The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-29 00:00:00

ro 71111 EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STr9NDIIRD.

1510.--I would wish to draw the attention of the trustees of
the Liverpool Infirmary to a subject which I conceive of consi-
derable importance to the respectability of this valuable charity.
°Re elan of patients, which has heretofore been under the care
of Messrs. Bickersteth, Dawson, &c., is now about to be re-
moved to a separate building, and there to be attended by me-
dical officers distinct from those who are already in the Infir-
mar9• Now the nature of a Lock Hospital is too well known
ro require my explanation ; and the delicacy with which it is
eeeessary to conduct such an institution, should be matter of
thought to all who are connected with it. Were Ito give an
'opinion, it should be to make it imperative that the officers
about to be attached to these lock wards should be married men,
cr the very seniors of the profession. This suggestion will scarcely
require an apology from
AN OLD SUBSCRIBER
AND SINCERE WELL-WISHER.

WEST INDIA SLAVERY.

Ti) THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

ant,-..From your insertion of my former letter, I am led to
ilVer that the few observations I there offered, were not consi-
dered by you wholly unworthy of notice. Impressed with this
idea, I hasten to the completion of my task, by proceeding to
consider " whether the measure of immediate emancipation
Irould be beneficial or injurious to the negroes."
In entering upon this question it behoves us first to enquire
what is the present condition of that body upon whom we are so
anxious to confer the boon of freedom. The character of the
Dative African, who forms by far the greatest proportion of the
'lave population of the West Indies, is formed of a combination
of all those passions which are invariably the offspring of igno-
rance and barbarism. The rule which governs his actions is
the gratification of momentary wishes and desires. The law by
Which he regulates his conduct, is that which gives precedence
to the strong over. the weak—the quick over the tardy. Born
ill ignorance of every principle that tends to render subservient
those evil passions which are natural to human nature, he
to manhood with a mind as imbecile in wisdom, as his
body is powerful in strength.
However painful it may be to the feelings of an intellectual
being, to witness such a degradation of the image of his maker
in one of his fellow-creatures, yet he is compelled to admit the
truth of this statement, even in opposition to his own wishes.
Such wag the general character of the slave at the period when,
by an act of the legislature prohibiting the importation of slaves,
end was put to this inhuman traffic. Immediately succeed-
lag this event a visible improvement was perceptible in the
Management and treatment of slaves by their owners, even by
the greatest enemies of the system. Singular as the fact may
appear, this improvement in the condition of the slave was the
work of the planter, and not directly that of any third party.
When the importation of slaves became expressly prohibited
by law, their value became suddenly enhanced; and what be-
fore was but a secondary consideration, the health and condi-
tion.of the slave, became now an object of primary importance.
The planter became aware how much it was his interest to pro-
tnoto rather than obstruct those measures which tended to in-
Crease their'comfort and better their condition. In what they
before opposed they now became willing assistants; and educa-
tion latterly has become as eagerly seconded by the slave-owners
43 it has been forwarded by the missionaries. As partial educa-
tion proceeds so we perceive all those disgusting appendages of
slavery—the chains, the whip, and other implements of punish-
Ment—gradually disappear.
- Having thus concisely shewn the improvement and present
,Ofuation of the slave, it now becomes my duty to enquire why
the slaves, in their present state, are unfit for immediate freedom.

