The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-11-19 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

n conseg uence of the receipt at a lat hour of several lengthy
adverti cements and extended reports, we have been corn-
peled t o postpone the insertion of several amusing and inte-
resting communications.

We could not find room to-day for the long letter to O'Connell,
on the temperance societies, but shall not lose sight of the
subject.

One vot walks" thinks that a correspondent of the Albion is
faulty in blaming the Commissioners of Birkenhead for the
state of th:. roads in Clifton Park, as that locality being private
property, is quite out of their p wer. It is, -however, neces-
sary that something should be done to improve the roads
through that park, more especially as a toll is levied upon
every horse and ♦ehicle that passes through it.

C,br Etberpool OtanDarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, NOV. 19, 1844.

That a determined opposition will be offered to
the bill "for consolidating and amending the laws
relating to parochial settlements, and to the remo-
val of the poor," introduced by Sir James Graham
into the House of Commons, at the close of the
past session, we entertain no doubt; and as little
that it will be unsuccessful, if left to be conducted
according to the ordinary course of parliamentary
tactics. An energetic phalanx of noble-minded men,
who have battled, in times past, against those de-
vilish oppressions with which modern selfishness has
striven to grind the faces of the poor, will raise their
voice against it in the House of Commons ; a por-
tion—the best portion—of the British press will de-
nounce its folly and wickedness. But—alas !
amidst the busy strife of faction—amidst the struggle
of contending interests and parties—the cry of the
suffering poor and their friends will, we fear, fall
upon unheeding, or wilfully closed ears; and this
effort to draw more closely the iron chain, with which
avarice has bound them to their wretched lot, will
be triumphant. Good men and angels may weep
over the result; but the grim spirit of that dark
philosophy which presides over pauper prisons and
exercises its cruel ingenuity in the grateful task of
paring down pauper dietaries, will fold its hands in
glee, as it contemplates and tries the edge of the new
weapon of torture which a British parliament has
placed within its reach.
When will this nation, as a nation, be roused to a
sense of its duties to its suffering poor ? When shall
we cease to goad our wretched fellow-creatures to
suicide or madness, as a penalty of their poverty?
When shall we resolve. to extract the fangs of this
demon of tyranny, which we have set up and wor-
ship as a god? Alas! we fondly dreamt that the
advent of a Conservative administration would be a
signal for so blessed a consummation ; that, with
such an administration to direct the national mind,
we should cease to regard our pauper fellow-man as
something criminal and noxious, to be punished as
a felon, or extirpated as vermin. We were mis-
taken, however; and hitter, in consequence, is our
disappointment. Under the leading of the cold-
hearted utilitarian, who presides over the affairs of
the Home Office, and to whose tender mercies is
confided the fate of the thousands of our wretched
poor, who languish in union workhouses, or are
bandied about by parish officials, to shiver in bye-
roads and hedge-sides, or embrace crime itself, or
suicide, as more bearable than starvation, the points
of the iron have been sharpened—the brand, which
we apply to the heart and the forehead of the pau-
per, has been cut more deeply—and the entire sys-
tem which inflicts these cruelties, has been widened
and strengthened at its base, as a portion of our in-
stitutions intended to be permanent in its duration.
In the hands of hollow, selfish, and imbecile " libe-
ralism," it was but a blister upon the face of so-
ciety, which the return to other and more Christian
physicians we trusted would remove and heal. Yet
it is those men, in whom we trusted—to whom
thousands hopefully looked up for relief from their
torture—by whose wrong-headed and hard-hearted
policy it is becoming a deeply and firmly-seated sore,
whose agony is already well-nigh intolerable.
The bill, to which we have adverted—the newest
of Sir Jas. Graham's new poor-law fancies—con-
tains propositions well-calculated, if made known,
to incite us to throw off the apathy into which we
have fallen with respect to this system. It has clauses
which, if understood, would awak even avarice it-
self to offer it the most strenuous opposition. It is
riot only inhuman in principle—what portion of the
entire system is not so ?—but it is a direct attack
aipon the pockets of a most influential portion of the
people, viz. the inhabitants of the large manufactur-
ing towns, hitherto well enough disposed to remain
quiescent whilst the screw was being applied for
