The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1845-04-15 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

s," had it been for

_tuerpool Atantarb.

PAY MOR

3, APRIL 15, IS

excused if we de-

ferred no

uced in favour of

,he debate

ured, how

3 speech to be e

easure has al-

adstone ; and

so gra

e, in that speech,

i to by some mem-

ment as being state

overboard, and the
rere, in puris natu-

(led, to the alterna-
mbered with the la-
ities of Sir Robert
hig-Radical allies.

tive of w,
boure4 s
Peel, or t

the opinions

he feeling of the people for
:onsequentdegree of necessi

which has prom

s introduction

Mr. Glad--

stone say

.4 to the division upon the first

lg of the hil

" I fully admit to my hon. friend that the minority of
last week did represent the general and prevailing sense
7.mr.land and Scotland.
':sion, and believing,
admit of denial or
state, on my own part,
..,ature consideration of this sub-
in which it stands, I am prepared, in
Jeliew he the prevailing ppinion
gland

opposition to what I

my own c

and Scotland—in opp;aition to
ituents, from whom I deeply
opposition to my own deep,
am prepared to give a delibe-
-3 the measure of my right hon.

lns—l

rate and

nxious

friend

The g

the peop
ject. It

House,

or th

and the Ho

of Comm

ing f

that, nc

doubts

t upon

which, t

been all
delibera

wed for the purpose

xpressed itself
ctly, and adds,

manifestations of the v

upon them as the, measure

may ask further,

land herself

measure ?

tranqu

I he re]
All t

a mockery

man, its author

less bones
33, had be

un to flow into th

1. a fi

ways,

gerly adopted

beginning to turn thei

and there

hundred of
that the inl

,bat people even

;r properity

anxtou

ana ael
ben of

Mr. Wads

fore tt

r sophistries he strips
We have been told of a
in some clause of

contain

w be found in some
i finally, when it could
be found nowhere written or tangible form,
it tumbled down to a compact in equity; and Sir
Robert informed us that our adoption of this mea-
. m ore than a liberal and

sure
honour

compact." Mr.

adniits that he

grant on this ground

o believe, with the

that there is some-

I do not mean, of

nAtrurnent binding Parliament to all
n a state of circumstances and a rela-

ternity ; but 1 ir

people of Ireland

compact or not—and
words—did certainly
discretion of Parlia-

for the College of
approaching it as a

ted
That co

leration is not appli-

free to consider
in sub-

It as being

it pn la

th the argument
, as Lord Sandon
ight of a restitu-

that tt
and otl

s to he

lion to t

eland ? He says :
that argument, and
manage and control

ry point of view

him it w

to the constitu-

everything I know
1 of the argument.

of bist
I will c

to bed

e as an act of res-
-1 confessions by the

a shilling in the
earer the mark,—if

pound
this in

crediror, is worse than
part of those who have

Another. pl

pnt forward by some, that a better
Vlaynooth, And a more advanced

i attract to the priest

hood a

e present race,

Mr. Gladst

so throws acid

to Germany

but It

tehed snpoosition that the rea-
hs ent, r-d the Roman Catholic
and not in Ireland, was" to be found
TPnce or education. -The Roman
ermanv is in possession of ancient

church in Ge

merely i
Catholic

relation with
re, and it is on

ifference of the

1 2arning. that many moreot ti
higlrr c!aes in Germany en
find in Ireland. I don't thin

jostle from the

orders than we

be any great al-

.ation in that r,
He adds, hos

re bound in fairne

latever tends to give
he College of May-

1 softening the tone
we have a right to

from the present

From

at confidence has

We must say

)t tended materially to
nism in Ireland; and

r our warrant than
inion. We might

a learned body

i class ofpriehtliood

through

llow. But the no-
henefitted thereby,

is one of the

"Hakes
I cannc
notion,

mind ti

,m in Ireland
Roman Cath

In he asked,
which Mr.