To secure subservience to laws, it is absolutely necessary that
those whom they are made to govern must first be made sensi-
ble of their utility and advantage. No one I presume will
assert that the slaves of the West India Colonies, how rapid
soever has been their progress in improvement, have yet arrived
at this point. Subordination is opposed to oar tfatural feelings,
and we are only induced to submit to government from our con-
viction of the necessity. This conviction can only4rise where
there is knowledge sufficient to enable us to understand what
we are compelled to observe. The only light in which the
slave of the West India Colonies can be supposed to consider
freedom at the present, is that of a state opposed in the oppo-
site extreme to bondage. 'Tis the freedom of the savage that
he sighs for, not the freedom of civilized society. 'Tis for a
change that will leave him at liberty to follow the bent of every
Passion, and the gratification of every desire, and not for a
change whose intent is to suppress, and not to increase, the
growth of such dangerous propensities.
U knowledge is power, how imbecile must be the mental en-
dowments of the savage: and if sudden changes are so much
dreaded in civilized states, how much more so must they be
When they are to be effected on a body whose only law of guid-
tkee in their actions is that of momentary impulse. Were
the slaves emancipated to-morrow, can it be supposed they
Would proceed voluntarily to the performance of that labour
which hitherto they have only done by•coercion. Do not the
feelings of men even in the most civilized walks of life revolt
'tt the performance of any act which they have hitherto been
eerupelled to.perform, perhaps, from necessity, or some other
ee,o.!tse. If ,so, how can it be expected that the slave of the
west India Colonies, with passions unrestrained by mental cul-
tiration, would act otherwise. What stronger instance can be
eve
in proof of this assertion, than that those slaves who
g42e gained their freedom in the Colonies, are for the most part
Idle and dissolute, and oftentimes too indolent to.earn sufficient
.
%Procure the common sustenance of life. If thus they are
proved even to be ignorant of those common principles which
educe the human being to provide by a certain portion of his
labour for his own maintenance, how much must they be want-
ing in intelligence to meet those cases where the powers of the
Mind are called into action.
loreover, in calling upon the legislature to manumit the
;8147e, we ought to consider the sudden change we are advocat-
-11% and consider well the danger of effecting that change.
LlaYti can afford no encouragement to the advocates of such in-
''ovation—it was there effected by the slave wading through the
blood of his master: and though almost half a century has
ehlPsed since they first claimed that independence, they still
wain an example to operate more as a warning for others to
avoid, than a precedent to follow. The late insurrection in
Jamaica clearly proves the total unfitness of the slave for im-
ttediate freedom. The truths of Christianity which are the sure
i utlex• to a line of conduct beneficial to society, were still green
ebPan !heir minds, and no sooner did they rebel than they sunk
proved
into the depths of the superstitions of their forefathers, and
`"?red by the indiscriminate slaughter not only of their ene-
ei but of their benefactors, that the freedom they. strove to
obtain was such as no visionary even could maintain, and no
civiit. Power suffer to exist
knowledge
Sir, I hope I have shown that a certain portion of
trust is necessary to obtain subservience to laws, and 1
I have also proved that the slave, at the present period, is
totsofficiently advanced in improvement to enable. him justly
fez.. appreciate the freedom which many are so anxious to con-
A Int, free the mind from the trammels of ignorance, and
b., .01..4,
this you will place a power in the hands of the slave
iii,,walch he will eventually manumit himself. Teach them
whi:_t•he value of freedom, make them aware 9f the Position in
thr_c_ri education places its possessor in civilized society, and
donivegh.the means they now possess for claiming their free-
now's will themselves accomplish that end, whose attainment is
am aeagerly sought by the great majority of the na,vu:—l
mlr. yours, &c.,

• UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
By the packet ship Hibernia, Capt. George Maxwell, which
arrived yesterday afterrioon, we received New York papers to
the Ist instant, inclusive, and by the attentive kindness of the
agent for the North and South American Coffee-house, of Lon-
don, we have been favoured with the perusal of the Daily Adver-
tiser of the 3d, of which one copy only, we understand, was
brought over by Captain Maxwell.
The contents of these papers are interesting in the extreme,
at this conjuncture, detailing as they do the latest proceedings
of the Legislature of South Carolina, the proclamation of the
Governor of that State in answer to that of the President of the
United States, and the new tally' bill now before Congress.
The following are extracts :
( From the New York Gazette of Monday, December 31.)
The Charleston papers received yesterday furnish that fol-
lowing important proceedings of the Legislature of South Caro-
lina, on the 19th :
Mr. Preston, from the Committee on Federal Relations, made
a report on the Proclamation of the President of the United
States, containing, among others the following resolutions :
" That the principles, doctrines, and purposes, contained in
the said proclamation, are inconsistent with any just idea of a
united government, and subversive of the rights of the States,
and liberties of the people ; and, if submitted to in silence,
would lay a broad foundation for a monarchy.
" That while this legislature has witnessed with sorrow such
a relaxation of the spirit of our constitution, that a President of
the United States DARE VENTURE UPON THIS HIGH-
HANDED MEASURE, it regards with indignation the me-
naces which are directed against it, and the concentration of a
standing army on our borders. That the State will repel
FORCE BY FORCE; and, relying upon the blessing of God,
will maintain its liberty at all hazards."
The legislature resolved to adjourn on the 20th.
On the same day, the Governor, Robert Y. Hayne, in com-
pliance with a resolution of the legislature, issued his proclama-
tion, "warning the good people of this State against the at-
tempt of the President of the United States to seduce them
from their allegiance, exhorting them to disregard his vain me-
naces, and to be prepared to maintain the dignity and protect
the liberty of the State, against the arbitrary measures proposed
by the President."
In this document, which is a commentary on the President's
proclamation, and nearly equal to it in length, Governor Hayne
says,—
" South Carolina claims that by the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, she becomes and has ever since continued a free, sove-
reign and independent state ; that as a sovereign state;sle has
the inherent power, to do all those acts, which by the law of na-
tions, any Prince or Potentate may of right do. That like all•
independent states, she neither has, nor ought she to suffer any
other restraint upon her sovereign will and pleasure, than those
high moral obligations, under which all Princes and States are
bound before God and man to perform their solemn pledges.
The inevitable conclusion from what has been said therefore is,
that as in all cases of compact between independent sovereigns,
where from the very nature of things, there can be no common
judge or umpire, each sovereign has a right " to judge as well
of infractions, as of the mode and measures of redress," so in
the present controversy, between South Carolina and the Fe-
deral- Government, it belongs solely to her by her delegates in
solemn Convention assembled, to decide whether the federal
compact be violated, and what remedy the state ought to pur-
sue. South Carolina therefore cannot, and will not yield to any
department of the Federal Government, a right which enters
into the essence of all sovereignty, and without which, it would
become a bauble and a name. Such are the doctrines which
South Carolina has through her Convention solemnly promul-
gated to the world, and by them she will stand or fall: such
were the principles promulgated by Virginia in 1798, and which
then received the sanction of those great men, whose recorded
sentiments have come down to us as a light to our feet and a
lamp to our path."
And concludes thus:—
In such a sacred cause South Carolina will feel that she is
striking not for her own, but the liberties of the Union and the
RIGHTS of simi, and she confidently trusts that the issue of this
contest will be an example to freemen and a lesson to rulers
throughout the world.
Fellow-Citizens,—ln the name and behalf of the State of
South Carolina, I do once more solemnly warn you against all
attempts to seduce you from your primary allegiance to the
State,—l charge you to be faithful to your duty as citizens of
South Carolina, and earnestly exhort you to disregard those
"vain menaces" of military force, which, if the President, in
violation of all his constitutional obligations, and of your most
sacred rights, should be tempted to employ, it would become
your solemn duty at all hazards to resist. I require you to be
fully prepared, to sustain the dignity and protect the liberties
of the State, if need be, with your " lives and fortunes." Arid
may that great and good Being, who, as a "father careth for
his children," inspire us with that Holy Zeal in a good cause
which is the best safeguard of our Rights and Liberties.
CONGRESS.

-•
In the House of Representatives on Thursday, 29th Decem-
ber, Mr. Verplanck, from the Committee of Ways and Means,
reported a bill to reduce and otherwise alter the duties on im-
ports, which was read twice, and referred to the Committee of
the Whole on the state of the Union.
NEW TARIFF BILL.
The following is the Bill introduced by Mr. Verplanck
A BILL to reduce and otherwise alter the duties on imports.
Be it enacted, That, from and after the third day of March, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, there
shall he levied,
i collected, and paid, on goods, wares, and merchan-
dize imported into the United States, in place of the duties heretofore
laid by law, the several duties hereinafter mentioned, for, during, and
until the several respective periods hereinafter specified—that is to
say,
Ist. On wool unmanufactured, the value whereof, at the place of ex-
portation, shall exceed eight cents the pound, and on woollen and
worsted twist and yarn, a duty at and after the rate of thirtytive dol-
lars for every hundred dollars value thereof, until the second day of
March, in the year 1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at and after
the rate of twenty-five dollars, for every hundred dollars value there-
of, until the 2d day of March, 1835, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at
and after the rate of fifteeen dollars for every twenty.five dollars value