their advantage, but not so likely to look on with
satisfaction when it is proposed to attack their
pockets. Already we are gratified to observe that
the town council of Leicester have taken a decided
posture of opposition to the measure, and published
the result of their examination of it in a report,
which is before us ; and we trust that the example
trill be followed by public bodies in other towns,
and that, as the result, a combined effort will be
made, which will convince Sir James and the au-
thorities of Somerset House that the time has come
when they should rather think of retracing their
steps than of attempting fresh enormities.
For the information of such of our readers as
have not had an opportunity of examining the bill
itself, we shall briefly detail its enactments and the
objects for which it has been introduced; and we
cannot do this better than by quoting from the
Leicester Committee's report.
" The bill entirely abolishes all settlements of every
description acquired before the passing of the act, unless
the parties have been removed by orders, or their settle-
ment his been admitted by writing under the hands of the
majority of the overseers of the parish; and it establishes,
as the only ground of settlement,—lst, that of birth ; and
if the place of birth cannot be ascertained, then. secondly,
that of the settlement of the father, as it would be, if liv-
ing after the passing of the act ; or, if the father be not
settled in any parish in England, or if such parish cannot
be ascertained, or if the pauper were not born in wedlock,
then the place of settlement is tho parish in which his
mother would, if living after the passing of the act, be
sett!ed. It will therefore be seen, that at one blow all
existing settlements, with the exception of that of birth,
are swept away ; and that this change applies not only to
the future, but affects all settlements already acquired by
any other means than that of birth, or unappealed against
orders of n-rnoval, or written acknowledgments. The
consequence will be, that persons who have gained settle-
ments in this or any other place by apprenticeship, occupa-
tion, ownership of property, or any other means than those
ment'oned, and who may from their youth have been
living here as acknowledged parishioners, will, by this ex-
port-facto law, be deprived of their present settlements,
and be liable to be removed to the place of their birth, or
if that cannot be ascertained, to the parental settlement,
as explained by the new law."
Now let us for a moment inquire what must be
the effect of the carrying out of such an enactment
in a parish like that of Liverpool. We have now
in our workhouse, and receiving outdoor relief, some-
wh re about 2,000 paupers who have acquired set-
tlements by birth, by paying rates or otherwise.
Probably half of these may be natives of the town ;
and with respect to them no change will be required.
But the rest belong to other parishes in England or
are natives of Ireland, who have become settled here
by some of the old legal modes of acquiring settle-
ments, and will become liable to be removed to the place
of their birth, if that place can be discovered, or to
their parental settlement, an equally difficult prob-
lem to solve. The difficulty thus thrown in the
way of parish officers is absolutely fearful to con-
tern late. And what shall we say of the humanity
of the measure ? We have around us a working
population, drawn to this busy locality in search of
labour, who have gained settlements and formed
connexions here—married here,—buried here their
dearest; and when the pressure of age comes upon
them, or by some stagnation in trade they are com-
pelled to claim aid from those for whom they have
toiled, we are told to send them to their distant
places, which know them not—where the lapse of
years and the hand of death have left them as utter
strangers as they would be in a foreign land, and
where they are placed beyond the possibility of ever
regaining their independent positions by resuming
their accustomed pursuits. Surely this is a propo-
sition of needless cruelty and infamy !
And so the framers of the bill appear to have
thought it, for they have overlaid it with a clause of
affected kindness, the working of which, however,
will be more embarrassing than any enactment we
ever remember observing. It is to this
effect ~
viz
" That no person who has resided the five years last
preceding in any parish, and has ordinarily maintained
himself in or near thereto as a labourer, artificer, me-
chanic, servant, or tradesman, and has not been con-
victed of felony or misdemeanour, and has not during
e e.sihdoesnpciet
such five years been removed under any order of justices,
shall be liable to be removed ; but that in
any prison, barrack, lunatic asylum, or no
public
or while receiving relief, shall be considered either as an
interruption or as a portion of such five years. '

