The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1845-06-17 00:00:00

TO-CORRESPONDENTS,

The length to which our report of the meeting held last night
has extended prevented the despatch of cur paper by the first
post. The report has also clowde.l out several articles, which
would otherwise have been inserted.

Ely Eiberpoo gOanbatii.

TUESDAY MORNING, JUAE 17, 1845.

We understand that the proceedings of the Pro-
ttestant Operatives of Toxteth, whose meeting we re-
ported in our last, and especially the introduction,
'by Mr. C. H. Horsfall, of the name of Mr. Pringle,
as a candidate worthy of the suffrages of a Protes-
tant constituency, has given some little umbrage to
a portion of the Conservative party. So far as the
other speakers who were present at the meeting are
concerned, we need not offer any defence of their
conduct on the occasion. They need it not. They
spoke boldly the feelings which the present crisis of
that great and holy cause, so dear to them, is cal-
culated to inspire in the breasts of earnest men.
They spoke, moreover, to .the point, with a distinct
end in view, to be carried out by practical and con-
stitutional means; and for so doing they have cer-
tainly our thanks, and that of the great majority of
the friends of the constitution and the religion of
this realm.
With respect to the speech of Mr. C. H. Hors-
fall, which we regret to say was of necessity very
imperfectly reported in our columns, we cannot do
better than quote here the following letter, which
has been addressed to us, and which conveys all
which we could have said, much better than we
could have said it.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.
SlR,—The proceedings of our meeting in the Music
Hall on Monday evening, the 9th inst., were necessarily
protracted to so late an hour, that it was out of your
power to give anything of an accuratereport of the speeches,
much less of editorial comment upon the entire. Many
have regretted this, especially with reference to the speech
of Mr. C. H. Horsfall, who seconded the first resolution.
It was valuable on its own account, and additionally so
from the deserved weight and position of the speaker. Had
the report been more full, misapprehension had been im-
possible, for the respected speaker was sufficiently guarded
and explicit ; and in introducing the name of Mr. Prin-
gle, asa suitable representative for Liverpool on some fu-
ture occasion, Mr. Horsfall took especial care to say, that
he did so, wholly from himself, without either concert or
consultation with any individual wh.tever. Indeed it
was evident, that the mention of Mr. Pringle's name by
Mr. Horsfall, was but the tribute of a congenial mind, to
the integrity and manly independence, that preferred prin-
ciple to place, and refused, after the example, and at the
bidding of the Premier, to betray the constituents that
made choice of him as their representative, and to surren-
der the principles which he was elected to represent and
maintain. Mr. Horsfall knew that the meeting he was
addressing was a religious and not a political body,
and therefore, although exercising the undoubted
right of throwing out any sugee,tion he thought proper,
in the midst of his admiring townsmen, and supporting it
with the sanction of his own honoured name, he was very
properly and very pointedly careful not to involve in any
share of the responsibility of so doing, either the associa-
tion whom he addressed, or the beloved and respected
president, Rev. H. M`Neile, who occupied the chair.
The Record, and other papers, have fallen into the mis-
take. that the Toxteth Operative Association have taken
it on themselves to nominate a candidate for Liverpool.
To rectify this error, I have ventured to call attention to
what actually did take place, and to request your insertion
of what I have written, the substantial accuracy of which
can be attested by any one who can subscribe himself as
I do. Your obedient servant,
" ONE WHO WAS PRESENT."
Liverpool, June 16th, 1845.
Whilst upon this subject, may we ask what steps
are taking to carry out the recommendation of Mr.
M Neile with respect to the registration ? Our op-
ponents are busy, and vaunt of the certainty of suc-
cess, whenever a struggle may come; and if Pro-
testants are in earnest, they must skew it practi-
cally. Meetings and excellent speeches are valua-
ble aids ; but work only, and hard work too, in this
case, can achieve the end in view.

