The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-06-19 00:00:00

that if we adopted this coarse we should run the risk of render-
ing the municipal a political body—that we should cause muni-
cipal ejections to be influenced by the saute views and feelings
as prevai.ed in the election of members of parliament, and that
every vacancy in the magistracy from death or otherwise, would
occasion a party struggle. This would have a direct tendency
to paralyze the exertions of the magistracy and shake the coati-
dence of the town with respect to their discharge of their im-
portant functions. There certainly appeared to be an advan-
tage in taking a qualification different from that of parliamen-
tary electors. The question that arose was this—the right
qualification that had been selected—this qualification of three
years' continuous residence and rate-pay ing ? This was a ques-
tion that would require mature consideration. In a good many
towns people were found living who had no settlement in the
place, paupers resided there, who, belonging to other parishes,
and having no settlement in the towns, lived, under the threat
of the overseers that they were liable to be removed. In such a
case, the parish pay the rates, the parties being paupers, and
belonging to another parish, thougu they would be entitled to
vote, they having been resident three years and paying rates
continuously for three years, though in point of fact the parish
paid them. Therefore, so tar from thinking the qualification
ought to be rediscussed—he would not say merely varied—the
qualification ought to be tunafide adhered to; it was quite low
enough. He did not agree that the rule ought to be that every
inhabitant should be entitled to vote. That was not the princi-
ple of the reform bill. Other objects were looked to; not the
individual interest of each class, and the general character of the
governing body. With iespect to the frequency of etectons, he
thought the proposition of the• noble lord an improvement.
(Hear.) It avoided, above all, the frequent recurrence of con-
flicts which were calculated to disturb the harmony of the so-
cieties. (Hear.) This led him to-the consideration of the con-
stitution of the governing body. As to the qualiticati,pu of the
governing body, he was of opinion that there ought to be some
qualification. (Hear.) He had the sanction of a very high au-
thority, Lord Brougham, who iu his bill had proposed a £lO
,qualification for every member of the governing body. It must
be recollected that, under this bill, the mayor of the town was
to he a county magistrate, and to have equal authority with
with other county magistrates, for whom qualifications were
required, and therefore a qnatitication should be required -in
the mayor. (Hear, hear, hear.) In most of the local acts this
had been enacted, with the concurrence of the inhabitants.
These were the three main points of a political nature. , He
should reserve his opinion as to those 'points, and should give
notice of any amendments he should propose. He was not
aware that there was any other political point, except the rights
_of voters. He (Sir R. 'Peel) was now going to refer to a class
of subjects in respect to which all bad a common interest that
the details of the bill shoull be as perfect as possible. -( Hear.)
Now, in the first place, the mayor was to be the returning offi-
cer of the borough. The mayor was necessarily a political per-
son; he had political functions to perform, and the power of
deciding on the return of Municipal officers was great. His
bill allowed the mayor to be actuated by political interests, and
gave him the power of receiving the lists, and of promulgating
the result of those lists at- elections. Now, the more political
feelings were Suffered to influence the councils the better; the
more political objects were separated from municipal, and the
one were prevented from clashing with the other the better;
and so far from affording scope for political feelings in elec-
tions, they ought to be separated from municipal tunctious;
whereas the bill constituted the mayor the returning officer of
elections, and almost an irresponsible person ; for the votes
were to be returned to him, and he had the sole authority of de-
termining which party had the majority. If the house wished
to prevent the operation of abuses, they would see the impolicy
of vesting the sole authority in the chief officer; it would be
much better to appoint a certain number of scrutineers, and
not to rest the-return on the simple decision of one man. The
bill made no provision for the application of any surplus. Many
of the boroughs were extremely well provided for ; if the cor-
poration funds were directed to be applied to municipal pur-
poses, and the bill left it to the corporate body to decide what
were municipal purposes, there might be a surplus. But the
bill made no provision for the application of such surplus, but
it did provide that the new corporate body should have all the
powers which the existing corporate body had. Then, in case
of there being a clear surplus, unless there was an express enact-
ment that the privy council or some other body should have the
power of examination, the case might be similar in the new cor-
porations as in the old. There ought to be no uncertainty. It was
to be borne in mind, that the council had the power of levying
new rates, and that power ought to be limited to municipal
purposes. He agreed that no person ought to have any indi-
vidual interest in a corporation, but there might be many cases
in which the corporate property would not be sufficient to
provide for municipal purposes, and the new governing body
would in those cases have a right to levy a rate. There was
another point to which he called the attention of country gen-
tlemen and of the noble lord. The provisions of the bill as to
county-rates were important, and he thought it better to call the
attention of the noble lord now to this part of the bill. In the
operation of the county-rates,many districts were to be exempt;
all those, for instance, having. separate quarter sessions were to
be so; where the criminal jurisdiction in cases of capital punish-
ment was to be done away, and the cases were to be sent to the
assizes, the county-rate was to be laid in a new proportion in
the boron h, on a calculation made by the treasurer of the
county. This gave the treasurer of the county a very impor-
tant power. At present the rate was founded on an equal as-
sessment of property; but the treasurer of the county would
have the power of alloting,• to each borough its proportion of
rate. But there was another enactment of still greater im-
portance. The 97th clause provides that the treasurer of the
county shall calculate the proportion of the county-rate which
ought to fall on the new borough, and there was allowed an ap-
peal to the privy council. He (Sir R. Peel) feared that the
privy council was not a convenient tribunal to decide such ap-
peals, and there was no test to determine the point in case of
dispute. He feared that appeals would always be made, and
that the expense of this would be heavy ; so that those who
were interested in county-rates should watch the operation of
this bill. Now, looking to the bill as it applied to local boroughs,
the districts were not always conterminous with the parish; so
that part of a parish might be in a new borough, and the other
part in the county, and the part in the county would have to
pay the county rate, and the part in the borough would have to
contribute on a new principle. These were minor difficulties;
but they ought to induce the house to see that provisions for the
working of the bill were settled by taw. The noble lord had
proposed that twenty of the large boroughs should be divided
into wards, and these were to be determined by government
on a report of commissioners. This was most important.
Surely parliament ought to have some control over this.
(Hear, hear, hear.) He thought that the wards should be ex-
tended beyond the limits proposed, and he reserved to himself
the power of pressing an amendment to that effect. The bill
proposed that twenty of the towns should be divided into wards;
and not only had the crown (that is, the privy council) the right
of naming the number of wards, but the number of representa-
tives each ward was to return. (Hear.) No authority short of
parliament ought to have such a power, not only of fixing the
number of wards but the number of representatives, appointing
peihaps twenty to one ward, and two to another. The repre-
sentatives of wards might thus be made democratical or aristo-
cratical. Did the noble lord give the crown such power in
respect to boundaries, without the revision of parliament, in the
reform bill ? Objections were made to such a power being given
to the crown, and parliament reserved to itself the power of
judging whether or no the boundaries were settled on just and
impartial principles: But the bill provided that in twenty large
towns this power should be given to the crown alone. surely
this was manifestly wrong. Supposing the crown did not exer-
cise the power, in the case of the first election, to divide the
town into wards, then the right of the electors would be exercised
by the electors indiscriminately. He submitted that there
should be a distinct provision on this point, and that parliament
ought to have the power of determining the divisions, and of
allowing such a number of voters to each, as it thoughtfit. All
these details were important, whilst there was a power of levy-
ing a rate in many of the towns, and no marimum of rate. The
whole of this part of the bill required to be looked at by the
different societies; though there might be no difference as to, the
principle of the measure,. it. was not to be expected .that there
could be unanimity without ample opportunity of iiramining
the details, and his (Sir R. Peel's) earnest advice was, whilst
he approved of the general principle of the bill, to give the
fullest opportunity for the consideration of it, in order to insure
the popularity of the measure. To leave any of the matters
unsettled would be likely to produce great inconvenience. All
matters should be settled by law before the bill passed. As to
the operation of the bill in individual instances, he feared
the bill would not produce the advantages expected from it.
He had stated his opinion so far on the three great points,—the
qualification of the constituency, the frequency of elections,
and the question whether the governing body should have a
qualification or not; and he should reserve his right to offer
amendments, of which he would give notice. On other points
not political, their common interests should induce the noble
lord to give all parties who were interested—and there were
many whose interests were involved in the question—the fullest
opportunity of canvassing the details; and he was satisfied that,
if that were done, at the second reading of the bill its principle
would meet with, if not perfect unanimity, a prevalence of
opinion in its favour, provided the noble lord would consent to
afford an opportunity for the fullest consideration of the details
of the bill.
' Lord Joins Russet:l. shortly addressed the house. He was
gratified at the satisfaction expressed,by his noble friend Lord
Stanley, and with the candid and fair observations of Sir
Robert'. Peel tended to confirm him in the opinion he had ex,
pressed on that subject. With respect to the frequency of
the elections, be considered the bill as it stood at present pre-
ferable to the alterations that had been suggested. He believed
that it would tend to the satisfaction of the inhabitants of the
different towns, and give them a due controul over the govern-
,ing bodies of the tfornughs. that they should hare the_power at
intervals—and not long intervals—of re-electing those persons
whose conduct they approved of, and of changing those with
whose conduct they were not pleased. He really believed that
the frequency of elections would lead to less change in the
elected body than would be the case if the elections were made
for a lougerperiod. ( Hear, hear.) The right lion. baronet
opposite seemed disposed to propose sonic qualification. He
would of course pay the greatest attention to any suggestion
which the right hon. baronet might make ; but after giving the
best consideration to the subject, he had not been able to find
that any peculiar benefit would be obtained by requiring a
qualification. ( Hear, hear.) With respect to the coher points
touched upon—the power of the mayor in elections, the division
of the larger boroughs into wards, and the clauses respecting
county rates—these were matters which would be considered in
committee, and which he did not think it necessary to notice at
the present moment. In conclusion, the noble lord stated that
he should move that the bill be committed 'on Monday next,
and that the house should continue to sit in committee on the
bill from day to day, until the consideration of its details
should be completed. (Hear, hear.) He proposed this course,
because he was anxious that no unnecessary delay should ini-
pedeahe progress of a measure which he believed to he of great
importauce to the future welfare of the country. (Hear.)
The bill was then read a second time without a division, and
ordered to lie committed on Monday next.
The Stafford Disfranchisement bill, and the offences against
the person bill, were read a second time.
Houses o! PARLIAMENT.
•

