The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-03-08 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

Mr. O'CosyEst was bound to say, that he thought the
amendment was extremely well calculated to elicit the real na-
' ture of this proceeding, (the attempt to destroy the constitution
in Ireland,) by holding out to the
.public the certainty of this
fact,—that one fortnight's delay, it was felt, would be fatal to
this measure, which was as unnecessary as it was unjustifiable.
He begged to call the serious attention of the house to ques-
tions which they had to decide—to two questions which that le-
gislature had to decide. The measure then before them was one
of vital importance to every part of the British empire; it was
one that was intimately connected with the nature of the future
government of Ireland: He would ask, then, were they to fol-
low the precedents of former British governments with respect
to their conduct towards Ireland ? Were they to continue the
old and oppressive system? Or were they at length to allow
Ireland to be a part of the British empire ? He would respect-
fully implore gentlemen to consider well the next question.
Had Ireland, he demanded, ever benefited by her connexion
with England ? Let gentlemen ask themselves, and say, what
benefit she had derived from the connection ? (Hear, hear!)
If she had been totally separated from England, could she have,
by possibility, been thrown into a worse situation than that in
which (as was admitted on all hands) she was placed at present?
What had been the result of that connexion ? Poverty, dis-
tress, misery, and crime were constantly foremost in the de-
scription given of Ireland. How, then, by possibility, could.
Ireland be made worse than she was, according to the state-
ments which came from both sides of the house? What had
England done for her? What benefits had she conferred on
Ireland ? If, ou the other hand, he were asked, what crimes
had been perpetrated against, her, he could at once say that the
black catalogue was most abundantly supplied. He would take
different parts of the history or the two countries,—he could
show that the most horrible atrocities, that the deepest treache-
ries that ever stained the annals of one country in reference to
its dealings with another, had been perpetrated by
.England
towards Ireland. He had on former occasions pointed out
some of the leading characteristics of oppression, as regarded
Ireland, which had distinguished each century during a long
and calamitous period. His answer was—a sneer. He was
asked, why revive in the present day the story of the oppres-
sions of the Henries and Edwards and Elizabeths? He would
tell the house why he did so—because the same system of
oppression as England displayed towards Ireland in those
times was still continued ; because, though the name might he
different, the thing was the same, and Ireland now, as
then, groaned under the iron yoke of English oppression.
The hon.. and learned gentleman then went into a long histori-
cal sketch of the grievances of Ireland, from the conquest of
that country to the present hour, and denied " with indignant
scorn" that political was in the slightest degree connected with
prmdial agitation, and concluded by saving, that if they wished
the connection of this country with Ireland to he beneficial to
the latter, let them conciliate the people. They had granted
emancipation he knew, but not until twenty-nine years after it
was promised, and twenty-five after an Irish parliament must
necessarily have granted it. And after all the suffering and the
wrongs of the Irish people, that house was now kind enough to
give them that bill, by which trial by jury was abolished, courts-
martial substituted for the ordinary legal tribunals, individual
liberty annihilated, the Habeas Corpus act suspended, and ac-
cused persons put on the necessity of proving their innocence.
That was the act they gave the Irish people, and at the same
time talked of putting down the agitation of the repeal of the
union. That never could be put down until justice was done to
Ireland. The present generation might be destroyed; their
Robespierean measures might sweep away the existing popula-
tion; but the indignant soul of Ireland they could not annihi-
late. There was a time when a ray of hope dawned upon Ire-
land. It was when the present reformed Parliament first as-
sembled. The Irish people knew that every man in that house
had now his constituents, and was influenced by public feeling.
They hoped that their grievances would be redressed, and he
still trusted that that hope would not prove delusive. (Cheers.)
Mr. Cobbett and Lord Althorp rose together. There were
loud cries for the latter, but the noble lord gave way.
Mr. CORBETT then said that as the house appeared deter-
mined to murder the constitution, he thought they had better
commit the murder by daylight. He should therefore move the
adjournment of the house. (Tremendous cries of "No.")
After a few words from an hon. MEMBER under the gallery,
which were not heard,
Lord ALTHORP said he was surprised at the motion made by
the hon. member for Oldham, as the house came yesterday to a
clear understanding that the debate was to close to-night.
(Hear, hoar.) The hon. member had not had a great deal of
trouble sin attending these debates, for he had not been present
at the close of the discussion on any one day. (Hear, hear.)
But he asked how it was possible foithe business of the house
to be conducted, if, after the conversation •last evening, which
he was sure must have been understood by every gentleman,
(cheers,) they should not endeavour to bring the discussion to
a close now ? (Cheers.) The noble lord concluded by apolo-
gising to an hon.-member, who, he understood, wished to ex-
press his opinion on the question before the house, for having
risen immediately at the conclusion of the speech of the hon.
and learned member. -He bad done so because he imagined
that after the length to which the debate had extended, the
house was extremely anxious that it should be brought to a
cldse. (Cheers.)
'Mr. ConaErr said he was not unwilling to withdraw his mo-
tion of adjournment, if he obtained the consent of the two gen-
tlemen who seconded it. (This consent having been signified
to the hon. member, the noition of adjournment was with-
drawn.)
Lord. ALTHORP then rose 'to reply. He said he should not
detain -the house longer than a few minutes. All he (Lord
Althrdp) would say was, that, 'Whether opposed to the popular
feeling in general, or whether supported by it, their the minis-
ters' yconduct would ever be regulated by what they considered
'right and proper, uninfluenced, on the one hand, by apprehen-
sions °Nile danger of disregarding unpopular clamour, and, on
the other, determined not to be urged forward 'precipitately by
its delusive breath. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Althorp) was
ready to admit that a ministry were placed in a different posi-
tion "in the reformed Parliament from. that which they before
occupied. He thought it did not follow that because they might
beileft in a minority oh seine questions, on which it was for the
house to decide, they ought therefore to resign ; but he did think
that if they were opposed on any important and vital question
by amajority of that house, and reduced to such a situation that
they could, not carry on the government on principles approved
of by'themselves, he did think that then they ought to tender
their resignations, ataremain in office no longer. If this were
called dictation, what would be said to the dictation which was
attempted to be used on the other side. (Hear, hear.) Was it
not implied that ministers were .to carry on 'the government on
the principles of the opposition, and be responsible for them
too ? (Hear, hear.), Let whatever be urged against them,
they (the ministers) could not at least be charged with any
dereliction from their own principles. The present measure
had been argued against as if its framers had intended it as a
remedy for all the evils of Ireland. That was not the truth.
They tied intended it as a remedy only for one, and that was,
the insecurity of life and,property. Many of the evils which •
dfilieted Ireland, he must confess, were beyond legislative
power; but he thought that the present measure might assist
'any future attempts at amelioration. (Hear, hear.) He would
only add, that they had endeavoured to remedy those evils as
far as they were able. The noble lord concluded by observing
that though he had many things yet to say on the subject in
answer to the objections which had been urged from the other
-side, he would not at that late hour detain the house any longer.

Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the house
divided:--Xor the original question 466
For Mr. Tennyson's amendment, 89
The bill was then read'a first time, and ordered to be read a
second time on Friday next.—The house adjourned at-2 o'clock.

DR. JolixsoN.—Johnson was, on the Whole, a rigid moralist;
r but he could be ductile, I may say, servile; and I will give you
au instance. We • had a large dinner-party at out house ,•
Johnson sat on one side of me, and Burke on the other; and
in the company there was a young female (Mrs. Mimi named
her), to whom I, in my peevishness, thought Mr. Thrale,super-
fluonsly attentive, to the neglect of me and others; especially
of myself, then near my confinement, and dismally low-spirited
notwithcanditig which, Mr. 'l'. very unceremoniously begged
of the to change place with Sophy —, who was threatened
'with a sore-throat, and might be injured by sitting near the
door. I had scarcely swallowed a spoonful of soup when this
'occurred, and was so overset by the coarseness of the proposal,.
that I burst into tears, said something petulant—that, perhyps
ere long, the lady might be at the head of Mr. 'l'.'s table, with-
out- tiisplacinc, the mistress of the house, &c., and so left the
'apartment. I retired to the drawing-room, and for an hour or
two contended with my vexation, as I best could, when Johnson
and Burke came up. On seeing them, I resolved to give a
joticiGait to both, but' fixed on Johnson for my charge, and asked
-him if he had noticed what, passed,, what Y had suffered, and
whether, allowing for the state of my nerves, I was much to
blame ? He answered, "Why, possibly not ; your feelings were
.outraged," I said, "Yes, greatly so; and I cannot help re
'narking with what blandness and composure you whitened the
outrage. Had this transaction been told of others, your anger
' Would have 'known no bounds; but, towards a man who gives
,;geod dinners, &c., you were meekness itself ! " Johnson co-
loured,,and Burke, I thought, looked foolish; but I had not a
-word of answer from either.—Pozziani.

FOREIGN IN

UNITED STATES.