The unvarying tactique by which the present go-
vernment have succeeded in carrying their measures
has been the coup-de-main. And yet, after each new
surprise, we are told that we have no reason to be
surprised at all ! Session after session the Premier
and his colleaguesiave come down to Parliament,
clad in portentous mystery, with some great measure,
or string of measures, to announce ; and, when their
vastness and antagonism to the understood princi-
ples of their authors have alarmed their usual sup-
porters and amazed the opposition, Sir Robert has
pointed, with a bland smite, to some obscure and
ambiguous passage, in some speech of a previous
session, which, he has contended, ought to have
plainly shadowed forth the course which he was
prepared to take. " How can hon. members af-
fect to be taken by surprise ?" has been the ready
rejoinder to complainants; and they have been forth-
with knocked down and silenced by a quotation from
some past declaration of opinion, which, though em-
balmed in the pages of Hansard," was, up to the
very hour of its reproduction by its author, as unin-
telligible to nine-tenths of mankind as would have
been the contents of the Sybelline leaves, or the inti-
mations of the Delphic oracle. The Premier has
thus ambled off in triumph upon his ingenious de-
vice, whilst his supporters have arrived reluctantly
at a sense of their own stupidity.
This throwing up of the straw to indicate, or to
be referred to hereafter, as having indicated, the fu-
ture policy of government, is in progress at the pre-
sent moment ; and it may not be amiss if, to guard
against fresh surprises, we endeavour to spell
the enigma. The extent to which the movement
making for the endowment of Popery in Ireland is
to be carried out, is a question, just now, of no small
interest, which is nevertheless kept studiously in the
background. Our readers must remember how
promptly the assertion of Mr. W. E. Gladstone, that
the endowment of Maynooth involved the endow-
ment of the Roman Catholic clergy, was repelled by
Sir Robert Peel ; and how assiduously it has since
been endeavoured by his colleagues to disconnect
the two measures. In the House of Lords on Wed-
nesday, in reply to some remarks upon the subject
which fell from Earl Fitzwilliam, the noble Presi-
dent of the Council, Lord Wharncliffe, a very can-
did man, thus expresses his views as a member of
her ►Majesty's government, to which we beg the at-
tention of our readers as conveying a little more
perhaps than lies upon the surface :
" He" Lord Wharncliffe "admitted that the govern-
ment were anxious to do what they could to produce a
better state of feeling amongst the Roman Cathorcs of
Ireland than at present existed. At the same time, the
measure was no earnest that the government had any in-
tention like that which the noble lord had attributed to
them. With respect to himself, and (as we understood)
other members of her Majesty's government, he must say
that they bad undoubtedly on former occasions expressed
it as their opinion that the Catholic priesthood should be
endowed. He and his noble friend near him did, when
they were in the House of Commons, vote for that Ties.
tion when proposed by Lord F. Egerton. But he would
fairly state that, until he could see that the people of
England would be favourable to such a measure, he did
not think it would be prudent in any government to pro-
pose it. He did look forward with hope to a time when
a change would take place ; but there were now so many
difficulties in the way, that ha did no know how any one
could conceive that the government had any intention of
proposing such a 'measure. It would be for the govern-
ment to watch !lief ding of the country on the subject,
and in the meantime they proposed this measure as one
which was important in itself, and as an earnest to the
people of Ireland that it was their wish to do all that lay
in their power to conciliate them."
His lordship, then, and " other members of her
Majesty's government," some of whom we doubt
not have been advanced to their present high station
by the aid of Protestant constituencies, are quite
ready to endow the Roman Catholic clergy of Ire-
land. But the country, unfortunately, is not favor-
able to such a measure, and therefore Lord Wharn-
cliffe "does not think it would be prudent in any
government to propose it." What deference to the
country I His lordship, however, does not despair
that a change will take place in public opinion—that
the " many difficulties now in the way" will he re-
moved. "does not know, however, how any one
can conceive that the government has any intention
of proposing such a measure ;" yet they would
" watch the feeling of the country on the subject (.9
and IN THE 3IEANTIME"—what in the meantime ?
—" 43 the meantime they proposed this measure
(the endowment of Maynooth) AS AN EARNEST to
the people of Ireland that it was the wish to do ALL

