The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-01-16 00:00:00

Abe Eiberpool tatibar/i.

FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 16, 1835.

By the Virginian packet ship we have New York
papers to the 25th December ; but by the Victoria, Cap-
tain Merrill, which is not a packet, we have received
papers to the 23th December. Although the Victoria
did not sail till three days after the Virginian, she arrived
on the same day with the packgt. These papers do not
contain any political news of much interest. The com-
mercial intelligence will be found in another place.

We received on Wednesday papers and private let-
ters from Jamaica to the late date of the 2d December.
Their contents are of fearful importance, for the whole
island is in a state ofpassive rebellion. It.is now proved
by fatal experience that the negroes, in their novel and
ill understood condition of apprentices, will not work.
Some estates that were wont to produce upwards of
twenty hogsheads of sugar weekly, do not now produce
more than six. The planters cannot Qn any terms pur-
chase the labour of the negroes. During the hours pre-
scribed by the emancipation bill they do as little work as
possible, but they spend their extra time in idleness;
and no matter, how pressing the case may be, they will'
not work although offered the most liberal and even ex-
orbitant wages. In fact they will not work at all.
To add to this deplorable state of things'serious differ-
ences have arisen between the Governor, Lord SLIGO,
and the House of Assembly. From the beginning iof
this unhappy business it was clearly seen and demon-
strated
that the stipendiary magistrates were totally in-
competent, as well from the paucity of their numbers as
from their inexperience, to preserve the peace of the
colony. In order to remedy this defect, the House of
Assembly, proposed that the local magistrates should be
added to the list of stipendiaries. This, however, the
Governor. would not assent to, not from any alleged im-
policy, not from any conviction that such a measure was
not required by the exigencies of the case, but because
he. the Governor, was positively restricted from adopt-
ing any measures emanating from the Assembly, with-
out first consulting.and receiving the approbation of the
gentlemen of the Colonial Vice ! Such was the de-
graded position of the Governor of Jamaica under the
w big administration.
The following, which we take from the Kingston
Chronicle of the 29th November, will more fully explain
the nature of the grievances under which the colonists
labour :

•
"We now subjoin the resolutions which were agreed to by
the house on the governor's reply to the united address of the
council and assembly. No doubt they will prove a source of
annoyance to his excellency, but he cannot blame the house
for adopting them. He indirectly attempted to cast a serious
responsibility on the house, but which the house have thrown
back upon his excellency : •
" `Resolved lst.—That this house in all their proceedings
have evinctd the most anxious desire to co-operate by every
means 'in their power with the executive and the other branch
of the legislature which seemed calculated to carry the prb-
visions of the abolition act into execution; and with this view
the house have, during the present sessions, passed two bills,
the effect of which, if eitherelf them hail become a law,- this
house confidently asserts would have been to promote the in-
dustry of the miuutnitted slaves, to carry the provisions of the
abolition, act into execution, and to preserve the peace and
tranquillity of this island.
" 'Resolved 2d.—That inasmuch as it appears by the answer of
his excellency to the united address of the council arid assembly
that some of the local magistrates of this island had already
" been appointed by him to the special commission," this house
cannot but express their astonishment and grief that his excel-
lency should have thought proper to state, that it was impos-
sible for him consistently with the tenor of all his communicaN
tons with the colonial office to assent to the prayer of the
united address of the council and assembly, requesting him to
invest with special commissions such a number of the local
magistrates iu each parish as he might deem sufficient to carry
the provisions of the abolition act into effect, and to enforce
due order and subordination among all classes of his. Majesty's
subjects in this island.
" `Resolved 31.—That the communications or instructions
emanating from, and expressly alluded to by his excellency as
those of the'colonial office, are in direct opposition to the abo-
lition act, and calculated to neutralise all the endeavours on the
part of the colonial legislature to carry its provisions into effect.
" ' Resolved 4th.—What this house can never recognise the
unconstitutional prihciple, that any law which has received the
sanction of his Majesty can be suspended, abrogated, or an-
nulled by any communications between the colonial office and
the executive of this island. - -
" 'Resolved sth.—That whatever may be the nature of the
communications and instructions received from the colonial
office, this house think that his excellency might have consi-
dered himself fully justified in yielding to th'e pressure of cir-
cumstances, and to the wishes of both branches of the legisla-
ture, and thereby have incurred a responsibility with the go-
vernment at home, less awful than that which rests upon him.
" ' Resolved 6th.—That this house, and the proprietors of the
island, actuatedly self-preservation, have given and are giving,
their most anxious and zealous co-operation to promote, if it be
possible, the success of a measure in which every thing dear to
them is iuvolvecl--dieir homes, their families, their property,
their existence.