The object of this clause is apparently to force
those who employ labour to maintain the la-
bourers when worn out or no longer required; and
the principle involved is not altogether inequitable
or unjust. It will assuredly lead, however, in very
many instances to insuperable difficulties, and press

upon some localities most ruinously. A great pub-
lic work, fer instance, is projected—say the docks
at Birkenhead—and the execution extends over five
years. It requires a thousand excavators, and ano •
ther thousand mechanics. These men have children
born to them, which under the former clause are,
by birth, settled in Birkenhead. They contrive,
themselves, to scramble through five years, "ordi-
narily maintain themselves "—and extraordinarily
thieving or starving, we presume—" in or near
thereto"—(how near ?); and at the conclusion of
their undertaking they are settled in Birkenhead—a
pleasant sort of incumbrance to that prosperous
locality ! But how is this five years of residence
and "ordinarily maintaining in, or near," to be
proved. Upon whom is to be the burden of proof?
The old test of ratepaying was clear enough, and in-
volved the same principle upon which this clause
appears to be based; but, in the case of such men
as these, mostly lodgers, a five years test is sheer
absurdity.
And, now let us see with what object so sweeping
a change is brought forward—a change which must
unsettle and throw into inextricable and continual
confusion every parish in the kingdom ? It has
appeared to Sir James Graham and the commis-
sioners, that the law expenses attending removals,
and disputed settlements, are, under the existing
act, excessive, having amounted last year to £84,750.
Overseers and masters of union workhouses cannot
for less than this amuse themselves with this fa-
vourite pastime of playing at shuttlecock with pau-
pers; and it is sought to indulge them by decreas-
ing the cost of the amusement. Yes, in pursuit of
a trumpery saving, which cannot be, at the utmost,
more than some £40,000 per annum throughout
the whole of England, and is more likely to bring
an increase than a saving, the whole fabric of our
existing settlements is to be taken to pieces and re
constructed !

We put it to any impartial mau—any man not
besotted in his fondness for the inhuman and selfish
principle of the New Poor Law—whether such an
act as this ought to be permitted to pass into a law.
We say that it should not. We say, moreover, that
it is the bounden duty of every parish and every
community in the United Kingdom to offer it their
most determined opposition.

The manufacturers of Manchester appear, at
length, to have discovered, almost when too late,
the urgent necessity of directing the just influence
which they ought to possess with the legislature
towards objects of practical utility. A few years
ago, we urged upon them the consideration of the
injurious operation of the tax upon raw cotton—
the sublime financial achievement of that precious
specimen of a Whig Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Lord Althorp ; but we urged in vain. The League
was then in the full zenith of its power—the acme
of its baleful influence; one half of the cotton-
spinning and weaving world were bemused with
the speeches of muddy-witted spouters, or wrapped
in visions of cheap corn and cheap production of
their commodities ; whilst the other half held,
sulkily or hopelessly, aloof, and refused to mingle in
the troubled waters of politics for any object, how-
ever attainable and useful. In the meantime, the
injurious operation of this tax—which we pointed
out, and all the world admitted—has gone on, pro-
ducing its natural results : setting up and fostering
foreign competition in every land, who undersell
them, and laugh at their wilful folly; and only now,
when the mischief has almost gone too far to be
remediable, have our cottonocracy consented to lay
aside their contentions and unite in an effort for its
removal. Better late, however, than never.
A special general meeting of the Manchester
Chamber of Commerce and Manufacturers was ac-
cordingly held on Thursday last, which was attended
by the most influential members, of every shade of
politics, at which a memorial to government, pray-
ing for a repeal of the cotton duty, was unanimously
agreed upon. We shall not here remark upon the
speeches of some of the gentlemen by whom it was
addressed. We shall not incur the risk of damag-
ing a useful movement by the introduction of topics
calculated to excite division and bitterness of feel-
ing, although these gentlemen found it impossible
to refrain from doing so. On the contrary, we say
to the merchants of Liverpool, of all shades of opi-
nion, " lay aside your political differences for awhile,
and back, by your influence, the efforts of the cotton
manufacturing interests to procure the removal of
an impost which is inflicting a serious injury both
upon you and them, and crippling your operations
in every foreign market." A duty of 5-16ths of a
penny per pound appeared trifling enough when
first imposed, at a time when the price of cotton
ruled high, when we had, in exchange for it, a relief
from the print duty, and when, moreover, the rival
manufacturers of other countries possessed not a
tithe of our skill, and were almost entirely without
our machinery. A duty of 5-16ths of a penny upon
cotton at Bd. or gd. per pound was a trifling per
centage against us ; but this duty upon the -same
description of cotton at 3F12-. to 4d. par p,* d, is a
bonus to the foreign manufacture of upwards of 10
per cent. The political economists have, in addi-
tion, given to that foreigner our best machinery ;
and it is little wonder, therefore, that in every neu-
tral market—in Brazil, in China, in the Mediter-
ranean, and even in some of our own colonies, the
heavy fabrics of the American and other manufac-
turers have already supplanted our own, and that
we are fast losing our superiority in the production
of the finer fabrics.