_ -
that was in their power to conciliate them."
P. Really there must be some change in the mean-
ing of English words--some different mode of in-
terpreting sentences—since we were at school, if this
is not an intimation of a coming endowment of the
priesthood of Ireland. There confusion, indeed—
perhaps a "studied confusion—in hie lordship's lan-
guage, " Government has no "intention;" and yet
they only "watch" for an opportunity ! They have
nothing definite in prospect ; and yet they give" an
earnest." To us, however, Lord Wharncliffe is per-

fectly intelligible ; and we are quite prepared, even
at as early a period as next session, to see such en-
dowment proposed, and this very speech pleaded as
having been quite sufficient to rebut the objection
that the country has been taken by surprise.
So much, then, for the future policy of govern-
ment, so far as Protestantism is concerned; and now
let us endeavour to convey to the landlords of Eng-
land a foreshadowing of the fate which is in store
for them.

' The agricultural interest—the country gentlemen,
as they are termed—have supported the government
of Sir Robert Peel in all its recent inroads upon the
Constitution, on the understanding, apparently, that
however careless' that government might be, with
respect to the maintenance of Protestantism, it was
at least sincere in its resolve to maintain intact our
domestic agriculture. To those who have objected
to the Irish policy of government the prompt re-
mark has been " if you overthrow Sir Robert and
his colleagues in these their pet measures, where are
the men to be found who can maintain a front
against the Whig and Radical opponents of protec-
tion for the land ?" The answer is now furnished
us to these selfish enquirers. It is not Sir Robert
Peel's government, at all events, who will support
the British landowners, or the British farmers, in
their efforts to ward off the measures of spoliation
with which they are threatened. On the contrary,
by that very government such measures are already
determined upon; and they only await a fitting op-
portunity and a fitting pretext for being carried into
effect. Upon this point hear Sir James Graham, in
the debate on Mr. Villiers' motion on Tuesday night
last :

" I am as ready as any man to acknowledge that the
prosperity of agriculture mainly depends upon the pros-
perity of other branches of industry, and that the pros-
perity of all rests upon free intercourse with foreign na-
tions; and I agree with him, further, that those objects
are to be effected by a sae and gradual consolidation of
those laws which have the tendency to establish a nearer
approximation between the policy which regulates the
importation of corn, and that by which the importation
of other commodities is governed."

An approach to FREE TRADE IN CORN! and
how is that approach to be made ? by what gra,
duated steps•? By that of a moderate fixed duty, it
may be said. But no. Sir James Graham knocks
that modicum of consolation from beneath the feet
of the agricultural interest.

"Will respect to a fi- el duty," he says, "if you
impose a high duty, in years of scarcity you prevent the
importation of corn when you most require it ; if you
impose a low duty, I mutt, notwithstanding what fell
from the honourable member for Wolverhampton, main-
tain my opinion that it would be no protection whatever.•

Sir James scouts altogether, Lord John Russell's
proposition of a 4s. or a 6s. duty ; and if the alter-
native was offered him of accepting such a duty, or
a perfect free trade, he would choose the latter. And
see how completely and bow adroitly the right hon.
secretary changes his ground from the position
which has always been occupied by the advocates of
fair protection for the agricultural interest; we quote
from the same speech :
"The honourable member for Wolverhampton (Mr.
C. P. Villiers) has said, and truly, than an abundant
supply of food for the labouring population is a matter of
primari, legislative importance. I admit the truth of that
observation ; but the point at issue is, what system of
legislation will, in a series of years, yield with the greatest
certainty this abundant supply of food for our large popu-
lation? (Hear, hear.) If the honourable gentleman
could show me that, upon the whole, in a series of years,
free trade in corn would most certainly secure that object,
I will say that all other considerations—remembering the
amount of population in this country—would be secondary
to such proof, and that, as far as I am concerned, he
would make a decided convert to the doctrine of free
trade in corn."