nv which hav

e6lf? We will

hem seriatim

3 have adduced
overty of Ireland's
rich render it an ob-
fliculty for them to provide for the
We are quite

rs and

oman Uatti
ct of infini

s of rel

:o this argument ;

and that is hut little. Ireland is poor, we grant,
and how much that poverty is to be attributed to
the spiritual tyranny and darkness under which she
is kept, we shall not pause to enquire. But poor
as she is, she can, and does, contribute five to six

•
thousand per annum to the Propaganda of Rome,
and ten times that amount to feed the cravings of
a mendacious hypocrite, and to carry on the sense-

„-,.tation by which he lives. Another plea urged
in favor of the proposition is--” the inclination of
all the statesmen of one party in the House of Com-
mons, and the now avowed inclination of the only
body of statesmen belonging to the other great
party, who are at present in a position to conduct
the affairs of the country." It is well Mr. Glad-
stone ,qualified his as;-ertion by the words "at pre-
sent," as otherwise it might have been justly re-
garded as a little too bold. As it is, we regard it
as questionable whether it is very prudent to re-
mind us of the manner in which " the only body of

statesmen" of the conservative party manage to
" conduct the affairs of the country"—viz.: by

.dapting their measures to the pattern of "all the
statesmen" of the opposite party, whom, when in
opposition, they would have been sorry to compli-
all ! We have adduced
as another reason " the strength which the propo-
sition derives from popular principles of Govern-
ment, according to which it is a general rule, unless
strong considerations to the contrary intervene, that
those who pay to.vards the state shall be admitted
as far as possible to share equally in the benefits
that may result from the state."
Against these arguments Mr. Gladstone states
that he finds it difficult to advance any sufficiently
weighty to induce him to offer any opposition to
the measure, and he is confirmed in this feeling of
difficulty by the halting nature of the arguments
adduced against its adoption by its parliamentary
opponents. We admit that there is much correct.
ness in the latter position. Throw from you the
high ground of principle, which the opponents of
the measure have done—lay down the weapon of
truth, and come to a question of pitiful and
balancing expediency—and the innate strength of
the Protestant opposition is gone. We, however,
or the Protestant public out of doors, have not
done this; and we are therefore proof against the
shaft which Mr. Gladstone levels with telling effect
against the parliamentary opponents of the measure.
We look in vain for anything tangible amongst
round, therefore,
and Scotland upon the sub- ore, is clear, as to the will of the arguments which Mr. Gladstone draws forth
of Eng !
, from his own quiver. He tells us of nothing which
'<3 land !
can justify us in entertaining any hope of a bene-
ny other members are in the same post
clear, too, that Mr. Gladstone himself—.- ficial result from the measure, except his belief that
- •
it is a paradox unjust to human nature to say that
in advocating the measure before the conciliatory measures are entirely futile in winning
representative of his own constituency, he affections of than. Possibly, Possibly, in the ordinary
House a faithful index of the opinions taffairs of life, this may. be true ; but our experience
ncies. Mr. Gladstone i•
the effect of past conciliatory measures towards
ions are both, in vot- popery in Ireland does not bear out its universal
nstitutional trust ; and truth. With respect, indeed, to the arguments that
:lt there can be any thus far aynooth has been a failure, we have that
matter with respect to
the period has been which has fact, which is not denied to him, accounted for.
the country has not Ihe whole of the views with which it was founded
Dr even this he also have not been carried out. The establishment and
oreover, that further endowment of the college was only " a limited part
of Mr. Pitt's experiment ;" and that experiment
r will would pour in cannot. . fairly until be
. tested t'l the remaining part—
progressed. But, we
- a provision for the "subsequent support of the
.e impulse from Ire-
—Ada of the introduction of such a Roman Catholic priesthood" has been tried in con-
Ireland was, comparatively speaking, Andt this it would tra
appear, gis a
inth Mr.public Gladstone's
was little better than 'wi
contemplation; for he says :
ned of it was the old "It is impossible not to tee—it must be admitted on
, grubbing after its bare and almost all hands—that although this measure does not decide the
British capital, in the lull of the question of the payment t.f the Roman Catholic priests,