" ' Resolved 7th. —That under these circumstances, this house
cast upon his Majesty's government the responsibility of an-
!m.cring for the consequences which may result from a measure
tn which the peace and prosperity of this island are so deeply
involved.'

" Now: we'cannot, after a perusal of the several speeches of
the governor and the replies of the assembly, after an impartial
review of his administration—the apathy and lukewarmness
which have distinguished his short career of government,—di-
vest ourselves of the justifiable opinion that his excellency will
soon be withdrawn from this island. It is impossible that the
British government could have the unparallelled folly to with-
hold from their organ a discretiOnary power, or that they could
instruct him to turn a deaf ear to the advice of his privy council,
or to the uuited representation of the two branches of the legis-
lature. Is the safety or the preservation of the island of Ja-
maica to the Crown of Great Britain an object of no importance
with his Majesty's government? Are no measures to be adopted
until the blow is struck by a horde of savages ? Must oceans
of blood be shed and millions of property be destroyed before
the Most Noble the Marquess of Sligo can resort " to prompt
and vigorous measures" to destroy the hydra-headed monster
rebellion! Rebellion in its infancy may be subdued, but an
organized and systematic rebellion can only be put down by
an
immense sacrifice of human life, and mines of wealth. 'The
conduct of the governor is unpardonable—it is wicked. Already
are two parishes in a state of rebellion, and no measures have
been adopted to crush it, but the governor looks quietly on
with the utmost sang froid. His answer to the united applica-
tion of the council and assembly is equally extraordinary.
What, we should like to know, would the people of England
think and do, were the King to refuse to grant the united appli-
cation of the lords and commons, delivered in state in their pre-
sence by the lord chancellor? His crown would totter on his
head! Such, however, has been the conduct of the Most Noble
the Marquess of Sligo. He will have to answer for his apathy
and lukewarmness, and we tremble for the consequences which
will be the result f his indiscretion."
Elsewhere we have given copious extracts from the
file of papers. A Conimittee of the House of Assembly
bad been appointed to " inquire into the causes of the
general discontent among the negroes." We have

printed a portion of the evidence given before that come
mittee for the purpose of making the reader acquainted
with its nature and-importance. The
.committee, in the
discharge of an arduous duty, had summoned before them
a baptist preacher of the name of ABBOTT, but when he
made his appearance he refused to be sworn. He was
brought before the house, and, on being asked his rea-
sons for such contumacious conduct, he replied, that the
house had no power to impose an oath; that taking an
oath, except before a judicial tribunal, was unscriptural ;
and various other frivolous excuses. He was assured.by
the Speaker that the house had the power to examine
on oath ; that it had frequently exercised it; that other
baptist preachers had been sworn without objecting to the
oath ; and that he must either comply with the order of
the house, or be sent to prison. Mr. ABBOTT resolved
to be a martyr. He positively refused to be sworn, and
he was accordingly committed to gaol under the Speaker's
warrant.

It is well known that the baptist missionaries in the
West Indies are the most disaffected and the most ran-
corous of all the religious sects. The question then
arises, had this man ABBOTT certain secrets in keeping
which he did not choose to disclose ? or does he prefer
.a
gaol in Jamaica, and a rich subscription in England, to
the award of a good conscience, and the consolation of
doing the duty of an honest man ? We are not prepared
to answer these questions. The Kingston Chronicle of
of the Ist December says—

" We had been in hopes that Mr. Abbott, seeing his error,
would readily have petitioned the house, withdrawing his objec-
tion to be sworn, and praying to be released from durance vile.
It has, however, been represented to us that he would rather
the and rot in gaol' than petition the house. Such language
is certainly not becoming the character of a minister of the
gospel, and instead of elevating, ought rather to sink him in the
estimation of the public. The object, no doubt, of the reverend
gentleman -is to hold himself up to the British people as a mar-
tyr a liberal cause, and -to extract from thq pockeis of poor
deluded, cheated John Bull another flee thousand pounds. These
frequent calls on honest John's purse must, in th 6 end, excite
his disgust and open his eyes to the deception which has been
so long and so successfully practised."

