The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-05-02 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY

Lord CAMPBELL moved the second reading of the bill for
facilitating the conveyance of real property, by shortening
the verbose pi olixity of such conveyances. He proposed the
adoption of a parliamentary form of conveyance which might
be contained within the compass of a bank-note, and that
solicitors should be paid according to the value of their
services, and not according to the length of the documents
they had to furnish. _ _ _

The LORD CHANCELLOR took several objections to the
bill which rendered it impossible for him to support it. The
bill would only apply in cases in which its application would
be of little use, and he was wholly opposed to having a par-
liamentary form of conveyance, the smallest mistake in copy-
ing which would vitiate the transaction. He, therefore,
mooed that the bill should be read a second time that day
six months.
Lord LANGDALE was opposed to the bill, and said that the
great evil was the system of paying all departments of the
profession according to the length of the proceedings, and
not according to the actual service performed.
After some observations from Lord Campbell, the Duke
of Wellington, and the Lord Chancellor, the second reading
of the bill was negatived without a division, and their lord-
ships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS..—FRIDAY.
Lord STANLEY §tatad- that seieral of the noblemen an

gentlemen connecte3. h the British-American Emigrati
Association had 'ed sums for the relief of the t

fortunate emigrants who 'cad been sent out to Prince Ed
ward's Island, but who had fortunately for themselves bee

driven back by stress of weather. 41e also expressed a'hope
that the example would be followed by the remainder of those

gentlemen. •
In reply,, to a question from Mr. LEFROY,

LordEmoT said that government was by no means in-
different to the agitation in Ireland for the repeal of the
union, which could not be persevered in without danger to
the public peace.
Sir G. GREY then resumed the adjourned debate on the
second reading of the Ecclesiastical Courts' Bill, which he
had resolved to support, because the chief object of the bill
was to carry into effect many of the recommendations of the
ecclesiastical commissioners. He hoped, however, that his
proposition of referring the bill to a select committee would
be adopted, that its technicalities might be carefully consi-
dered, and some objectionable provisions removed. There
was at present a divided testamentary jurisdiction in matters
relating to real and personal estate leading to great inconve-
nience and expense by causing parties to go into two courts
in order to prove the validity of one and the same instrument.
This should be altered, as should also be the exclusive mo-
nopoly of Doctor's-commons. All these matters could be
much better considered by a select committee than they could
possibly be in the committee on the bill.
The ATTORN EY-GENERAL said that the defects and in-
convenience of the ecclesiastical courts had been long the
subjects of complaint. The ecclesiastical commissioners re-
commended that all the courts of peculiars should be thrown
into three provincial jurisdictions ; but this bill proposed to
give all the business to one central and supreme court,
which, in his opinion, was an improvement on the recom-
mendation of the ecclesiastical commissioners. One strong

argument in favour of the bill was the importance of having
during a war a body of civilians well acquainted with inter-

national law

Lord R. GROSVENOR 'said he was a strenuous supporter
of lepal reform, but to this bill he had objections, amongst
which was the perpetuation of the monopoly of the Doctors'-
commons practitioners. The defects he perceived in the bill
would, he thought, defeat the benefit which it was intended
to confer.

Dr. ELPHINSTONE thought something ought to be done
to remedy the evil of the conflicting decisions of the various
ecclesiastical courts, but by fixing the minimum of jurisdic-