This is a state of things not to be trifled with;
and we call earnestly upon the merchants and ship-
pers of Liverpool to join heartily in the movement
against the tax which has mainly tended to produce
it. The question is not a manufacturer's question
alone. It is a merchants and a national question.

Mr. Commissioner Dowling is a great man—a
very great man ; and the departed Whig faction
which fastened him upon the town, at a cost to the
borough fund of £5OO per annum, with travelling
expenses for all his little jaunts in search of petty
larceners and pickpockets, showed that they pro-
perly appreciated his greatness ! Mr. Commissioner

Pow-ling-, in addition to his commissionership,—the
duties of which office, we dare say, are quite as well
conducted as if his whcle time and talent were
devoted to at this present moment, "Acting
Head Constable,"—a sort of substitute for the
veritable official himself, provided in accordance
with the same philosophy which prompts boys to
rig out, on the sth of November, a stlf-fed "Guy,"
in the absence of the flesh and blood original. In
this capacity Mr. Commissioner Dowling has just
distinguished himself by the discovery of a mare's
nest, affecting, or intending to affect the character
of Mr. Parker, the Conservative member for St.
Anne's Ward, and a member of the Watch Com-
mittee, which yesterday afforded to our worshipful
borough magistrates another opportunity of dis-
playing to the world their desire to usurp the
functions of that body, and to arrogate to them-
selves the sole control of our Borough Police.
The proceedings, and the evidence taken, will be
found fully reported in another column ; and we
willingly leave them to have all the effect which they
were expected to have upon the public. But we
must take exception against the misapprehension of
their powers displayed in the evidence of Mr. Dow-
ling and his superintendent Jones, rnd the subse-
quent resolution of the magistrates. "At half-past
one o'clock in the afternoon of the sth instant," says
Mr. Superintendent Jones, " I was informed there
were two Orange flags hanging out from the second
window of the house of John Allen, who keeps a
public-house in Mill-lane, Shaw's-brow." And
what then ? We ourselves, four days previously,
saw a green flag hanging from the window of Mr.
Holt's committee-room in Toxteth-park. Why is
I he emblem of loyalty to be visited with the hand of
assumed authority, whilst the emblem of rebellion
flaunts in the wind unrebuked ? By what right did
Mr. Superintendent Jones and other officials inter-
fere in the matter ? The solution of the question is
to be found in the evidence of Mr. Commissioner
Dowling. That gentleman, in answer to a question
by Mr. Rushton, informed the bench that "he
had directed the officers, in the ordinary discharge
of their duty, to go to the house and request"—and
the request of a superintendent of police is generally
received as a requirement—" that the colours might
be taken down. This was not in consequence of
any communication with the magistrates, but in
his discharge of the duty of head constable, in con-
sequence of the report made to him by Superin-
tendent Jones."

And what_ had this Jones remarked at Allen's
house to call for Mr. Dowling's stretch of his duty
as head constable. Had he seen anything likely to
lead to a breach of the peace—any symptoms of
popular ferment ? Mr. Superintendent Jones saw,
and therefore could report nothing of the kind. He
saw the usual concomitants of an anniversary—a few

men drinking—he says drunk—in the house;
and, as a proof that he saw no more, since the
commissioner could not wreak his vengeance
upon the publican Allen for his refusal to with-
draw the flags—a proof that he knew his inter-
ference, with respect to them, was an illegal and
improper interference,—he subsequently directed
informations to be laid against him, for allowing
drunkenness in his house,—singling him out
amongst a hundred other Inn Keepers who might
have been found similarly circumstanced on that
or any other day of the week. Had Allen with-
drawn the Flags and bowed at the feet of the sub-
lime substitute for a Head Constable—had Mr.
Parker not ousted Mr. William Earle for St. Anne's
Ward, or called at Rose-hill Station—it must be
plain to any man of common discernment that no
information against Allen would have been laid. A
paltry proceeding this, Mr. Dowling—very paltry !
And in what has this mighty affair resulted ?
What is the value of the resolution of the worshipful
bench ? It is ordered that "if any individual what-
ever shall directly or indirectly interfere with any
superintendent, inspector, &c.—wink at him, we
suppose, whistle at him, or in any other way notice
or comment upon his vagaries—he shall forthwith
" communicate the fact of such interference to the
Commissioner of Police"—(laying the foundation
for a little new authority, Mr. Dowling ?) why not
to the Head Constable, when such an officer shall
be appointed ?—" who shall lay the same before the
Worshipful the Mayor." And pray what then,
Gentlemen ? What can the Mayor, or what can
the Magistrates, legally do to such a party ? The
whole resolution is preposterous and abortive, and
is only calculated to cover its originators with ridi-
cule.