Cheap corn, then--for " an abundant supply" of
any article implies cheapness—is the primary ob•
ject ; the fate of British agriculture is altogether se-
condary ! Sir James may indeed fence with the
question, as he does, by expressing his doubt whe-
ther a perfect free trade in corn would lead to low
prices; but the subterfuge is too transparent. The
whole tenor of his remarks lead only to one con-
clusion, that the measure of total and unconditional
repeal is determined upon ; and with respect to the
time of its being carried out, the following admis: ion
too clearly points it out :
" I admit that the success or failure of the present law
cannot be tested till we have a bad harvest : and I admit
that, since the law was adopted, the seasons have, on the
whole, been good."

With one bad harvest and the clamour of the manu-
facturing districts to refer to as their apology, the
fate of British agriculture is sealed.
If additional proof were wanting of this fact, it is
to be found in the following passage from the mi-
nisterial organ—the Morning Herald of Thursday
last :

" Sir Robert Peel may think, as we certainly do think,
that if the system of moderate protection be steadily
maintained, a time will come when a highly-improved
stole of agriculture shall render any corn-laws needless;
but if that is Sir Robert Peel's opinion, he acts with per-
fect consistency in defending the corn-laws for a time, in
order to get rid of the corn-laws in the end."

What to us, however, renders this a greater mat-
ter of certainty than it would otherwise be, is the se-
rious alienation which the events of the last two ses-
sions of Parliament have created between the land-
owners and the British people. Day by day they have
been throwing from them the affections of some
portion of that people, and there are, we fear, few
now who would warmly second their efforts to avert
the coming danger—few who in the hour of need
would cry " God save them 1" Such a feeling is to
be regretted for the country's sake—for the sake of
its " bold yeomanry," or the little that is left of that
valuable class—but it is lamentably prevalent ne-
vertheless.

We bad prepared some remarks for our last week's
publication, upon the proceedings at the previous
week's meeting of the select vestry, which want of
space compelled us to withdrlw. We cannot, still,
at this distance of time, refrain from directing the
attention of our readers to the following remarks,
which fell from the assistant commissioner on the
•
occasion in question :
" The Hon. Mr. Clements said that unless the board
established a more efficient management in the relief de-
partment, with which Mr. Gray was connected, they
would have done very little in the shape of improvement.
He had urged the subject in committee, but it was then
thought better to wait until Mr. Hart should have be-
come thoroughly master of his duties, and until he could
suggest some practical remedy. The point he considered
essential in the relief department was, that the visiting
officers should be made more closely responsible for
visiting the paupers. (Hear, hear.) Refound that there
.were 250 cases brought before the quorum daily, and that
'those 250 cases, which were casual cases of persons out
of employment, had remained on the books three months
without being visited. (Hear, hear.) The board could
not take too much pains to fix the responsibility on the
officers ; and he called upon them to pass a resolution,
requesting Mr. Hart to report as soon as possible respect-
ing the more efficient management of the relief depart-
ment." (Hear, hear.)

Such a statement as this going forth to the world,
upon the authority of an assistant poor-law corn-
missioner,—seized hold of eagerly, as it will be by
the Central Board in London, and by them reported
to the Home Office,—might very justly lead to the
conclusion that there is something lax in the admi-
nistration of out-door relief in this parish. We fear
it will be made use of to diminish the amount of
that out-door relief, and to bring upon 'us the more
general application of the workhouse test. "Two
hundred and fifty casual cases of persons out of
employment remaining on the books three months
without being visited !" Why, if this were a cor-
rect statement the world might justly say that the
parishioners of Liverpool were mad to tolerate such
wasteful expenditure of their own money. But the
statement has, we feel convinced; been made on
misinformation ; and the gentlemen who appear to
have cheered the commissioner when he uttered it,
ought rather to have stood up at the time and ex-
plained a charge which, if true, would have reflected
very little credit on their own management. We
must endeavour to place before the public the real
state of the case.