tion at X3OO, the bill in effect made good law for the rich and
bad law for the poor. There were many objections to the
bill, but he thought they might be remedied in committee.
Mr. Escorr regretted being obliged to oppose the bill, but
the objections he had heard urged against it bad confirmed
his opinion that it would prove unsatisfactory and insufficient.
The Secretary for the II ome Department had said be would
blush for the house if personal interests led them to reject
the bill ; but he would rather blush for the insufficiency of
his own arguments to support it.
Mr. G. H. VERNON, as chancellor of the province and
fudge of th 3 Prerogative Court of York, was aware of the
many evils of the present state of the ecclesiastical law, and
of tl'e conflicting decisions of the inferior courts, which called
for a remedy, which he firmly believed the present measure
would provide, and be thus most beneficial to the country.
Mr. T. DUNCOMEE, in an amusing speech, contended for
the total abolition of the ecclesiastical courts, and said that
in his opinion the whole business of those courts should be
transferred to the courts at Westminster Hall. He was op-
posed to the bill, though not upon the same grounds as those
put forward by Sir R. Inglis. He was inclined to think with
Colonel Sibthorp that it was a " Doctors'-commons job,"
though the expression was one not likely to be used on his
(Mr. Duncombe's) side of the house. (This assertion of the
hon. gentleman in support of the extreme modesty of his
side of the house produced roars of laughter.) He was of
opinion that the bill was an attempt to bolster up a rotten
system, and he should therefore oppose it.
Sir R. PEEL, said he had rarely seen a bill opposed, as this
was, by gentlemen of such discordant opinions, and it be-
came therefore necessary to classify the objections and prove
to the house in replying to them that this bill effected a ma-
terial improvement in the present state of the law by re-
moving many of those evils which had been long felt and
complained of. Many of those evils had existed more than
300 years, and had been denounced by Lord Stowell and
other great authorities, and haMixisted because those who
felt the evils would not lie con t with moderate reform,
however useful it might tre in getting rid of the most serious
portiOns of the evil. was this always to go on ? Or on the
other hand would it not be better to go into committee on
the bill, and endeavour to render it as effective as possible.
instead 4 opposing the principle on the second reading? He
was quite aware that there was much weight in an observa-
tion of Mr. Escott's that if the Government went on with
this bill there was a powerful body, who would remember
them in the day of trial. Ile knew that any executive Go-
vernment attempting the reform of legal abuses raised against
them for a time a powerful body interested in the main-
tenance of those abuses, even though (hey took every care
that in applying the remedy the interests of the individual
should not suffer. They were not, however, to be deterred
by such considerations, and he therefore trusted—indeed he
could not for one moment credit that the house would
strangle in its birth this attempt to apply a remedy at all
risks to a very serious evil. The bill attempted to carry out
reforms recommended by the highest ecclesiastical and judi-
cial authorities, and if the House of Commons should reject
it 'let no hon. member hereafter taunt Ministers with not
doing anything in the shape of improvement. The Govern-
ment had brought it forward, so help him God! from no im-
proper or interested motive whatever; and he never could
believe that the House of Commons would defeat a measure
of reform in a system of law which all admitted to be full of
serious evils.
Mr. Hulls supported the bill, although he did not think
the bill went far. enough. • Fourteen years ago the house
abolished the power of these courtsin Scotland, and since
then every thing went on satisfactorily, by transferring the
jurisdiction to the courts of law. He could not, therefore,
understand why the same course should not be pursued In
England. .

Sir .H. W. BARRON supported the bill, for although it
did not remedy all the abuses in the ecclesiastical law, yet it
did remedy those which might be considered the most im-
portant.
Mr. ROEBUCK would vote for the second reading of the
bill, though he wished it to be understood that, though he
agreed in all that portion of the bill which went to pull down,
he entirely disagreed in all that portion which went to build
up, and unless that portion was -struck out or materially al-
tered in committee, he should feel it to be his duty to oppose
the bill altogether.
The gallery was then cleared, and on a division the second
reading of the bill was carried by a majority of 186 to 184.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
house adjourned.

COLONEL CHATTERTON.—The magnificent piece of plate
voted by the conservative electors and citizens of Cork to
Colonel Chatterton of the 4th Dragoon Guards, has been
presented, with an address containing the signatures of the
subscribers, amounting to three hundred. The gallant officer
has returned a suitable answer, in which he says :—" Be
'assured, that wherever my military duties may require my
services, I shall always bear with me a warm attachment to
my native city, and a most grateful recollection of the friend-
ship I have experienced from my fellow-citizens ; nor can I
ever be unmindful of the steady and cordial support I have
retreuegivgeleddfrm together
to maintain. those sound constitutional
you upon several trying occasions, when we
principles, whereby, as you so justly observe, the rights and
struggled
liberties of all the subjects of these realms are so entirely and
so happily secured."

TUE DUCHESS OF NORTRODABERLAND.—At a meeting
at Alnwick, on the 21st instant, the folloWing anecdote was
.related illustrative of her grace's benevolence :—Mary Atkin-
son was the daughter of humble parents. dwelling in a wild
part of the country near Alnwick. The father, who was a
hind, attended the March hiring of that town on a day of
extremely fierce storm and snow-drift, and anxious to reach
home the same evening, as may be supposed, in order to corn-
munieate the results of the day,
he persevered in plodding
his way towards his place of residence, amid the fury of the
storm. He, reached within half a mile of his own house and
perished in the drift. Meanwhile his wife, restless and
alarmed, ventured forth to anticipate his coming. Disap-
.,pointment led her on to within A few yards of where her hus-
band lay dead, but not so near as to render it probable she
had ever learned his fate, and there she too perished in the
snpw. , Mary Atkinson and a brother, we believe, were thus
left orphans, and totally destitute. The sad tale reached the
ears of the humane Duchess of Northumberland. She proved
more than a mother to the poor forlorn girl, sent her to board,
educated tier, and obtained her a situation in Edinburgh, in •
a respectable family. Mary Atkinson was now about 20
. years of age, when the symptoms of that most insidious dis-
ease —consumption—bezan to manifest themselves. She fell
very ill. No sooner did the duchess bear of her condition
than she requested that, if at all possible, she might be re-
moved' to Alnwick, which was done. It is needless to say
that every attention was ministered to the sufferer that could
be supposed capable of mitigating her distress. But in vain.
She died about 9 12 monks ago, and sleeps inAluvvick church-
yard, with' an affecting tribute to her memory from the
Duchess of Northumberland gracing her bumble grave.

TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 2, 1843.

It would be a circumstance truly humiliating to our
human nature, if it should turn out that the storm of
dissenting opposition, which has been directed osten-
sibly against the educational clauses of the proposed
factory bill, has had its leading source in hostility to
the limitation of the hours of infant labour contained
in that bill ; if the fears which have been so plausibly
put forth, of the consciences of little factory children
being oppressed by the iniquity of the Church of Eng-
land Catechism, have not been prompted by the greater
fear that such children were about to be emancipated
from the bondage of that tyrant, capital, and the cruel
selfishness of inhuman parents, which at this moment
are, together, wearing into soulless and fleshless ana-
tomies, or degrading into reckless criminals, so many
thousands of the children of the working classes. And
yet it is too much to be feared that such a feeling has
been uppermost in the minds of the prime movers in
this demonstration. Sincere as may have been the
convictions and the motives of many, who have since
plunged themselves into it, we greatly suspect that
if the hearts of those who pulled the wires and set the
puppets in motion, could be searched, too much of
MAMMON would be discovered there—too much of
griping selfishness—to allow of our entertaining any
longer a doubt that the question of education is not so
much a religious, or even a sectarian question, as it
is a question of the pocket—a struggle between selfish
avarice] on the one hand and Christian philanthropy
on the other.

That such is the case, in the immediate districts af-
fected by Sir James Graham's bill, can scarcely be
doubted by any one who has closely watched the pro-
gress of public opinion, there, upon the subject. Let
us glance at a few evidences, as to this fact, which
have crept out during the past week in the neighbour-
ing manufacturing metropolis—Manchester. It has
pleased that very sapient body, the town council of the
" metropolis" in question, to hold a special meeting to
exhibit its wisdom in opposition to the bill, from the
proceedings at which we take leave to cull the follow-
ing morceau

One of the members, a cotton spinner, as reported
in the Guardian, stated that " he should be glad to see
education promoted either by this or any other bill ;
but he thought this bill would be a failure, inasmuch
as it would have the effect of inducing masters to turn
children under 13 years of age out of employment."
Why would the bill have such effect ? why turn
children under thirteen years out of employment ?
Because children are to be educated upon this, or that,
or any system ? Not at all ; but because masters will
in future be permitted to work such children only six
hours and a-half per day ! Clearly it is not the educa-
tional clauses, but the limitation of the hours, which
are here excepted against ; and when Mr. Alderman
Murray tells us, therefore, that " he should be glad to
see education promoted either by this or any other
bill," we must take leave greatly to doubt his sincerity,
unless some system can be bit upon by which children
can be at school and at work at the same time.

Another gentleman, a manufacturer, at the same
meeting of collective wisdom, informs us that " he be-
lieved the effect of the present bill would be to turn
children under thirteen years of age out of the factories
into the streets, and then there would be no provision
at all for their education." Again we ask, why turn
them into the streets ? Are millowners Christian men ?
Are children who can read their Bible and say their
prayers unfitted for the meridian of a cotton-mill ?
Not at all ; but they cannot be worked the long hours of
adult labour.

But what followed from this pattern of manufac-
turing. morality is still more worthy of admiration.
This same personage " believed it was intended to
throw the maintenance of children upon their parents
for three or four years longer"—a circumstance cer-
tainly not to be deplored if we had, as the result, their
training in a healthier system of religion and morality.
We can see nothing to be admired in a system by
which parents increase and multiply juvenile " ma-
chines" rather than the germs of a future generation
of Christian men and women. He also regretted this
operatiim of the bill, however, because it would " pre-
vent children contracting early marriages (0 It was,
therefore, calculated to PRESS VERY HEAVILY UPON
THE POOR (!)" Strange •objection to the bill, this !
It will prevent children under thirteen years of age
getting married ! We couldn't wish it to do a better
thing, though we can scarcely see how this admirer of
early marriages can trace such to be its operation.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of Salford upon the
same subject, we find another gentleman, of whom we
never heard before, stating that " he had been told by
a manufacturer that the effect of the bill would be to
throw 20,000 children out of employment ; and that,
in order to avoid the necessity of employing older
and giving higher wages"—is this the sore point after
all ?—" the manufacturers were fitting up machinery to
supersede manual labour!" Can there be much plainer
speaking than this, as to the real objection to the bill.
It rescues the demoralised factory infant from his phy-
sical slavery and his moral degradation ! There is no-
thing of sectarian objection here ; no objection to
Church of England trustees, or Church of England
Catechisms; but a very perceptible objection to paying
adult men and women for the unnatural toil extracted
from the life-blood of children.