But, to have done with this portion of our sub-
ject, let us just ask Mr. Rushton, and his brother
Liberals on the bench, a question. It shall be a
pertinent one. We have now had from them ano-
ther effusion of their venom against the loyal Orange
body. The last time they would not allow any
member of that body to hold a situation in the po-
lice force ; and they now seem disposed to carry
their persecution of thim into their very lodge-
rooms—into their own houses even. When their
last attempt was made, it was sought to. be di-
vested of its partizan character by including, in
the ban pronounced against Orangemen, Ribbon-
men as well. It was declared that the latter cha-
racter would be visited with the same penalties
directed against Orangemen. We ask Mr. Rush-
ton, and his fellow Liberals, for the performance of
their promise of impartiality. It has now been dis-
tinctly admitted, on no less an authority than that
of Mr. Hearne, Priest of Granby-row Chapel, in
Manchester—a Repealer—confirmed by Mr. M.
O'Connell, M.P., that Ribbonism is increasing
with giant strides in that town and in Liverpool ;
that the " Hibernian," and other similar ex-
clusively Roman Catholic societies, are almost
to a man, composed of Ribbonmen. We now ask
of these gentlemen how many of our present
police force—how many of the inspectors—belong
to these societies ? And we shall repeat the ques-
tion, until we get an answer. If the bench of Liver-
pool can afford time to investigate such trumpery
matters as this charge against Mr. Parker, they
can spare time to go into the investigation to which
we now invite and challenge them.

SLANDERS AND SCURRILITIES OF THE
RADICAL PRESS.

All the world knows by what agency the Reform bill
was carried and the whig radical faction foisted upon the
country as its rulers. ENORMOUS LYING was the lever
used ; and to enormous lying and shabbiness the paltry
whig radical press are just now so vigourously applying
themselves that we are afraid we shall be driven to have
the heading of this article stereotyped, for weekly use.
Our employment of it, for the present week, has arisen
from the following paragraph in the Liverpool Journal.
" The Councillor makers in this town are the master tradesmen.
One firm polled at one polling place, on the first of this month, fifty
of their workmen for one candidate ; and they did it without any
disguise—literally ' lumped' it
" How is the thing done ? In the easiest way possible. A
master tradesman—say a worker in iron, or a worker in
bricks—says to his foreman, ' Pay the rates for all the men who
are householders, and stop it from them at threepence a week.' They
are then on the registry. On the first of November he says to
the same foreman, "Tell So-and-so that he would oblige me,
and I will oblige him, by vcting for my friend So-and-so." The
election is won—Toryism is triumphant—and the Councillor so
elected is the tool of the master tradesman—the worker in iron
or the worker in bricks—who elected him.'
Here is the commencement of an insinuation. " A
worker in iron or a worker in bricks"—mark the allusion!
—is assumed to pay the rates of his men, deducting them
at twopence a week. So far, however, it is a vague charge
—an assumption, merely, levelled at no one in particular.
In this state it would not suit the prurient tastes of the
party for whose edification it was penned ; and the
writer accordingly proceeds to attribute motives, and to
point out more definitely the subject of his slander. The
object for which rates are thus paid by him is set
down as a sordid one. " The master tradesman," he says,
" moves the councillor, the councillor the committee, and
the committee the council. Little jobs in disguise are
done for little people, and the larger ones for men occu-
pying a larger space in the public eye." He proceeds
then to insinuate that the sale of the Harrington Dock
was such a job, so brought about ; and further intimates
that, by another job, as the price of the exertions of the
" worker in iron and worker in bricks" in support of the
Conservative party, the Herculaneum Estate is to be si-
milarly disposed of to the council or the dock committee.
" Those who make councillors," he says, " can make
docks, and having made them, surely they may sell
them ;" and again he indulges in allusions, in connexion
with such docks and such intended sale of them, to " the
influence of the anvil and the trowel."
We need not inform any one acquainted with the local
politics of Liverpool that it is intended throughout this
article to impute the most dishonorable and infamous
practices to a particular party, who is well known to be
largely embarked in the Herculaneum Docks. The allu-
sion has been already recognized quite sufficiently to
stamp the article as a libel, for which no judge or jury m
the empire would refuse to convict. The gentleman at-
tacked can, however, afford to despise the attack for suffi-
cient reasons, to which we shall briefly refer. In the
first place, it is based upon a mean betrayal of the con-
fidence, and perversion of the meaning, of a private con-
versation. The writer will understand to what we allude;
and perhaps the circumstance may serve to teach
the gentleman in question, and other good easy people, the
danger of expressing themselves freely, even in badinage,
in such qua! ters. In the next place, no such sale of
the Herculaneum estate to the Dock Committee—no such
"job," as is insinuated—is likely to be even attempted,
for the very simple reason that the estate in question is
almost definitely sold already to other parties Surely
this will content this very virtuous journalist—this too
acutely sensible opponent of jobs in contemplation by
" workers in iron and workers in bricks !" We almost
fancy, by the way, that we can remember a time when his
scent was not quite so keen ; but that was when another
set of men held office, to his own individual profit.
We might have remarked upon the tone of another
article in the same publication, in which Mr. David
Hodgson, the present chairman of the Watch Committee
is attacked with a degree of rancour and coarseness not
easily to he paralleled. The world, however, will readily
discern the feelings which dictate it ; and we, therefore,
refrain from the task as needless.