Lord G. SomEnsalr movettan address to the crown, praying
his Majesty to carry into effect the resolutions of the committee
on rebuilding the houses of parliament.
After a few words from sonic hon. member, the address wap
agreed to.

IPSWICH ELECTION.
Mr. Gisnoarta moved that the special report of the committee
on the Ipswich borough election petition should be referred
back to the committee, and that they should make such selec-
tions from the evidence as they might think necessary.
The motion was agreed to without comment, and the house
adjourned at one o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TuEsnstr.
Petitions, praying, for further church accommodation in
Scotland were presented from many parishes in that county
by the Marquis of Bute and Lord kinnoul.
'The Eirl of Ito DEN presented n petition from Ballymene, in
the county of Antrim, which was s►gned by the piesbyteiian
minister, and anany of his congregation, aga►nst the appropria-
tion of any part of the revenues of the protestant church in Ire-
land to Roman Catholic purposes. It was scarcely necessary
for him to say that he perfectly concurred in the sentiments of
the petitioners.
The report of the marriages' legalizing bill was brought up,

THE LIVERPOOL

aiuendment made,. bill ordered to be engrossed, and read a
;,nird tune.
The consolidated fund bill was read a third time, and passed.
—Adjourned. ,
ROUSE OF CONISIONS.—TUESDAY. •
The Speaker took the chair shortly before four.o'clock. As,
however, the ballots fur committees on the Tralee (borough)
and Worcester (county) election petitions were fixed for this
day, and as there was not a sufficient number of members (100)
present at four o'clock, (only 45 appeared,) the house was im-
mediately adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—WEnNEsoar.
ROYAL COMMISSION.
The royal assent was given to-day by commission to the con-
solidated fund bill, the Newcastle and Carlisle railway bill, the
Dublin oil gas bill, the Birmingham canal navigation bil4 the
Exeter canal bid, the Ashburton roads bill, and several other
private bills. The commissioners were the Earl of Shaftesbury,
Lord Duticannon, and Lord Wharncliffe.
A message Irmo the tiouse of Commons brought up several
private bills, which were read a first time. The hills on the
table were forwarded a stage, and the house adjourned till to-
morrow, at half-past three o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY.
The Speaker took the chair at a quarter to four o'clock, but
the gallery was not opened until a quarter past four. The bal-
lots fur the Worcester (county) and Tralee (borough) election
committees were fixed for this day, and there was a very bilge
number of members in attendance at the sitting of. the house,
but, the parties not appearing in either case, the orders for tak-
ing. the petitions into consideration were discharged.
A message from the lords announced that their lordships bad
agreed to several private bills.
Mr. Miles brought up the report of the committee on the
Tunbridge Wells improvement bill.

THE CHURCH.
Mr. R. TREVOR presented a number of petitions from various
places in England and Ireland against the appropriation clause
in the Irish church bill. _

TIMBER DUTIES.
Mr. A. TREVOR then presented a petition from the Chamber
of Commerce at Gateshead against any alteration in the timber
duties. _ _

POOR LAWS.
The same hon. member gave notice that on Friday night, in
going into a committee of supply, he would call the attention
of the house to the state of the poor in the parish of Grantley.

WEST GRANT.
Mr, F. BUXTON gave notice that on the same evening he
would move to suspend the appropriation of tho grant of
£20,000,000 to the West India pt.oprietors.

CHANNEL. ISLANDS.
Mr. LABOUCHERE moved that the report of the select com-
mittee upon the Channel Islands be printed.—Agreed.to.
Mr. P. M. STEWART moved for leave to bring up the report
of the select committee appointed to select such parts of the evi-
dence given before the Ips vich election committee as related
to the special report made by that committee. The report was
then brought up and read by the clerk. The committee re-
ported that they could not make a selection of such parts of
their evidence as might bear upon their second report until it
had been all printed; and, from the forward state in which it
was, they_ hoped to have it all teady by Wednesday morning
next. (Hear, hear.)
ORANGE PROCESSIONS.
colonel CoNou.v begged to know from the noble lord, the
Secretary for Ireland, whether certain persons who were about
to take their trial at the next assizes for the county Tyrone, for
attending a procession in the north of Ireland, would obtain the
benefit of the same interpretation which had been put upon the
procession which accompanied the noble lord at the bead of his
majesty's government in Ireland?
Lord MORPETH said the hon. and gallant member wished to
know whether his majesty's government intended to interfere
iu the case of prisoners who were in custody or a breach of the
law. He begged to inform him that his majesty's government
had no such intention. •
WOLVERHAMPTON RIOTS.
Mr. THORN ELY wished to ask the noble lord, the Secretary
for the Home Department, as it was known that government
had caused an investigation to be made at Wolverhampton re-
specting certain disturbances that bad taken place, when the
report would be laid before the house?
Lord J. Russeu, could not say; he had been informed b 3
Sir F. Roe that the report could not be prepared in ten days
le had no objection to lay the entire report before the house
.Cheers.)