We return to Mr.. President JACKSON'S message. It
is said to have produced, an unusual sensation in Paris.
The newspapers have attacked it with great bitterness,
and some of the leading deputies have proposed to enter
upon its discussion at once, in order to pass a resolution
declaratory of the intention of the chambers not to re-
cognise a treaty which imposes burdens upon the nation,
in the framing of which the representatives of the peo-
ple were not consulted, and in the liabilities of which
they do not concur. Under these circumstances we sus-
pect the United States will have great difficulty in per-
suading the people of France to vote away twenty-five,
or, rather, including interest and charges, nearly thirty
millions of francs.
If the chambers took no higher ground than the ad-
mitted fact that the people of France were not parties to
the treaty, we cannot see how the citizens of America
can reasonably complain. No treaty originating with
them is ever held to be binding unless ratified by the se-
nate and house of represeritatives. How often has the
president of the republic entered into negotiations, and
put his seal, to treaties, which have subsequently been
discountenanced and annulled by the irresponsible bodies
to which we have alluded? The Americans, therefore,
cannot object to a demurrer founded upon their own
principles and practice. The- representatives of France
have not sanctioned the treaty, and consequently it is
little better than a piece of waste paper.
Besides, Mr. BIDDLE, the President of the United
States Bank, asserts, upon authority that will not be con-
tradicted, that the executive government of the United
States, not being authorised by the terms of the treaty—
a treaty only in embryo—for, it was unsanctioned by the
parties most interested—had no right whatever to draw
a bill upon the treasury of France. The character of
Mi. President JACKSON is placed in a very unenviable
light by thiOdisclosure. Sharp practice may do. in mili-
tary tactics, but it is not deemed creditable in commer-
cial dealings. Had it been an English cpntract he might
have been sale in -drawing for the money even befoie it
was due; but the French look to both sides of the franc
before they part with it, and never without receiving an
equivalent.
The moderate party in Paris say, that for the sake of
peace they would not, object to ten or fifteen millions of
francs, but that thirty or even twenty-five are out of the
question. On the other hand the president says he will
not abate a single centime, so that, if congress should
happen to be of the same opinion, there must be wart
But we pass on to other subjects. With whatever de-
gree of earnestness the head of the American govern-
ment may wish to embroil his country in a foreign war, one
thing is plain enough, namely, that he has his heart's
content of war and strife at home. For some consider-
able time he has been carrying on hostilities against the
Bank of the United States, and in the course of this
senseless and unjustifiable quarrel he has inflicted a se-
vere blow upon the credit, the trade, and the commerce
of the country. _ The president does not attempt to con-
ceal that he is jealous of the wealth, and the political in-
fluence which flows from the wealth, of the bank. It is
natural that such a body should possess an extensive in-
fluence in the Tepublic. •It would be a beggarly bank
indeed if it possessed none. Capital is every thing in
so young and so enterprising a community as that of the
United States. Where .there are no other honours the
affluent must compose the aristocracy of the state, and it
is a dangerous experiment to make war upon so formida-
ble a body. The contest may be protractedi but either
the official assailants will be beaten in the end, or both
will perish from exhaustion. The bank has hitherto
acted upon the defensive—keeping its ground unflinch-
ingly—nursing its resources—watching the movements
of its antagonists narrowly—and preparing itself for a
resolute struggle in the hope of obtaining a signal and
complete victory when the proper opportunity comes. In
the meantime the work of incipient convulsion is advanc-
ing, while the great portion of the people, shrewd enough
in other respects, but totally ignorant of the bearings of
a vestion which is new to them, are looking on with
some degree of apprehension, " guessing" and " calcu-
latihg," but not in the slightest
,degree comprehending,
the deep game that is playing. The president developes
his views on the subject in the following extracts from
his message. He, says,—
"To continue any business relations with the Bank of the
United States that may be Avoided without a violation of the
national faith, after that institution: has set 'at open defiande the
conceded right of the government to examine its affairs; after it
has done all in its power to deride the public authority in other
respects, and to bring it into disrepute at home and abroad; after
it has attempted to defeat the clearly expressed will of the peo-
ple, by turning against them the immense power intrusted to its
hands, and by involving a country, otherwise peaceful, flourish-
ing, and happy, in dissension, embarrassment, and distress—
would make the nation itself a party to the degradation so sedu_
lously prepared for its public agents, and do much to destroy the
confidence of mankind iu popular governments, and to bring
into contempt their authority and efficiency. In guarding against
an evil of such magnitude, considerations of temporary incon-
venience should be thrown out of the question, and we should
be influenced by such motives only as look to the honour and
preservation of the republican system. Deeply and solemnly
impressed with the justice of these views, I feel it my duty to
recommend to you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of
public stock; that the provision of the charter, requiring the
receipt of notes of the Bank in payment of public dues, shall, in
accordance with the power reserved to Congress in the 14th
section of the charter, be suspended until the Bank pays to the
Treasury the dividends withheld; and that all laws connecting
the government or its officers with the Bank, directly or
indi-
rectly, be repealed, and that the institution be left hereafter to
its resources and means.