r THE FUNDS, SATURDAY NIGHT.—The English funds
maintain very good prices, and, compared with yesterday,
the market presents a firmer appearance. However, Sa-
turday at the Stock-Exchange is generally a day of limited
business, from the early hour at which the house is closed.
Consols for money and the account left off this afternoon
1004 to 8 ; Three per Cents. Reduced, 934 to I Three-
and-a-Quarter per Cents., 102 to 4; Long Annuities, 12
1-16; Bank Stock, 201 to 205; and India Stock, 286 to
288. In the foreign market scarcely anything has been
done. The speculative securities were rather flat, and
quotations in this respect show a downward tendency.
Spanish has been most affected by the unfavourable aspect
which affairs in Madrid present. The final prices of the
day were—Spanish Five per Cents., 231 to 24; the Three
tier Cents., 354 to 4 ; Portuguese, 524 to 531 ; Russian
118 to 119 ; Mexican, 354 to 36k; the Deferred, 154 to 3 ;
Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 624 to 4 ; the Five
per Cents., 99 to 4 ; Danish, 89 to 90 ; Colombian, 134
to 118; Chilian, 101 to 103 ; Buenos Ayres, 35 to 37 ;
and Brazilian, 874 to 814.
EXTENSIVE FIRE.—On Saturday a very destructive
fire broke out on the premises of Horne, Thompson, and
Holland, coachmakers, Oxford-street, London. The
building consisted of a large factory and workshops. The
whole fabric was destroyed, with nearly all its contents,
amongst which were a number of most magnificent car-
riages, the property of noblemen and gentlemen, with
large quantities of tools and materials of every description.
Messrs. Horne estimate their loss will amount to between
£20,000 and £30,000, a portion of which only is insured
in the Royal Exchange. The premises are also insured
in the same office.

MR. LOVER'S IRISH EVENINGS.—The celebrated au-
thor of " Rory O'More" gave his first " Irish Evening"
last night, at the Royal Assembly-rooms, Great George-
street. The company was numerous arid highly respecta-
ble ; and the applause with which Mr. Lover's amusing
" instances " of Irish character, as well as his singing of
Irish melodies, and the historical and quaint illustrations
with which he introduced them, were received, was a
more legitimate tribute to his merits than can be paid by
our individual pen. He was encored in several of his
songs, and most deservedly ; for in the plaintive melo-
dies he introduced a degree of national and genuine
pathos rarely evinced by public vocalists. His remarks
on the influence of herdic music, in national movements
of old, were striking ; and his entertainment, on the
whole, was highly entertaining. His story of " Paddy
the Piper " and the concluding song of " Rory O'More
were received with the warmest plaudits. The " bill of
fare " for Friday evening next (the second night) pro-
mises a still greater treat, the performance being entitled
" Paddy by Land and Sea,"—embracing many peculiari-
ties of his countrymen, and Irish songs of his own com-
position, &c.