UNIVERSITY OF LONIDON.
Mr. TOOKE begged to know from the noble Secretary of
State for the Home Department' in what state the proceedings
were with respect to the granting of a charter to the University

of London ?
Sir JOHN CAMPBELL said he believed he could answer the '
qucs'ion as well as the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The matter
had been referred to him as Attorney-deneral—it was ofthe
utmost importance, and he would be quite ready to receive the
suggestions of the hon. member, or any other one.
CORPORATION REFORM.
Sir R. PEEL wished to know what course the noble lord op-
posite intended to pursue relative to the committee on the cor-
poration reform bill? He had understood that it was his inten-
tion to have gone on with it day after day ; but as that course
had not been pursued, he wished to know whether he meant to
go into committee on the bill pro forma, and discuss the bill on
the bringing up of the report?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was not his intention to go into
committee pro forma, as the alterations he intended to propose
would be but few. It was his intention to begin on Monday
next with the committee, and to proceed with it day after day.
If gentlemen who had motions for that day persisted in bring-
ing them forward, he would not be enabled to do so, but he
should press upon them the necessity of allowing so important
a subject to take precedence.
Left sitting.

THE ALL-IMPORTANT REGISTRATION.-DIGEST
OF THE REFORM BILL.

We promised in our last that we should draw the immediate
attention of our countrymen to the approaching registration;
and this week we redeem our pledge. In order that every one
in the empire may clearly understand the political privileges he
possesses, we give a careful abstract from the reform bid of the
qualification, &c., of voters for counties, cities, and boroughs.
This to many may appear a work of supererogation; but we
know, and sorry are we to record the fact, that a wilful igno-
rance in many, originating in hatred and contempt of the whig
reform bill, has as much effect in .causing the nou-registration
of votes, as a culpable negligence on the part of others who
were aware of the tenure upon which they possessed the fran-
chise. This unworthy feeling, which existed during the first
registration, has changed materially during the last; and it
will be to the irremediable disgrace of every conservative in
the empire who reads these remarks, if he suffers the hour to
pass that panoplies him for the conflict at the hustings. The
battle of the constitution, it has been well said, is to be fought
in the books of the registration. May every conservative act
upon the warning!
VOTERS FOR CITIES AND BOROUGHS
Fall under two heads. Those created by the reform bill :• -
Occupation either as landlord or tenant of any building, either
separately or jointly, with land within the limits of the city or
borough, of the yearly value of £lO.
1. Provided premises that constitute the qualification are held
of one and the same landlord.
' 2. And if there are more than one joint tenants, the whole
value divided by the number of tenements must give at least £lO
per annum to entitle him to vote.
3. These premises, or others of equal value in the same
borough or city, must have been occupied for twelve calendar
months next previous to the last day of July in the year of
registration.
4. Occupier must have been rated for his premises for the
relief of the poor.
5 He must have paid on or before the 20th qf July, all poor-
lates and assessed taxes become payable in respect of such pre-
mises before the 6th of April. •
6. He must have resided for six calendar months next pre-
vious to the last day of July in the year of registration, within
the city or borough, or place sharing in the rights of the city or
borough, or within seven statue miles thereof.
Again, as for those entitled by reservation of their ancient
rights, though somewhat limited. There are-
1. Voters by reason of inhabitancy—as inhabitants generally,
potwallopers, or those who can maintain themselves, inhabi-
tants householders, inhabitants paying scot and lot.
2. Voters by reason of interest—as freeholders, copyholders,
leaseholders, burgage tenants, or holders of some particular
tenement that is vested with the privilege.
3. Voters by reason of personal rights—as freemen, livery-
men, burgesses.
To one or other of these different descriptions of voters the
ancient constitutions of cities and boroughs gave the privilege
of suffrage; and to them has that privilege been reserved, ac-
cording to the customs of the place by the Reform Act, with
some limitatiobs, which may be briefly stated as follows:—
The voter's residence must be shown in the place, or within
seven statute miles of the place of polling, for six months next
before the last day of July, in the year of registration. If a
burgage or other tenant be the qualification, that must be proved
as the custom of the city or borough may require. No man can
be admitted a freeman after the Ist of March, 1831. except by
birth or apprenticeship, so as to be entitled to vote as such.
Lastly, all such claimants must be registered as the Act directs,
in the same manlier as those whom the Reform Bill admitted to
the rights of suffrage.
And now having clearly pointed out the qualification, &c., of
Totes for Cities and Boroughs, proceed we to the— -
COUNTY VOTERS' QUALIFICATION.
Freehold of Annual Value qf 40.-1. It it be an estate of in-
heritance.-2. If not that, it must have been in possession of
owner before June 7, 183'2; and then mere life interest of that
amount entitles.-3. if acquired since that day, provided elector
is in actual occupation at the time of registration and voting.-
4. Or if acquired since that time by marriage, marriage settle-
ment, or will.
Copyhotd.—lf the tenement is of £lO annual value, whether
it be an estate for life or one of inheritance.
Leasehold.-1. For any term, however short, if the rack rent
amounts to £5O per annum.-2. Or if the lease be for sixty years,
a rent of £lO is st!fficient.---3. If the rent be not a rack rent, a
term of twenty years of £lO annual value will be a qualification.
Our general observation applies to these tenures, which now
include every county qualification ; and this is, the freehold
and copyhold must have been in possession of the voter for six
months previous to the lust day of July in the year in which he
claims registration, and leasehold qualification must have been
in his possession for twelve months prior to same date.
All tendres of a nondesciipt kind known in this country are
now merged in 'copyliold, and entitled to qualify accordingly.
One more point is to be attended to—such tenements as will
qualify as above, if situated -within the limits of a city or
borough, will cease to-qualify fur a county vote,' but for the eity
or borough may qualify.
here is a faithful and appropriate abstract of the political
privileges of Englishmen under the Reform Bill. No man can
now plead ignorance. Once and for all most earnestly do we
raise our voice, and call upon all who value their King and their
country—who would obtain fur their children " happy homes
and altars free," the blessing and birthright of their fathers—
who would keep the King, the Law and the Altar from the grasp
of the desolating revolutionists, to attend to the REGISTRATION
OF 1835 !-Age.

