456; and as the tax was to be
on a graduated scale it would not impose any grievous burden
on any of them. The great object was to raise the small livings
to a scale which wouid afford the means of something like
adequate payment to those who were the active labourers ita
the chtirch. It was on these grounds that he proposed this
measure to their lordships, not as an innovation on the rights
of the church, but for the sake of the church itself. Some
objection had been made to the constitution of the board of
commissioners. These were the Primate, the Lord Chancellor,
the Archbishop of Dublin, the Lord Chief Justices, four bishope,
and three commissioners to be added by the Crown. It was not,
however, to be aseumed:that these three consmissoners must
necessarily be laymen. They might be laymen or prelates;
but even supposing they were to be laymen, he would hope that,
abused as his Majesty's ministers had been with respect to this
.bill, taunted as they had been with recommending a violation
of the Kin-grs coronation oath, they would last be suspected of
recommending persons for appointment as members of this board
of commississioners who could be disposed to use their power
'to the injury of the church. • The authority of• the board was
defined by the act. They had authority to apply the funds, to
authorize the building of churches, and the purchase of glebes,
and to apply the funds for such other services as the church
cess bad been applied to. He could.not see' how it was in
the power of the imagination of man to object to such a dis-
posal of church • property, as not being . for church purposes.
I'he bill which was now before their lordships was not a new
thought of ministers : it was in perfect accordance .with the
principles cn which they had declared they would act from the
moment of their entrance into office. A noble lord had said
that he saw in this bill the symptoms and the consequences of
that line of policy which ministers had adopted. The policy
thus alluded to was, of course, the conduct which they had fol-
lowed on the question of reform. From that policy ministers
would not shrink. Their opinions had been well known on that
question long before their acceptance of office: They came into
office avowing the necessity of having a reform—a necessity
which was felt and acknowledged even by many of those
who thought that the measure of reform proposed went too far.
Whatever may be the blame cast upon his Majesty's minis-
ters for the course they have pursued, I am convinced that
justice will be done, sooner or later, to the views which they
have taken, and to the efforts which they have made to carry
the principle of reform to many of•those great abuses to which
re:brm was applicable.. He thanked their lordships for the
attention with, which they had listened to his statements. Ile
• had now explained the motives and objects which had influenced
him in bringing forward the present measure. He trusted that
he had done so without using a single expression that was cal-
culated to excite a hostilefeeling ; for he could assure their
lordships that it was no less his wish than his duty to discuss
this important subject with that calmness and deliberation
which ought to prevail in all discussions in their lordships' house.
He would not trespass further upon theii time, but would con-
clude by moving that the bill be now read a second time.
(The noble earl then sat down amidst great cheering.)
The Earl of RODEN moved as an amendment, that this bill
be read a second time this day six months.
The Earl of WICKLOW supported the bill.
The Bishop of DUItHAM was accustomed to look to the pre-
amble of the bill, not only for the 'Object. of the measure, but
the grounds upon which it was proposed. On the present
occasion he found nothing in the preamble, except a broad decla-
ration that it would be exedient and' convenient to do what the
bill proposed to effect. lie would not object to the=-systenrc
taXafien, if it were not
.confined exclusively to the clergy. , It.
was preferable to the suppression of bishoprics, and on this ac-
count—that taxation did not destroy property. It might be very
oppressive and unjust,—it might amount almost to confiscation,
—but still it did nut in itself destroy property. The very idea
of taxation implied the existence of property to ta-S, antiwhen
a tax was removed the property remained entire in
the hands of
its owners.- When they once passed this measure, it would not.
be in the power of the legislature to prevent -other similar mea-
sures, which would go much further. (Hear.) Considering that
the measure deeply affected the -best interests of the country,
and those of the church in particular, it was impossible he could
support it ; and if their ltirdo)ips divided upon it, he must be
under the necessity of votifig,egainst the bill.
The Earl of LIMERICK said that he had the misfortune to be
a member of the 1-louse of Leads in Ireland at the union, when
a noble and learned lord had warned that house of the conse-
quences of placing Ireland under a foreign legislature.- He
owned he did trust. to the honour and generosity of this coun-
try. They were told that property was not safe; that the Pro-
testant religion would be subverted; that if they agreed to the
uuiou, the land would be. safe, the church would he preserved,
and no zealots from Rome would shake them and drive them
from their position. (Hear.) -What had happened since? They
had been told that they were left a security in the Protestant.
boroughs of Ireland. hat was the case at present? Only one,
he thought, of those boroughs was not now in the hands of the
Roman Catholics. (Hear.) They had been told there were too
many bishops. Why not say at once they did not want one ?
AVhat use were they ? The Catholics were ready to undertake
the cure of souls:- (Hear.) Certain conditions had been an-
nexed to the measure of Catholic emancipation, not one of which
had been observed. That bill contained precautions against the
assumption of the title by Catholic bishops; and what was now
doing ? They were reducing the number of Protestant bishops.
Was the Protestant church safer for that? Was the property of
the church safer? Ministers had been pledged to give their
reasons for the introduction of this measuie, and be found that,
having by their own measures. broup,lit Ireland almost into e
state of barbarism, they had been forced to do something to
counteract the evils created by themselves. It was allowed on
all hands that the church never was in a more pure (or improv-
ed, we did not-collect which) state than at the present moment.
Ile hoped he had not said any thing irritating, for he approved
of the mode in which the measure had been introduced to the
house by the noble earl.
The Marquis Cor. YNGIIAM said that no rean.was more firmly
and devotedly attached to the Protestant church than he was,
and he felt-as anxious to do all he could to serve her as he did
to avoid doing any thing to injure-her. Although this measure
had been called an act of spoliation, it ought to be regarded
as a boon. (Hear.) Ile saw no vested rights done away with.
The Earl of WINCIIII.SEA could assure their*lordships, with
the greatest -sincerity; that- it was with no slight reluctance
•he resolved to take his scat within theSe walls again, and to
forego his resolution to take no part in their deliberutione till

THE LIVERPOOL STAN DARD.