By the Packet Ship South America, we have received files
of the A merican prints to the 16th ult. The intelligence con-
tained in them is very important. Mr. Clay, considering that
the Tariff would be in danger if it were postponed till the suc-
ceeding session, which seemed very probable, has proposed a
bill, making a gradual reduction on protected articles for eight
or ten years, and then fixing the duty at 20 per cent. Thus
there is every prospect of a speedy settlement of the great
questions which at
.present agitate the Union. It is the gene-
rally expressed opinion, that every thing will be amicably
settled iu a very short time. Mr. Clay introduced his bill, on
Tuesday, Feb. 12th. He entered into an animated explanation
of it; which was listened to with great interest, and appeared.
to give general satisfaction.
After giving a general view of the bill, Mr. Clay took up
fairly and in succession, all the objections which were likely to
be urged against this measure of compromise and conciliation,
by the two parties, Tariff; and Anti-Tariff, and closed by an
eloquent appeal to the patriotism of the Senate and of the
country, for aid in restoring harmony to the Union.
Mr. Webster, who thought the bill presented great difficul-
ties, said he had still no wish to anticipate the judgment of
those who had to vote upon it. He should, however, ask leave
to lay upon the table certain resolutions expressive of his
opinions upon it. The following are
Mr. Webster's Resolutions.
Introduced in the Senate on Wednesday.
Resolved, that the Annual Revenue of the country ought
not to be allowed to exceed
.a just estimate of the wants of the
government : and that as soon as it shall be ascertained with
reasonable certainty that the rates of duties on imports, as
established by the act of July 14, 1832, will yield an execs over
these wants, provision ought to be made for their reduction,
and that in making this reduction, just regard should be had to
the various interests and opinions of different parts of the
country, so as most effectually to provide for the common
defence, and promote the general welfare of the whole.
But whereas it is certain that the diminution of the rates of
duties on some articles would increase, instead of reducing the
aggregate amount of revenue collected on such articles ; and
whereas in regard to such articles as it has been the policy of
the country. to protect, a slight reduction on one might produce
essential injury and even distress to large classess of the com-
munity, while another might bear a larger reduction, without
any. such consequences; and whereas also, there are many
articles, the duties on which might be reduced, or altogether
abolished without producing any other effect than the reduction
of revenue : Therefore

Resolved, That in reducing the rates of duties imposed on
imports by the Act of the 14th July, aforesaid, it is not wise or
judicious to proceed byway of an equal reduction per centum
on all articles, but that as well the amount as the time of reduc-
tion ought to be fixed, in respect to the several articles, 'dis-
tinctly, having due regard, in each case, to the question, whe-
ther the proposed reduction will affect revenue alone, or how
far it wilt operate injuriously on those domestic manufactures
hitherto protected; especially, such as are essential in time of
war, and such also as have been established on the faith of ex-
isting laws; and above all, how far such proposed reduction
will affect the rates of wages, and the earnings of American
manual labour.

Resolved, That it is unwise and injudicious, in regulating
imports, to adopt a plan hitherto equally unknown in the his-
tory of this Government, and the practice of all enlightened
nations, which shall either immediately or prospectively, reject
all discrimination in articles to be taxed, whether they be arti-
cles ofmecessity or of luxury, of general consumption or of li-
mited consumption, and whether they be or be not such as are
manufactured and produced at home; and which shall confine
itself to one equal rate of ceutum on all articles.
Resolved, That since the people of the United States have
deprived the States governments of all power of fostering ma-
nufactures, however indispensable in peace or in war, or how-
ever important to national independence. by commercial regu-
lations, or by laying duties on imports ; and have transferred
the whole authority to make such regulations and to lay such
duties to the Congress of the United States, Congress can not
surrender or abandon such power compatibly with its constitu-
tional duty : and therefore
Resolved, That no law ought to be passed on the subject of
imposts, containing any stipulation, express or implied, or giv •
ing any pledge or assurance, direct or indirect, which shall
tend to restrain Congress from •the full exercise at all times
hereafter, of all its constitutional powers, in .giving reasonable
protection to American industry, countervailing the policy Of
foreign nations, and maintaining the substantial independence
of the United States.

We have been favored with the following extracts from
letters received by the South America.
"The perplexing discussions upon the Tariff and the
enforcing Bill have continued until Tuesday, when Mr. Clay
introduced into the senate in union with Mr. Calhoun of South
Carolina, a bill, which taking the tariff of 1832, now about to
operate as the basis, stipulates for a reduction in ten years of
all the duties to the rate of 20s. the reduction to be biennial,
but chiefly to come off the two last years' say in 1841-42. We
must refer you to the papers by this ship for particulars. His'
.plan is that all articles then paying duty shall be not over 20s.
in any case. This bill is opposed by Mr. Webster and others.
But it is clear that the 'tariff principle for an excessive_protec-
tion is abandoned by all parties, and must go down. We pre-
surae.the and.will be, that by common.consent, theseperplexmg
matters will lay over to another session, and South. Carolina,
although mortified as she deserves, will be quite&
A .bill brought forw and on Tuesday to authorize the treasury
to dispose of the seven millions of stock, held by the govern-
ment in the bank, U. S. was•thrown out, promptly in,the lower
house, by a division of 101 to 91, so that we
will
bank
stock will rise to-day. We believe the bank will be rechartered
next session."

" Of our political troubles, we feel the fullest confidence that
a satisfactory settlement will take place, that there will be no
resort to }force, and that we shall continue United States for
some timelo come. We also are confident that this will be
effected, in the only feasible way, by an abandonment, to a
great extent, of the protective pokey; if this is not done, a
separation is eventually inevitable."