thereof. •
All wool unmanufactured, the value whereof,-at the place of exporta-
tion, shall not exceed eight cents the pound, shall be free of duty, from
and after the third day of March 1833.—Provided, that wool imported
on the skin shall be estimated as to weight and value as other wool •,
and provided farther, that wool mixed with dirt, or other material, and
they reduced in value to eight cents the' pound •or under, shall be
appraised at such a price as in the opinion of the appraisers, it would
have cost, had it not been so mixed, and a duty thereon shall be charg-
ed in conformity with such appraisements,
2nd. On all milled and fulled cloth, known by the name of plains,
kerseys, or Kendal cotton, of which wool shall be the only material,
the value whereof at the place of exportation shall not exceed thirty-
five cents the square yard, and on all blankets the value whereof at
the place of exportation shall not exceed seventy-five cents each, a
duty at and after the rate of five dollars for every hundred dollars
value thereof.
On worsted stuff goods, shawls, bombazines, poplins, tarbinets, and
all other manufactures of silk and worsted, a duty at and after the rate
of ten dollars for every hundred dollars value thereof.
On coach lace duty at and after the rate of twenty-five dollars for
every hundred dollars value thereof.
3rd. On blankets, other than those hereinbefore specified, a duty
at and after the rate of twenty-five dollars for every hundred dollars
value thereof, until the second day of March, 1834, inclusive, and
thereafter a duty at and after the rate of fifteen• dollars, for every
hundred dollars value thereof.
4th. On carpets, carpetings, flannels, hockings, baizes, cloths,
kerseymeres, merino shawls, and all other woollen manufactures, or
of which wool is a component part, except as herein otherwise pro-
vided, and on ready-made clothing, a duty at and after the rate of forty
dollars, for every hundred dollars value thereof, Until the second day
of March 1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at and after the rate
of thirty dollars, for every hundred dollars value thereof, until the
second day of March, 1835, inclusive, -and thereafter a duty at and
after the rate of twenty dollars for, every hundred dollars value
thereof.

sth. On woollen and worsted hosiery, mils, gloves, stockinnets, and'
on worsted bindings, a duty at and after the rate of twenty dollars for
every hundred dollars value thereof until the second day of March,
1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at 'and after the rate of ten
dollars for every hundred dollars value thereof. •
6th. On all manufactures of cotton costing not more than twenty-
five cents the square yard at the place of exportation, a duty• at and
after the rate of thirty dollars for every hundred dollars value thereof,
until the 2d day of March, 1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at and
after the rate of twenty dollars for every hundred dollars value thereof.
On all other manufactures of cotton, or of which cotton and silk, not
herein otherwise specified, a duty at and after the rate of twenty-five
dollars for every hundred dollars value thereof, until the 2d day of
March, 1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at and after the rate of
twenty dollars, for every hundred dollars value thereof.
On nankeens imported direct from China, a duty at and after the
rate of fifteen dollars, on every hundred dollars value thereof.
On cotton, hosiery, mits, gloves, and stockinnets, and on cotton
twist, yarn, and thread, a duty at and after the rate of twenty dollars
for every hundred dollars value thereof, until the second day of March,
1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty at and after the rate of ten dollars,
for every hundred dollars value thereof.
7th. On iron in bars or bolts not manufactured in whole or in part
by rolling, a duty at and after the rate of eighteen dollars the ton,
until the second day of March, 1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty
at and after the rate of fifteen dollars the ton.
On bar and bolt iron made wholly or in part by rolling, a duty at
and after the rate of thirty dollars the ton, until the 2d day of March,
1834, inclusive, and thereafter a duty of twenty-four dollars the ton :
Provided, that all iron in slabs, blooms, or other form less finished
than iron in bars or bolts, and more advanced than pig-iron, except
castings, shall be rated as iron in bars and bolts, and pay duty accord-
ingly. All scrap and old iron shall pay a duty of twelve dollars and
fifty cents the ton. Nothin shall be deemed old iron that has not
been in actual use, and fit only to be unmanufaetured ; and all pieces
of iron except old, of more than six inches in length, or of sufficient
lengtlito be made into spikes and bolts, shall be rated as bar, bolt; rod,
or: hoop iron, as the case may be, and pay duty accordingly ; all inanu-

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.