There are no' less than 461 barrister attend and prcless to
practise in the Court of King's Bench, exclusive of 25 King's
counsel, who attend that court, and 18 sergeants-at-law.
. LOVES OP THE FISHES.—The following anecdote is from the
Sporting Magazine for June; it is narrated as from.the stock of
the Rev. E. Waring, of lsleworth :—" Having caught, tired,
and brought to the top of the water a fine salmon, and bring on
the point of taking it into the punt, another large fish was ob-
served to be following. close after it, and apparentl2, attached to
it, but so intent upon the pursuit of the hooked one was he that
they procured a landing-hook, and without any resistance he,
apparently unconsciously, allowed the hook to be inserted under
his gill, and was thus securely taken. Upon examination it was
found that the first was a female, and the second a male fish,
and doubtless, as this happened durin the spawning season, was
about to deposit her eggs, and the male fish was following in-
stinctively to ensure the propagation of their species."

, STAN DAR'

GRAND CONSERNATiVE DINNI,`.R. TO W. E
GLADSTONE, ESQ., &LP.

Thursday was a joyous day for our conservative friends at
Newark, in consequene of the festival in huuour of -Mr.
Gladstone, their talented and amiable representative in Parlia-
ment. The day was delightfully tine, the bells of the church
rang merrily, and almost every face seemed to wear a smile on
the occasion. About four o'clock, nearly 290 geutleinen,
in-
chiding a numerous attendauce.of the clergy and many influen-
tial gentry from the neighbourhood, sat down to a sumptuous
dinner, served up in excellent style, in the Town-hall, by Mrs.
Lawton, of the Clinton Arms, and Mr. Gilstrap, of the Hotel.
The spacious room was decorated with banners, flags, busts,
evergreens, flowers, &c. Among the inscriptions on the ban-
ners we noticed, " Gladstone and the conservative cause."
"The King beloved by his people," "The Queen, whose vir-
tues adorn her sex." "The good old cause," encircling a star,
"Unity is strength," a splendid red flag presented by the ladies.
Three elegant glass chandeliers were also suspended from the
ceiling, and added much to the elegant appearatice of the hall.
The chair was occupied by Thomas Spraggiu; Godfrey, Esq.,
supported on his right by W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P., and
on his left by Sir R. Howe Bromley, Bart., of Stoke Hall. W.
E. Tallents, Esq.; presided at the lefthand table, supported by
John Gladstone, Esq.; and the mayor of Newark (W. Thomp-
son, Esq:) presided at the right hand table, supported by Ro-
bertson Gladstone, Esq. Mr. R. Caparn officiated as principal
vice-president; and the other vice-presidents' chairs were occu-
pied by Me. Brauston and Mr. Thus. Caparn. A brass band
was in attendance. Glace was said by the Rev. H. J. Steven-
son; and after the cloth was drawn, "Non nobis domine" was
sung by Messrs. Brooke, Knowles, Jones, and Ashton, the pro-
fessional singers engaged for the occasion. Just before the first
toast was proposed ladies, were admitted into a gallery purp,isely
erected for the occasion; and an elegant display of -beauty and
fashioti soon gave additional interest to the festive scene.
The first toast given from the chair was, " Our most gracious
King, may God bless him, and make him ever mindful of that
cause that placed his ancestors on the British throne." (Four
times four.)
Song,—" God save the King." The words—
. " Confound their politics,
Frustrate their knavish tricks,"
being loudly cheered.
"The Queen." (Three times three.) Song,— Here's a health
to our famed British Queen."
"The Princess Victoria; and the rest of the Royal Family."
(Three times three.) Glee,—" Hail Star of Brunswick."
"The Navy and the Army."
Sir R. Howe Bromley, Bart., as an officer in the naval
service, acknowledged the toast in an energetic speech, during
which lie'stated, that should the policy of the present govern-
ment unfortunately involve this nation in an unhappy war, he
was confident-that both the army and navy would always be
ready to attend the call of patriotism and duty ; at the same
time he could not help thinking it a melancholy reflection, that
although the most important and glorious victories had been
achieved over our foreign fees, we had failed, owing to the pre-
valence of evil counsels, to secure happiness and peace at
home; and were actually in danger of becoming victims to a
confederacy of atheism, infidelity, and superstition. (Cheers.)
The Chairman observed, that though. he was convinced the
toast he was about to propose required no recommendation
from him to cause it to be drunk with every possible degree of
enthusiasm, he still conceived it his duty, as president of that
meeting, to make a few remarks, which might nut be deemed
altogether inapplicable. (Cheers.) They were aware that they
were assembled to pay a tribute 'of personal respect to his ex-
cellent friend, Mr. Gladstone—(loud cheers)—and to celebrate
his return to parliament, and also to endeavour to follow humbly,
though he hoped not unprofitably, the bright example that had
been set them by the citizens of London, in showing their at-
tachment to those principles and that lice of policy adopted and
pursued by the government of Sir R. Peel—principles that are
founded on the correction of every proved abuse—the redress
of every grievance—at the same time maintaining, upholding,
and improving our ancient and valuable institutions in church
and state. (Chem s.) These principles, wherever they were
known, had beets the means of shedding truth and justice over
the laud, and giing glory and happiness to the nation. He
then enlarged on the nature and tendency of conservative in-
fluence to improve and strengthen every institution, andto wipe
away any blots and stains that the unsparing hand of time might
stamp on our otherwise matchless constitution. They would re-
pair. but not destroy, Do not uproot the venerable oak that
has for ages withstood the fury of the storm, because a few of its
branches have been withered by the blast: let the pruning knife,
but not the destructive axe, be applied; for we would still assert,
the tree is soprut at the core. (Loud and continued cheers.)
He believed that he now spoke the sentiments of the meeting,
antlihe congratulated himself on being surrounded by so large a
body, who were equally interested with himself in the success of
the conservative cause, and with the same feelings did he also
congratulate them on 'having twice triumphantly returned to
Parliament M'r. Gladstone, who had not only honourably ful-
filled all his duties, and eloquently echoed their sentiments in
the House of Commons, but had been associated in the govern-
ment, with the most illustrious statesman that England' can
boast. May that connection long continue, and may the in-
timacy that Mr. G. had formed with the constituency of
Newark, continue to gain strength, as years roll on, affording
them many similar opportunities of testifying how much they
esteemed him for his virtues, admired for his talents, and re-
spected for his spirit, honour, and integrity, their excellent re-
presentative. The chairman concluded by proposing long life,
happiness, and prosperity to their worthy, talented, and ex-
emplary representative in parliament, W. E. Gladstone, Esq._
—Nine times nine. •
Mr. W. E. GLA DSTONE, as soon as the applause which
marked his rising to address the Company had subsided, said
he felt that upon occasions such as the present, when so much
deep and real feeling was involved, the simplest language was
• the best, and he, therefore, should not attempt in any laboured
phrase to convey to the minds of those whom he addressed the
impressions of cordial delight which marked his own. He
might be allowed to say, he differed with some parts of his hon.