country. Rail- yet that it removes the religious objections on that ques-
,o, even Government ti
which
.---(Cheers.)—There are many poliitical objections
re being rapidly pro- mayariset,othere
that mmeaayQbuereinasnudplerwah noobitencotwionesotoonr
other grounds
. The Irish people were into any inquiry with respect to them ; but I cannot con-
yes to common-sense and ceive, myself, that the measure of my tight hon. friend,
benefitting their condition ; introduced in the year 1845, has disposed of the religious
minds of one in every objeictions to the payment of the Roman Catholic p' iests.
the shaddtv of a thought The British public will, perhaps, think that, if the
of Maynooth was ne-
measure is to be tested and decided on utilitarian
The mea- grounds alone, it would have been better and more
t•:ngland and Scot- honest to place before us at once the whole amount
bore to shore, and about of the sacrifice of principle which we have to make.
aposal, Ireland was not That this endowment, with the measure which is
'le anxious, is a wilful most certainly to follow it, is a sacrifice both of
between the mem- principle and of safety to the institutions of the
fled for as it is country, we need quote no better authority than
one with us Mr. Gladstone to shew ; and we quote this portion
of his speech the more readily, as it supplies an an-
swer to those who vindicate concessions to the
Church of Rome, on the ground of encouragements
being afforded to other denominations, and in an-
swer to some of the arguments of Mr. Gladstone
himself:—
n any " In another point of view this measure is a very great
boon—l do not mean because of the thousands per annum,
mpac. or the imposing sum it gives—but, because there is no re-
' ligions endowment held by the church, as establish. d in
this country, which is held upon such easy terms (hear,
hear), and lam not sure that there is any foundation in
any Catholic country held upon similar easy terms. Ido
not say this to impeach or to impede the bill, I believe
that this structure of the bill is wise and proper, but let
it not be said—in this house it will not be said, but else.
where—that this is a paltry gift, because the whole
amount of revenue which will be enjoyed by this college
will still perhaps, be less than the revenue enjoyed by the
University of Dublin ; but observe, that revenue is hvld
on. totally different grounds. You have formed an alli-
ance with the church, and you have given endowments to
it, but you have imposed upon the established church se-
vere restrictions, and you have limited and restrained her
assemblies. (Hear, hear.) If you look to France and to
Germany, and to other countries, you will find that some-
thing of giving and taking between the church and the
state is usual, but in this country the doctrines of the
church were tied down by the state. In France and in
Austria it is notorious that no Papal bull is valid without
the assent of the state, but the church claims the invio-
late right of assembling, yet when this endowment is con-
ferred on the Roman Catholic church of Ireland, it is not
limited in any way (.9) it is a gnat and liberal gift, by it
we show our confidence in the Roman Catholics of that
country, and I trust that it will be duly appreciated, be-
cause it is unfettered by any conditions, and is conferred
in terms more liberal and is subject to less restraints than
are imposed on the established religion of this country,
or on the Roman Catholic Religion itself in other
countries."

Certainly the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland,
in the agitation and occasional treason against the
state, in which she has been immersed for the last
half century or more, has shown little which can war-
rant this excessive confidence in her gratitude or
her patriotism !

But we must pause. We have given, we believe
fairly, the substance of the speech of Mr. GI dstone
in favor of the measure; and we leave it to be tested
in its arguments and statements with those far dif-
ferent and more statesmanlike and Christian argu-
ments upon the question which we recorded last
week, and have again the pleasure of recording in
our columns of this day.

The Reform Committee of St. Anne's Wardiwith
Dr. Bradley as their man of all work, and Mr.
Brownbill, his intimate friend (!) as their —what
shall we call this respectable gentleman's occupa-
tion ?—must have felt themselves in a merry mood
on the evening of Wednesday last. Such at least
ought to have been the case if they were capable of
appreciating the respect and admiration with which
their proceedings against Mr. Parker, and the evi-
dence by which they were supported, were viewed
by the jury, the bar, and a crowded court, and which
even expressed itself in the lobbies and the street