. •
"Events have satisfied•my mind, and I think the minds of the
American people, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow
from a National Bank far overbalance all its advantages. The
bold effort the present Bank has made to control the govern-
ment, the distresses it has wantonly produced, the violence of
which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its
observance of law and order, are but premonitions of the. fate
which awaits the American people should they be deluded

.nto a perpetuation of this institution, or the establishment of

another like it. It is fervently hoped that, thus admonished,
those who have heretofore favoured'the establishment of a sub-

stitute for the present Bank, will be induced to abandon it, as
it is evidently better to incur any inconvenience that may be
reasonably expected, than to concentrate the whole moneyed
power of the republic in any form whatsoever, or under any
restrictions."

The claim, or, rather, the admission with which the
president commences the above extract, shows the in vi-

dious mature of his hostility to the bank. If the govern-

ment have a " conceded_ right," as he assumes, to " ex-
amine its affairs'," why does the president not enforce the
right? The law is either with or against the president.
If it. be against him, it is the law of the United States,
which he of all men is first bound to respect; and if it

be with him, he is guilty of a gross dereliction of duty
in not seeing it properly and
.strictly fulfilled. Here,
then, at the outset, the president is in the wrong by his
own showing. All his criminations and invectives go
for nothing in the'face of such striking admissions.
But Mr. JACKSON is further of opinion, that the " mis-
chiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far
overbalance all its advantages." This is the present
opinion of the President; but before we adopt it we
should like to know how many years have elapsed since
General JACKSON was of an opposite opinion. Opinions
hastily snatched up are rarely worth much. Five years
ago the President was as warm a friend, and as firm a
supporter, and as ardent an admirer of that monetary in-
stitution as any than in the United States. Every intel-
ligent friend of the republic can testify as to the solid and
invaluable. advantages that have been reaped from the
extended establishinents of the Bank. The country. ne-
ver had -a respectable circulating medium until it was
given, regulated, and controlled by the Bank. The rub-
bish called bank-notes, fettered by ever-varying rates of
excharige—here passable—there doubtful—and almost
every where inconvertible into real money—was a na-
tional nuisance, alike disgraceful to the government and
the people, and it remained a disgrace until the Bank in-
terfered and swept it away.
The real fact is, the President never breathed a com-
plaint against the Bank—never alluded to it but in terms
of praise—never interfered with it but to further its sa-
lutary projects—until he found he could not convert its
powerful influence to his own factious purposes—could
not make honourable men his electioneering puppets—
could not draw upon its directors for power as well as
dollars. Defeated in his designs—disappointed in the
higheit: hope of his ambition—marred in his desire to re-
alize large,possessions—he turned upon the idol, he loicl
cherished, and would now destroy what he could not per-
vert. Will lie succeed ? No. He is not combating
with men of straw—he is not fighting with men of nar-
row resources—he is not contending with capitalists who
are easily alarmed or have any fear of discomfiture. They
are strong in their means; they are unbending in their
principles; and they have law and justice on their side.
Mr. JACKSON has already ruined nine-tenths of all the
bankers in the United States, but he has not impaired a
single outwork of the great national establishment. He
'may pursue his career of madness a few months longer,
but sooner or later he will b 6 compelled to retrace his
steps, and fall unpitied the victim of his own frantic am-
bition.

But while the President deals in accusatiofis against
the Bank, and charges them with exerting an undue in-
fluence, he is at the same time, and in the same incon-
gruous message, compelled to admit that in his own ex-
ecutive departments of the state the taint of corruption
is at the root, and that a system of jobbing and fraud has
been carried on for years. Hear the melancholy, comes
sion