friend's speech, hut he accepted the compliments they had beets'
pleased to pay him, not as he considered he deserved-them, but
because he hailed them as one of the tokens of their attach-
ment to the cause in which they were happily associated. (Ap-
plause.) lle.would confess, it was with no common pride and
satisfaction, that he had waited the arrival of that occasion—
for, in the first-place, it is no common satisfaction to a person
in his circumstances, to receive so marked a demonstration of
approbation, so decisive a proof of regard as that they had that
day offered. He was ready, at all`times, to maintain, that the.
most free communication of sentiment should exist between the
constituent body of this country and those they send to parlia-
ment, as that intercourse must materially contribute to the pre-
servation of the liberties of England; and if upon general prin-
ciples, and with reference to all circumstances. he held such
an opinion, how much more strongly must he hold it in a cri-
sis like the present, when they were engaged in a struggle on
the politital arena, whose results, however apparently remote,
must operate powerfully upon_their individual as well as gene-
ral interests, and must reach their very hearts and homes.
Amongst the allusions which the chairman had beeirpleased to
make, he scarcely knew to which he should first recur : lie
could not help, however, reflecting upon what had occurred
since last they met at Newark. When he last came before
them, they returned him as an official servant of his majesty,
but now h; was before them in his private capacity. As he had
not, then, feared the taunt of being a placetrian, or a hireling.
because he felt the object of Sir Robert Peel's government was
a noble and praiseworthy object—so, now, though they had been
driven from the helm of affairs, and from the councils of his
majesty, still upon the very same grounds he did appear with
undiminished' confidence in the presence of his constituents,
and did not believe that he had undergone any degree
of discredit or disgrace. (Cheers.) If he had ever for one mo-
ment apprehended that their favour and good opinion were de-
pendent on external circumstances, instead of being based upon
the everlasting rock of public principle, that which fie had heard
and seen that day, would have snore than sufficed to have un-
deceived him ; he would, indeed, assure them, that he gloried
in having been connected, as the chairman pleased to say,
though it was subordinately, with Sir Robert Peel's govern-
ment, and he believed that if ever a government held office,
having simply in their view the improvement and advancement
of their country, and free from the slightest imputation, as to
the sincerity of their principles and motives, it was that govern-
ment. (Applause.) He did not consider, that in so saying,
he was arrogating praise to himself, for he did not aspire to the
honour of being considered one of its members—he was merely
a follower of that administration, and adverting to the purity of
their motives, the loftiness of their objects, and the high and
splendid character of the individual at their head, he could not
help calling upon them to respond to the sentiments he then
expressed, because he knew those sentiments would find a ready
echo in the breasts of those whom be addressed. (Cheers.)
He rejoiced, further, in that occasion, not merely because it
gave him an opportunity of repeating his public professions in
the presence of constituents, relatives, and friends—and parti-
cularly before one whom of all other men on earth he most re-
vered and loved—but because it also proved to him, most un-
equivocally, that the numerous and respectable company there
assembled-were themselves deeply alive to the circumstances of
the times, and aware of the altered position in which they stand.
There was a period in the history of our country when every
honest and respectable man, whether in the middle or lower
classes, might, without impropriety, withdraw himself from
political contentions and find an ample occupation in the
management of his individual concerns in this life, and in pre-
paration for the next; but that peridd is past, and the true well-
wisher to his country is no longer at liberty so to retire from
public functions. The exercise of political privileges is no
longer a matter of choice, but a bounden duty. - Great changes
have been introduced—new, rights have been vested in large,
classes—of thraimmunity,'and each of them was called upon
strenuously' to exercise that share of them with which he was
entrusted, in order to prevent their abuse by others. Some, it
was clear, who held them, were actuated by a reckless love of
change, and that class would always be found active in the em-
ployment of their political powers. We must, therefore, look,
under Providence, to those who are connected with the stable
interests of the country for fin equally energetic exercise of
their influence, in order to counterbalance the weight which
had been thrown into the opposite scale. Mindful as he was of
the glory they had earned by their strenuous and successful
efforts in the town of Newark, and of the change they had ef-
fected in its representation, he would not., have them suppose
that he made these remarks under the idea of assuming the of-
fice of a monitor, but rather with a view of showing them that
he himself was not iudifferent to their situation, and in the
full confidence that he was expressing sentiments in which
they fully participated. (Great cheering, and cries of "Hear.")
It had been his lot to witness many gentlemen in the House of
Commons rise successively, and bestow no little praise upon
themselves for being the representatives of large constituencies;
but he must confess that, in looking at the peculiar character-
istics of many of these large ,constituencies, he did not feel rea-
son to be ashamed, or shrink from owning, that smaller, that
intelligent constituency with which he had the honour to be
connected. If; in proportion to numbers, the weight of respec-
tability and intelligence increased, then the large constituencies
would bear the palm; but, notwithstanding they may have
numbers, and he would add, clamour on their side, he was not
aware that they brought, to difficult questions, a greater share
of competency for deliberation than themselves. It had been
his fate to hear the opposition to Sir Robert Peel, speak as
though every thing was to be measured by numbers, and num-
bers alone, and they had pointed out Sir 11. Peel's position as
humiliating, because he had somewhat less than a moiety of
that house as his supporters; in this respect, perhaps his posi-
tion might be humiliating in the estimation of some, but in
point of talent, principle, and motives of action, there nt, ver
was a minister who held a prouder position than Sir 11. Peel.
( Loud applause.) But he has been driven from power, aud
another ministry
.has succeeded, which, instead of haying a
smaller portion, is professedly supported by the larger. He
would ask, is their position prouder, considering the elements
of their support, manifold anti multifarious as they are? They
hate been truly described by Sir „lames Graham as a Babel of
politicians, with strife and confusion of tougues. ( Laueliter
and applause.) There were now arrayed as the suppurters of
goveroment—first, that burly of a hies of whom lie had nothing
further to say than to lament that they Mien acted more under
the influence of the old association of political party than with a
liberal view for the good of their country, and a regard to its exist-
ing circutnstauces. The next portion is a patty of men who
are, perhaps, summoned into It temporary popularity and fleet-
lug importance by the changes of the times, and who approach
the consideration of all political questions with too much of a

