The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1848-07-04 00:00:00

TO ADVERTISERS.

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Ebt 71..liarpoof A/mamal.

TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 4, 1848.

WE direct the attention of our readers to the
report of the meeting to aid the Cheltenham Na-
tional Training Schools for Masters and Mistresses
in connexion with the Committee of Council on
Education, held on Tuesday evening, as announced
n our last. The opening and concluding speeches
of Dr. M'Neile were as usual very effective, espe-
cially where he exposed the folly and fallacy of
Chartism, and provided answers for loyal operatives
in their possible encounter with Chartist advo-
cates. Mr. Close's speech was an admirable and
comprehensive exposition of the question of educa-
tion, and leaves little to be desired in the way of
nforination as to the actual position of the Church
n reference to the present educational crisis.
The allusion in Mr. Nolan's beautiful speech to
the late lamented Dr. Tattershall, was gratefully
received by the entire meeting. The solemn still-
ness that in a moment pervaded the whole Assembly,
showed how completely in unison with the feelings
of the speaker, were the sympathies of his audi-
ence, as he paid an eloquent and deserved tribute
to the memory of departed worth and learning.
Equally gratifying to Mr. Nolan and his country-
men must have been . the reception given to the
name of Trinity College, Dublin, when he casually
and gracefully mentioned the University of his
country, in connexion with those of Oxford and
Cambridge. The evening being far advanced, the
Rev. Dr. Carpenter had time for little more
than a few suitable observations in seconding the
resolution. On the whole the meeting was very
successful.

THE carnage, which for four days made the
streets of Paris literally run with blood, has at
length ceased. The fiendish energy of her thous-
ands of starving artizans and thieves has been
tired out; and we can now sit down calmly to
ascertain the object of a movement, diabolical alike
in its consequences and in the wanton cruelty, with
which it was endeavoured to be carried out, and
which has resulted in a sacrifice of human life, un-
para:elled in the history of the most sanguinary
revolutions.

The impression, at first created in the minds of a
large portion of the British public, was that this
insurrection was the unpremeditated and frantic
effort of the ouvriers, suddenly dismissed from the
national workshops, and thrown upon their own
resources, at a period when employment had left its
ordinary channels; that it partook of the character
of those disturbances, which have occurred in times
of stagnation of trade, in the manufacturing districts
of this country. A closer review of its features,
however, spews convincingly that it was quite dif-
ferent, and infinitely more dangerous in its character.
It was not a pimple one!zte, hut a premeditated effort
of revolution. The plan of operations, in the first
place; was laid down with consummate military skill;
the details were of the most perfect description, and
the materiel must have taken. both time and money
to provide, to a far greatar amount than could be
presumed to he within the reach of the destitute and
desperate classes, engaged in the outbreak. Its
simultaneous character, of itself, forbids the idea
being entertained of its having been the effect of a
sudden ebullition of popular passion. There must
have been to produce it all the elements and ma-
chinery
of an extensive and thoroughly organized
conspiracy ; stratagetic skill to lay down the scheme
and the works required, aided by local knowledge,
and an ample supply of money and ammunition.
And, above all—and, perhaps, this is its most dan-
gerous feature—there must have been amongst the
conspirators the most entire confidence in each
other, and the most perfect subordination, without '
which it would have been impossible to mature such
vast operations with the secrecy which characterized
the preparations for this insurrection.
There must have been, then, mixed up with the
men whO fought at the barricades, confederates of
some standing and influence in the world, a con-
clusion. which it is deplorable to have thus forced
upon us, when we consider the atrocious objects
for which the movement was resorted to—v:z., the
pillage of Paris in the first place, and finally the
reproduction, in even an aggravated form, of the
worst excesses of the reign of terror of the first
French revolution. It is almost inconceivable that
there can be found men of education and standing
in society willing to ally themselves with the dregs
of the streets and the sweepings of the prisons and
the galleys, for the promotion of such measures as
those contemplated by the communists and so-
cialists—ready to convert a civilised nation into a
great community of fiends,- and to wade through
seas of blood and unutterable infamy for the
accomplishment of a mere vision, the prompting of
a diseased and distorted imagination. Yet such
men arc to be found by hundreds in the demo-
ralised metropolis of France, pouring out the
poison of their infidel doctrines through the
columns of the press and in the clubs and salons.
They are to he found even in the assembly itself.
For the hopelessly poor man, or the incorrigibly
dishonest, we cannot wonder that doctrines, which
recognise the right of men to help themselves to
the property of their neighbours, should possess
attractions. The recklessly dissolute may see
beauty in a system which inculcates the abolition
of all moral ties and the utter destruction of social
decencies. But, amongst men of a higher grade in
education or social position, we repeat it is almost
impossible to conceive the possibility of their being
entertained, unless we pre-suppose the existence of
a complete distortion of intellect and principle. -
Such a distorted state of feeling does exist in
France, and pervades all classes of the metropolis
especially. It has grown up beneath a godless sys-
tem of education and of life ; and been sedulously
fostered by an infidel press and a shameless and
corrupt literature. It was this feeling which ex-
preised itself in the -clubs of Paris, from the lips of
such men as Barbes and Blanqui, Flocon and
Sobrier : and the same, but is a coarser phase,
which dictated the atrocious war cries used by the
insurgents, and the still more atrocious butcheries
committed upon the unhappy victims, who fell into
their power during the struggle. From these we
know now the extent of the danger from which
France, and, we may add, Europe, have been
snatched by the firm conduct of the troops and
Guards engaged in the cause of order. A, day's
triumph of the insurrectionists would have deci-
mated Paris, and perhaps razed it to the dust ; and
would have driven forth its fierce and
.demoralized

population to carry the torch and the dagger
throughout France and Europe.
For the present we have escaped this danger;
but the snake is only scotched, not killed. The
sanguinary spirit is only kept down by the strong
hand of military power for a time, to break out
afresh on the first relaxation of the watchfulness of
authority. The mob have learnt a lesson from the
past struggle. Unsuccessful as it has been, it has
taught them with what comparative impunity to
themselves such a struggle can be carried on; that
the finest troops in the world fight at a terrible
disadvantage against barricades and in close streets ;
and by those classes who formed the hulk of the
combatants who resisted so stoutly—by the libe-
rated convicts and professional thieves of Paris,
with the hope of unlimited plunder and outrage
before them,—no amount of danger will be regarded
as sufficient to deter them from further efforts. A
'piety valve must be total(' somewhere to get rid of

such a population. However strong a form of
government may be adopted, the existence in Paris
of a hundred thousand unemployed and half-fed
artizans, mingled with twenty thousand desperadoes
of the worst class, is incompatible with the main-
tenance of law and order. They must be draughted
off wholesale, and their leaders, however high in
station, must he placed beyond the power to do
harm ; or, as the alternative, we can see only before
our eyes the prospect of a military despotism in
France, and the commencement of another disas-
trous crusade against the liberties of the world.