"Circumstances have been developed, showing the existence of
extensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and
gratitude for revolutionary services. It is impossibla to estimate the
amount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the
national treasury. lam satisfied, however, it has been such as
to justify a re-examination of the system, and the adoption of
the necessary checks in its administration. All will agree, that,
the services and sufferings of the remnant of our revolutionary
band should be fully compensated. But while this is done
every proper precaution should be taken to prevent the admis-
sion or fabricated and fraudulent claims. In the present mode
of proceeding, the attestations and certificates of judicial officers
of the various states form a considerable portion of the checks
which . are interposed against the cum-Mission "of frauds.
These, however, have been, and may be fabricated, and, in
Such a way as to elude detection at the examining offices.
And independently of this practical difficulty, it is ascertained
that these documents are often loosely granted; sometimes
even bank certificates have been issued, sometimes prepared
papers have been signed without inquiry, and, in one instance at
least, the seal of the court has been within reach of a person most
interested in its improper application.
" It is obvious that, under such circumstances, no severity of
administration can check the abuse of the law, and information
has, frinp time to time, been communicated to the pension office,
questioning or denying the right of -persons placo upon the
pensionzjist to the bounty of the country. Such cautions are
always attended to and examined. But a far snore general in-
vestigation is called for, and I therefore recommended, in con-
formity with the suggestion of the secretary of war, that an
actual inspection should be made in each state into the circum-
stances and claims of every person now drawing a pension,
The honest veteran has nothing to fear from such a scrutiny,

while the fraudulent claimant will be detected, and the pUblic

treasury relieved to an amount, I have reason to believe, far
greater than has heretofore been suspected. The details of such
a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the necessary
checks without any burthensome operation upon the pensioners.
The object should be two-fold.
• "1. To look into the original justice of the claims, so far as

this can be done under a proper system of regulations, by an
examination of the claimants themselves, and by inquiring,
in the vicinity of their residence, into their history, and into
the opinion entertained of their revolutionary services.
"2. To ascertain, in all cases, whether the original claimant
. .

is living, and this by actual personal inspection.
"This measure will, if adopted, be productive, I think, of the
desired results, and I therefore recommend it to your considera-
tion, with the further suggestion, that all payments should be
suspended till the necessary reports are received."

And this is the land of freedom! This is the land of
pure administration and cheap government I It may .be
pure, and so are some of the strongest and most poison-
ous decoctions—it may be cheap, but it is rotten. Some
idea may be formed of the extent of the frauds alluded
to by the President—of their numerous and intricate ra-
mifications—from the simple fact that " all payments"
have in the first instance to be " suspended" in order if
possible to find a remedy. What would the people of
England think and say if frauds were connived at by cer-
tain subordinate persons in the government to such an
extent that it became necessary to stop the pensions of
the in and out-door veterans of Greenwich and Chelsea
Hospitals? But such is the state of things in the land
of liberty and cheap government. In every department
the most barefaced venality and corruption prevails. The
Postoffice isa sink of imposition—admitted—proved to be
so, by, evidence laid before the senate. But the Post-
office is the President's right band, and it must not be
touched. He defends it to theuttermost, and more lying
documerits have been fabricated in its defence, and in order
to screen the guilty parties, than would sink the best
frigate in the American service. It is through the Post-
office that the President manages the elections, keeps up
his influence at hotels and taverns, gives and receives
favours from coach contractors, and bribes the news-
papers. Heaven knows! this last is the most unpardon-
able waste of the public money, fur of all the trash
which comes from the
press that of the journals of Ame-
rica is the most contemptible.

Such, courteous reader, is America, and if you pre-
fer it to Old England, we wish you, in good sooth, a
safe passage and a speedy one.

We are always happy to correct mistakes. We said
in our last that Mr. MORRISON, the rather celebrated
ribbonman of London, was turned out of Leicester,
thereby leaving it to be inferred that Mr. MORRISON was

the colleague of Mr. WYNN ELLIS, a gentleman in the
same line of business, but in point of principle and in-
tellect vastly his superior, as the evidence before a com-
mittee of the House of Commons most distinctly proves.
The Mr..Moinusos we allude to is, we believe, an
unitarian—a large shareholder in the Gower-street uni-
theyarticular friend of an absentee gentleman,
versity--
"bycalled courtesy" Lord BROUGHAM-'---a successful
speculator in tape and pins in Fore-street, London—this
Mr. MORaISON is now the late member for Ipswich, and
not Leicester, and was the colleague of a gentleman for
whom we are bound to entertain the most,unbounded
respect—Mr. RIGBY WASON.

Having given these explanations as required by par-
ties who feel poignantly on the subject, perhaps they will
allow us to indulge in a few reflections.

Mr. RIGiIY WASON, along with
,Mr. Mouitisorr, of
Fore-street, London,—we like to be particular in matters
which the two-penny pOstrnen deem essential,—was de-
feated at Ipswich by our most excellent friend, and able
and rising barrister,• Mr. FITZROY KELLY. There is