irecipitate root Incas ei innovate. Next to these we bad a body
of noble lords and right hot. and hon. gentlemen, both in and
lift of the cabinet, who had been the ready and convenient sup-
porters of uncompromising toryismn in the days of its prosperity,
but whb now, believiug th it its popularity bad passed, could
;lye it, and without a -blush, their not less uncompromising
pposition. Having grown old in the peaceful slumbers of quiet
times, they were now attempting to attain a renovated youth in
the adoption of new creeds and new principles of action. But
there were others still more,fortnidabie, the last section of minis-
terial supporters, the class of decided and avowed revolutionists
—men from whose lips had never dropped one single word in
favour of the institutions of the country—men who, with zeal and
industry, worthy of 'a better cause, are endeavouring to spread
disaffection and to sap the foundations of social order: These are
the men whom the presept government are aware made up the
majority in favour of Lord John Russell's motion that removed
Sir Robert Peel from office, and upon whom they must rest for
support, by consulting the wishes of Mr. O'Connell and his
party. (Applause.) He did not think it necessary or expe-
dient that he should there enter into a detail of the exploits, and
character, and political opinions of that gentleman; he would
rather say what ne tnought of him in his presence than in his
absence, because he unfortunately could say nothing of him but
what is bad (Applause.) If, therefore, the government has a
numerical majority, it possesses that majority only by truckling
to parties who are of violent revolutionary principles, and to a
a class of reckless agitators. It is by the support of these alone
that they can withstand the present opposition'; therefore he
(Mr. G.) called upon them, as men who look deeper into the
principles upon which their policy is founded than on the mere
surfaces and show of things, to say, under the late change of
circumstat.ces, who occupies the humiliating position, and he
would boldly contend that. the present ministry and their- )lies
were they who lived from day to day a degraded an & a disho-
nourable existence. (Applatase.) 'there are two subjects which
at present monopolize public atteirtisso;- and those are corpora-
tions and church-reform. He could be well content here to
close the remarks with which he had troubled them, and to leave
their time and attention to other and more agreeable occupas
tions than that of listening to him; yet he thought it was part
of his duty at a period so interesting to communicate freely with
them ou these matters, which are of the most direct and press•
ing importance. In the intercourse he had had during the last
few days he had spent amongst them, he had found unexam-
pled interest, especially upon the subject of municipal reform.
there is a practice sometimes adopted in the House of ootn-
mons which he could not quite understand. After the proposer of a
ministerial measure has delivered his address, however varied
and complicated the detailand important its enactments,there are
those of his obsequious myrmidons who will rise in their places
on the instant, and declare that the plan from firstto last, in gross
and in detail, is a production of finished and absolute wisdom.
He would speak upon the subject generally, for he thought that
the time which was elapsed since the bill was brought in was
much too short to enable them to discuss it in detail. He must,
however, confess he had yet to learn how it could be rendered
expedient to throw the preponderating power in the choice of
all municipal officers into the hands of the lowest class. He
was surprised at the ill-compliment which ministers had thereby
paid to the electors holding the ten-pound qualifications, and
did not think it betokened much confidence in the favoured ob-
jects of their previous choice to overpower their influence by
the introduction of another and a more numerous body. (Ap-
plause.) He did not understand upon what principle it can be
wise, that the licensing of public houses should be in the hands
of a common council, who is to be elected by * class of men
who must necessarily be to a great degree under the influence
of keepers of public-houses. Above all he did not know with
what feelings the orderly, and stable, and respectable portion of
the people of this country, will hail the provision which threatens
them with the incessant turmoil and agitation of a contested
election, throughout every borough in this country every year,
without any hope of rest. (Applause.) However, he did at
least feel it his duty to protest against that monstrous spirit of
partiality which was evident iu the report of the commissioners ;
in the first place, he complained of the conduct of those who
could appoint such decided partisans for such au inquiry—and
in the second place, the extraordinary audacity of the state-
ments they have oublished, in which, with a wanton recklessness
of feeling, they have cast unfounded imputations upon the cha-
racters of men, who are at least as honourable as themselves.
But there is much more in the plan than is perhaps generally
understood, and that is, that while the proposed object is to re-
form the corporations, the real 'object is to keep the present
government in office. (Applause.) There is no question that,
ministers saw, as who could not see, that in many of the elec-
tions which have taken place, particularly those in January last,
that a great change has taken place in the opinions of the peo-
ple, the feeling of the country is altered, and the agitation, and
he might add, the delusion attending the promulgation of the
reform bill, was passing away, and that some violent measures
were necessary to call again into existence the elements of cla-
mour, and to raise again on the part of the conservative members,
if possible, such an opposition as would render Sir Robert Peel
unpopular with the people. (Hear, hear.) He thought those
who heard him would agree with him that this notable project
had failed. Instead of meeting it as a party question, Sir
Robert Peel met them with the observations, that the very ob-
ject they professed to have in view was his object, in common
with all those who sought fur the wellfare, good governuieut,
and interest of the community at larvae, and that he would dis-
cuss the bill in an amicable spirit, and introduce what improv-
ment he could. This course evidently gave great dissatisfac-
tion. The great hope of the ministry was, that a strong opposi-
tion would be excited, and that government would be benefitted
by a popular clamour. They were all expectation on this point.
It was really almost entertaining to see the disappointment de-
picted in their countenances. Their appearance seemed to say,
why is he (Sir R. Peel) not more hostile?—why is he not in a
passion ?—why does he not divide the house ? (Applause.) On
ordinary occasions, it happens that government complain of the
opposition they meet with; but in this case the whole matter
is reversed, and the complaint of the friends of ministers is that
they meet with no opposition. He did not, however think they
had correctly estimated the case, when they supposed that the
plan would meet with no opposition. He was confident the
conservatives, in considering the 'abuses, to which self-election
must always be liable, would-be glad to remedy every evil; but
though the time is come for the revision of corporations, this is
not the time for placing a preponderating power in the hands of
the lower classes, and producing continued excitement amongst
the people by a system of perpetual agitation. (Applause.)
Mr. Spring Rice told the House of Commons that government
had made up their minds to fight the'battle upon the question of
corporation reform. But there is one other question of much
more deep and vital importance than that of corporation reform
—it is that of the church. That motion of Lord John Russell's
contains the seeds of the whole controversy, whether we are to
have a national religion, whether, as a nation, we are to ac-
knowledge, iu the operations of government, that God by whom
kings reign and princes decree justice. That is the question
on which, in the course of this year, or within a limited period,
we are to come to a solemn decision. This is the question on
which Sir Robert Peel retired firms office, and a much prouder
honour it was to retire from office upon that question, than to
have assumed it upon any other. It is upon this question, ac-
cording to his feelings and opinions, and according to the ne-
cessary laws and conditions of things, the fate of the present
government must be decided. (Hear.) The position the eon-
servatives take is to maintain the union of church and state.
(Loud and long-continued cheering.) It is always attempted to
confound with those who wish to maintain our institutions those
who love its abuses. But no two classes ought to be so widely
separated. As true conservatives we ought not merely to admit
inquiry, but to desire it ; not merely to allow of the removal of
blemishes and defects under the necessity and pressure of the
times, but to seek that removal, and to seek it with an earnest-
ness proportioned to their love of the institutions of the coun-
try. In foot, of the two classes, the true conservatives were
often more the foes of abuses than those who arrogate to them-
selves the name of reformers; die 'reason was this, the true
conservative hates the abuse because it brings discredit and
attack upon the institutions which he loves; while the professing
reformer rather loves the abuse, because it enables hint to assail
the institutions which he hates. (Applause) He would say,
that with utter scorn he threw back the assertion, that the con-
servatives are dead to the existence of abuses, or are unwilling
to see them removed. There is no question that the time is come,
that they shall be removed—there is no doubt they are as truly
removed as if the act was done. The question is, whether with
the abuses; the institutions themselves shall be swept from the
face of the land. What is the case as regards Ireland, with
.reference to the church ? There is a very prevalent error upon
this subject, a notion which exists even among our friends, that
the government maintains the church establishment, in order to
give to a certain set of
persons superiority over their fellow-
countrymen. Now, (said Mr. G.) I maintain the government
has no right to propose to itself such an object. It has no
other right, and it ought to have no other desire, than that of
preserviug and propagating the truth. It is because truth is of
all other good tne dearest and the most valuable to the soul of
man, that a government is bound, according to its means, to
secure this good for its subjects. IL supports the church esta-
blishment as that form of religion which teaches the truth; it
refuses to support the Roman catholic faith, as believing it to be
tainted with material and often perilous error. Upon this prin-
ciple we maintain the establishment, and call upon you, in the case
of Ireland, to maintain the rule and practiceof your forefathers.
(Applause.) Suppose the plan were adopted, and that every
one worshipped according to his own creed, what would be the
condition of Ireland ? Why, the revenue does not now amount
,to £270 elear to each beneficed clergyman. When they con-
sidered the expenses of a chemical education and- the condition
the clergy of Ireland were placed in, in the centre of a ragged,
miserable, catholic population—a population who pay with ex-
act rigour the rent of O'Connell, and at the same time are de-
pendent upon the charities of the protestant church, (applause,)
anti were lie to detail the heart-rending sights which daily might
there be witnessed of the protestant clergy, owing to the condi-
tion of that unhappy country, many of them- snflering extreme
misery, not having the common necessaries of life to subsist
upon, he would ask, when even the majesty of the law in their
own persons is insulted, by combinations against the authority
of the law, was this the dine to introduce a scheme for taking
away from those exemplary clergy a portion of their scanty pit-
tance? (Loud cheers.) He then observed, that there was
it twitter duty the legislature ought to perform ere they took such
a step, and that is to put down these combinations against the
law,—to vindicate legal right, and then to inquire into existing
abuse, and to remove it. He would recommend this course ra-
ther than the desertion of their national faith, by which this
country has been raised to its present greatness. He begged
the meeting to remember why our forefathers had embraced the
protestant faith, and we had followed in their steps;—it was for
its purity and its truth that it was held good for us, and if it be
good for us, it is also good for the population of Ireland. ( Long
and continued chaers.) if we believed the Roman Catholic
creed still contained the seeds of error and of danger, we ought
to abstain from assisting in its propagation as we would abstain
from recommendints that which was hurtful to the body. There
iS another matter oiconsequence he would allude to, and that
is the oath taken by Roman Catholic members entering into
parliament. The member swears that he will not disturb or
molest the protestant establishment in this country, and yet,. as
the meeting was aware; notwithstanding the oath, he jnstifies
himself in voting for a measure that takes away from it its very
support; but he well knew there were no measures proposed,
upon which an argument could not be raised to put a fallacy in
the place of fact. He would therefore suppose, that the pro-
perty on which a person depended for subsistence was placed
in the care of an individual, or of a corporation. who should
take an oath that they would not disturb it, (hear, hear.)
and yet afterwards that individual or corporation should violate
the prepeety on pretence that they were doing him good by
taking away from his abundance would they not laugh to scorn
that wretched sophistry? and would they not equally refuse to
sanction what at least amounted to tampering with the strict-
tiers of the obligations of an oath, and would not only invade
the possessions elthe church, but shake the foundations of pub.
lie faith and of private confidence? And, if such be the nature
of the act, what will be its consequences? In certain and fatal
succession the 'destruction of the church of Ireland will entail,
first, the repeal of the union, and then the dismemberment Gf
the empire. Is it for this, then, that you are called to surren-
der the principle of a national faith, dear to the hearts of your
forefathers and to your own ? or will you not rather join in the
resolution by every effort under God to strengthen and perpe-
tuate that sacred principle? And this brings me to the toast
with which lam to conclude. It is one which sums up and
etnloailies my own dearest wishes and most deliberate convic-
thnis ; and if, in viewing nie as the organ of your sentiments,
you received my name with warmth, and I may almost say with
st teething of enthusiasm, I intreat you to welcome with a pro-
amitioauble zeal that for whose sake alone my uatne can be