There are, we believe, about 250 cases daily of
parties coming before the quorum to receive out-
door relief; but these are not, as stated, " casual
cases of persons out of employment." They consist
of, first, Liverpool poor who have settlements, and
are generally old men and women, or widows, with
families. These have granted them a relief card,
on the presentation of which, weekly, they receive
an allowance according to their circumstances.
They are visited fran time to time, and every three
or four months a fresh report of their condition is
ordered and a new card granted. This class con-
stitutes a large portion of the cases requiring relief.
The second class consists of Liverpool poor not
settled, and who are out of employment or sick.
These receive temporary assistance according to their
emergencies. Those in health are regularly visited,
and the sick are required to produce each week a
doctor's certificate. The third class consist of Irish
or Scotch casual poor (travellers, &c.) and of those

who receive relief under circumstances of temporary
pressure. These cases seldom remain upon the
books more than a fortnight.
With these facts before us as to the classes re-
ceiving out-door relief from the quorUm, the impu-
tation of laxity and irregularity in its distribution
falls to the ground. We are confident that in no
town is this department of the poor ;laity adminis•
tered with more strict justice towards the rate-
payers, mingled with kindliness and mercy towards
the unfortunate poor than in Liverpool ; and when
we bear in mind the peculiar circumstances of this
parish,—that thousands of the poor of every part of
the empire, and of every country, are annually
thrown upon our hospitality for temporary assist-
ance, which we must either render or see them
perish in our streets,—we are satisfied that to tighten
the hands of the authorities, and to check, by the
cumbrous and inflexible machinery of Somerset
House, the flow of our charity, would involve con-
sequences which every mhn whose heart is not har-
dened by Malthusian philosophy must shudder to
contemplate.
In proof the excellent management of this depart-
ment of our parochial affairs,—of this tempering of
justice with mercy by our local poor-law authorities,
we refer to a case heard in our police-court yester-
day, and to the excellent and ..highly laudatory
remarks of the stipendiary magistrate, Mr. Rushton.
Such a case could never have come before the
bench if the relieving department of the parish had
either been conducted in the loose manner described
by Mr. Clements, or the screw harshly applied to
our poor.
With respect to the vaunted reforms introduced
into the management of our affairs by Messrs. Ur-
quhart, Earle and their Whig-Radical colleagues,
or the changes made amongst tha officials of the
parish office, we shall not express a very decided
opinion until we have an opportunity cf seeing a
little of their working. One saving, however,
spoken of in. the vestry,—viz., that of banker's in-
terest,—which is to be effected by using greater
urgency in the collection of the rates, so as to always
secure a balance in hand, we are satisfied will prove
productive of hardship to the ratepayers. There
are three months in the year, July, August, and
October when the time of the collectors is nearly
absorbed by the business of the registration ; and
if the attempt is made to whip up the collections
during the pret ions months, from April, when the
rate is laid, until the end of June, much greater
severity will have to be used than is at all desirable
or necessary. It is all very well for such gentlemen
as Mr. Earle to say that he is ready to "summon
the rich merchant as well as the poor labourer if
payment is postponed." A little more experience
on the board, or a month's practice as a collector,
would be sufficient to show him that the sharp
practice which he recommends would involve much
more " summoning" than even he would like to
go through, for the paltry saving contemplated.
With the income tax, the assessed taxes, and our
heavy local rates to pay, there are very many of the
ratepayers of Liverpool. not " poor labourers," who
have quite sufficient difficulty in paying at all the
many calls made upon them, without being made
to undergo in addition an unnecessarily harsh and
stringent mode of collection ; and these will not
greatly relish this "liberal" proposition of the Radi-
cal portion of the Vestry. If Mr. Earle and his
friends are resolved upon always being in funds
without calling upon the aid of their banker, let
them face the odium of proposing an additionalrate
for the purpose. Let them declare to the parish
that the present rate of 2s. 2d. in the pound, which
a Conservative Vestry has always made to carry
them through the year is not sufficient in the hands
of great parish Reformers. Without such a step
we are confident that all their proposed " summon-
ing" will not enable them to ride this hobby.