JUNE 19, 1835.

vs.!uable to you. He concluded by commending to them tk•
toast of" Church and State."
[The speech was received throughout with the most rapturous
applause, and was delivered in a style of i►npressive and grace-
ful oratory.]
In the course of the evening the following, among other toasts,
were given :
By the Chairman.—" Sir Robert Peel and the members of the
late administration," "The Duke of Weilington," " The Duke
of Newcastle, God bless him!" " The Earl of Lincoln and the
Conservatives of South Nottinghamshire."
By W. E. Gladstone, Esq.—" The Chairman, T. S. God-
frey, Esq."
Mr. Robert Caparu, in a few words, proposed the health of
John Gladstone, Esq. Three tunes three.
Mr. Gladstone (father of the M.P. for Newark) then rose
to return thanks. He attributed the kind expression of their
feelings towards himself to the partiality they entertained for
his son. He felt it his duty to be present on that occasion, be-
cause his family, in the person of his son, had received from the
inhabitants of Newark such decided proofs of their kindness
and goodwill; and he, therefore, was anxious, as far as he could •
by his presence among theru, to testify his grateful sense of
their favours, and of the honour they had conferred on his sou,
by placing him in the proud situation of their representative
in parliament. After alluding to the pleasure which that day's
proceedings had afforded him, Mr. G. in a tune of deep feeling
expressed his gratitude to his God for having imbued the mind
of his son with those principles which. he might be allowed to
say, had always governed his conduct, and he hoped would
abide pith him through life; for he might truly say that they'
had indeed grown with his growth, and had ripened with his
maturer years. (Cheers.) He had no doubt that these princi-
i pies would always animate his sou in the discharge of all his
duties; and that he would esteem it a sufficient reward, if he
`could secure their approbation. (Cheers.)
• The party did not separate until a late hour.

LIVERPOOL POLICE.

YESTERDAY.--(Before Mr. Alderman ROBINSON.)
FRAUD AND FORGERY.—James Davison, a designing fellow,
whose countenance iu every feature bore the stamp of roguery,
was placed at the bar charged with having attempted to de-
fraud Mr. Jones, corn and flour dealer, Park-lane, of a quan-
tity of goods, by means of a forged bill. Mr. Jones stated that
on the previous morning, at 10 o'clock, the prisoner called at
his warehouse, in Park-lane, and ordered flour and oatmeal to
the amount of £4 7s. He called himself "Captain Smith,"
and said that he had been recommended to him (Mr. Jones)
by a friend who had stated that he could serve him well. Com-
plainant said that he should be happy to do so, and the pri-
soner having desired that the goods should be sent to the ship
Sarah, lying at the west side of the King's Dock, offered a bill
or promissory note for £l9 4s. 6d., requesting the change.
The bill purported to have been drawn by Mr. Charles Hors-
fall, accepted. by Barton, Irlam, and Co., and dated the 10th
June, payable in a mouth. It also appeared to bear the sip;
natures in red ink of Charles Lawrence, Arthur Heywood, and
two other respectable gentlemen. Complainant having been
brought up in a merchant's counting-house, felt convinced that
Messrs. Barton, Irlam, and Co. would not accept to such an
amount, and the prisoner being urgent in his request to obtain
£5 on account, which he said he wanted to purchase ship
biscuits with, he suspected the bill to be a forgery, and there-
fore told him to call again at two o'cicck, when the money
would be ready for him. The prisoner appeared satisfied, and,
in the meantime, complainant waited upon Barton, Irlam, and
Co., and Mr. Lawrence, and discovered that the bill was what
he suspected it to be—a forgery. He then called at the police-
office, and took a constable with him, in order to give the pri-
soner into custody when he called for the change. The pri-
soner did not call at the time, and supposing that it was not his
intention to do so, the constable was sent away. About three
o'clock, however, he called, and complainant told him to.wait
awhile, and he should have the change. The prisoner on this
seemed fidgetty, and wished to get away, and complainant went
out with a friend for a constable, desiring his men not to let the
prisoner escape. lu a short time he returned, leaving the con-
stable at the door. when the prisoner stated, that having been
insulted by the men during his absence, he was resolved not t')
purchase the goods. Complainant said, "Very well, but let
me look at the bill." The prisoner said he hail no bill, upon
which the constable was called in, and he was searched; but no
bill was found upon him.
Alderman . Robinson (to the complainant).—You saw the
bill before you went out.
Mr. Jones.—Oh yes, I bad it in my hands and observed the
names.
Alderman Robinson.—He contrived to select some respect-
able names.
Mr. Jones.—Yes, and that convinced me that the bill must
be a forgery.
Aldermen, Robinson.—What do you think he did with the
bill ? _

Mr. Jones.-1 think he must have swallowed it, for in my
absence my boy saw him rolling some paper about in his mouth.
Alderman Robinson (to. the prisoner).—What did you do-
with the bill?
Prisoner.-1 had no bill at all.
Alderman obinson.—What are you?
Prisoner.—l am a tradesman.
Alderman Robirisen.—Where do you come from?
Prisoner.-1 am a cotton-spinner, and reside in Lombard-
street, Manchester.
Mr. Parlour, the superintendent of police, here stated that
the present was not the first time the prisoner had appeared be-
fore the Liverpool magistrates. He was committed some time
ago for three months for swindling the public with a begging
petition, attached to which were the forged names of Mr. Alder-
man Wright and several other gentlemen.
Alderman Robinson was of opinion (in which he was borne
out by the law-clerk, Mr. Shuttleworth,) that there was no case
against the prisoner, in consequence of the bill not having been
secured by the complainant.
Mr. Parlour said that if the prisoner was remanded there
might be other cases of a similar nature against him. At the
last sessions a Seotchman, who was supposed to have accom-
plices, was transported for a like offence, and the prisoner
answered the description of one of them.
-The prisoner was accordingly remanded.
Snot, ROBBERY.—A man named William Rathbone was
placed at the bar charged with stealing a pair of stockings from
the shop of Mr. Hewitt, draper, of Whitechapel. A constable
stated that on the previous day the shoproan of Mr. Hewitt in-
funned him that he had been robbed of some articles a few
minutes before by a man who had been looking at a pair of
stockings at the door. Witness followed after the man and
took him into custody, and found the stockings, which ,were•
claimed by Mr. Hewitt, in his breast. There was another man
with the prisoner, who was also secured, bu.l!e made his escape.
Mr. Hewitt complained of the great number of robberies being
committed upon shopkeepers in the neighbourhood in which-
he resided. The prisoner, in his defence, said that he was a
nailmaker, in the employ of Mr. Hatton, and had met a man
whom he knew, who put the stockings into his breast and ran
away.—Remanded.
RECEIVING GOODS BELONGING TO THE ARMY.—A man •
named M'Cormick, who keeps a marine store shop, was charged
with receiving a pair of boots belonging to a private in the 80th
regiment. The owner of the boots not being present the pri-
soner was remanded, and a constable ordered to report the case
to the commanding officer of the barracks.
A woman named Jackson, who was represented as an old
hand at handling other people's property, was charged by
another woman, her half-sister, with entering her house and
stealing a quantity of weating• apparel, which she had, for a
consideration, transferred to the keeping of a pawnbroker. The
complainant offered to forego the prosecution if the prisoner
would give up the tickets of the articles, but as she persisted in
' knowing nothing of them, and the felony being proved, she
was committed.
VAGABONDS.—Three wretched-looking fellows were charged
by .a watchman with being found at a late hour asleep upon the
black-kilns in the neighbourhood of Vauxhall-road. It was
stated that the brickmakers complained loudly of the iujury
they sustained by disorderly people who slept on the brick-kilns
damaging their property, and the watchman said that many
robberies were committed by them: The prisoners were found
asleep on the top of the kilns amongst the smoxe of the bricks,
and had the wind changed during their mein the watchman
stated that they must have been suffocated. The prisoners, in
their defence, said they had no houses to go to, but on promising
to find one for the future, they were discharged.
STEALING LEAD.—The practice of stripping uninhabited
hotises of lead spouts, pipes, &c., is very prevalent, and scarcely
a day passes but coinolatnts of his description of thieving are
made to the police-office. A few nights ago some lads were
apprehended with lead piping, a ball, taps, &c., evidently be-
longing to a cistern.—The articles are at the Duncan-street-
Brideweli to be identified.
ATTEMPT AT ROBBERY.—An incorrigible young hi 4, named
John May, not more than 14 years oid, who has suffered two
two years' imprisonment in Lancaster Castle for felony, was
charged with attempting to steal a roll of silk from the shop
window of Mr. Clarke, linendraper, Adelaide-buildings, Dale-
street. It appeared from the evidence that the prisoner was
caught in the act of hooking out the silk with a piece of cane
from the window, the pane of which he had previously cut with
a diamond. He was committed to the House of Correction for
three months.
STEALING WORKMEN'S Toots.—A journeyman plasterer of
the name of William Houton was committed for stealing a
.quantity of tools belonging to his fellow workmen, who were
labouring at the Ohl Saau, near Liverpool : he contrived to
commit the offence while they were at their meals.
CAPTION TO THE OWNERS of Dons.—Richard Williams
and Robert Ncttingliatn appeared ,to a summons for having
suffered their dogs to roam at large in the streets after the pro-
hibition issued, by the. Mayor, whereby tha.y.liad..aacuraing_to
act of parliAient, rendered themselves liable to a penalty not
exceeding £5.
Riley, the officer, proved that the dogs were straying about
the streets, but could not positively state that the advertisement
cautioning the owners of dogs to keep them tied Tip had appear-
ed iu all the newspapers, which was required by act of partia-
-1 meat. They were consequently acquitted.
•

LORD RADNOR'S BILL RESPECTING TILE
THIRTY NINE ARTICLES.

Whereas the subscription of particular articles of faith in the
case of persons of tender years, and before they can have so ac-
curately and Minutely examined the same, and the grounds on
which they rest, as to an entire and implicit assent to the
doctrines therein .laid down, is unreasonable; and may tend to
evil consequences; be it enacted by the King's most excellent
Majesty, by and with the advice' and consent of the lords spi-
ritual and temporal, and commons, iu this present parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and
after the passing of this act, no person shall be required by any
person or persons in authority in the universities of Oxford or
Cambridge, or elsewhere, within the King's dominions, to sub-
scribe or declare his' assent to the 39 articles of religion agreed
upon by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces, and the
whole clergy in the convocation holden in London in 1652, or
the three articles contained in the 36th canon, at the time of ma-
triculation at either of the said universities, or of entrant e at any
college or hall within the same, and until he shall have attained
the age of 23 years, or, in case he shall take the degree of master
of arts before he has attained the age of 23 years, until he shall
have taken the said degree.
Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing in
this act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to ex-
empt any person from the obligation to subscribe such articles.
or to make such declarations as by the custom an•r statutes of the
said universities are. now required, •br;fore any person can tilt
and vote in the convocation or senate of the said universities re-
spectively, or as way now by lay: be requii!Ni in order to qualify
such person to take any ecclesiastical orders, or to -preside or
sit as judge in any court spiritual or ecclesiastical, or to hold
any ecclesiastical office or benefice whatsoever, or as under the
special requisition of the founder of any endowment are now
required to be subscribed or made to enable the members
thereof to enjoy the benefits of the same.
•

TAvntiris.—We are informed by Sir Henry Spelman, that.
" in the raigne of King Edward the Third wily three taverner
were allowed in London ; one in Chepe„ one in Waihroke, and
the other in Lombard-street.

His Royal Highncss. Prince Leopold of the Two Sicilies ar-
rived at the Clarendon Hulel,Lieltlon, on S,Lturdav evening.
His highoegs occupies the :State nl4rttuento vacate.! by Lis4
Marquis Wellesley.