Most emphatically we must express our conviction
that this latter gentleman libels, in this assertion, the
great majority of the manufacturing body. They are
surely not prepared to commit an outrage to decency
so gross as would be the discharge from their employ-
ment of the whole of their juvenile population, 'because
the legislature has declared that they shall be edu-
cated, and they shall not be over-worked ! If such be
the case, the world can have little respect for their own
morality, or their "liberal' professions of care for the
welfare of those classes which Providence has thrown
into dependence upon them.

Pony ao4 prneltips praetisod in tiio thin swill 0441
mines of England and Scotland, as exhibited to us by
the report of a parliamentary committee. We were
shocked, more recently, by the appalling ignorance and
degrading vice, exhibited to us as existing in the ma-
nufacturing districts; and we have now to look upon
a similar record of mingled cruelties, selfishness, and
suffering, which is brought before us by a report of
the "Children Employment Commission," as existing
amongst the population employed in the lace manufac-
tures of this country. We shall take leave to bring a
few of the details of the report in question before our
readers, premising only a few explanations necessary
to enable them more clearly to understand the subject.

The manufacture of lace comprehends a number of
different branches, in all of which, and in some' exclu-
sively, young persons and children are employed—
some of the latter, to use the language of one of the
commissioners, " as soon as they can tie a knot or use a
needle !" The first of these branches, which we shall
notice, is that of "drawing," which consists in draw-
ing out with a needle the threads which hold together
the separate widths, which make up the entire piece as
it comes out of the machine, In the Nottinghamshire
district the children commence their work at four, five,
and six years of age. Mr. Grainger, the commissioner
before referred to, found one child placed at its work
by its parent (7) BEFORE IT WAS TWO YEARS OLD !
We quote a portion of the evidence collected by this
gentleman respecting the hands employed in drawing :

" Mrs. Houghton examined.—ls a lace-drawer, and has
four children ; Harriet eight years, Ann six, Mary four, and
Eliza two years old; of these the three elder are employed as
lace-drawers. Harriet was not quite three when she began
to work, Ann was about the same, and Mary was not quite
two years old ! ! Eliza ' has tried and drawn a few threads
out.'—[Sub-Commissioner.—All this was interrupted with
Mind you work,' Take care,' Make haste,' Now, Anne,
get on,' Mind your work.']—Begins generally at 6 a.m. in
the summer, and 7 in the winter; in the former goes on till
L dark, in the latter till 10 p.m. The two biggest children
work with witness these hours ; Mary begins at the same
time time in the morning, but she leaves off about 6 p.m.
The children have no time to get out to play. They go out
very seldom.' Have breakfast when they have time to get it ;
the same with dinner and tea. Have about a quarter of an
hour for each meal. The children are obliged to sit at their
work. They sit all day. [` Mind your work.'] The work
tries the eyes. The black is the worst. It is drees work.'
[' Now, mind your work.'] The children have very good
health."

" The children have very good health !" So says
the parent ; and the commissioner remarks that " they
are very fine and pretty girls, and appear healthy."
But let us only reflect upon the amount of toil which
they endure, and ask ourselves how long such mere
infants can hold up under it. The " two biggest"
work, we are told, in summer, from six o'clock till dark,
and, in winter, from seven till ten, p.m." The latter is
fifteen hours; the former may be seventeen; on the
average, therefore, they work sixteen hours a day, sit-
ting the whole time on chairs, "their legs being too
short to reach the ground." And was this inhuman
amount of toil imposed upon these innocents from ne-
cessity ? No. The father of these very children was
earning 235. per week as his regular wages !

Now, what does the reader imagine is the paltry sum
for which mere infants are thus mercilessly sacrificed ?
—for, we are told, that a few years of such labour re-
duces them to mere shadows in body, and to a condi-
tion of mind little short of idiotcy. Three shillings per
week is stated to be " a very high average," whilst ano-
ther is convinced that it is "much more than is usually
named."

The next process, " threading," is performed princi-
pally by boys about the age of eight years. At the age
of 15 the girls become winders, and the boys go to the
machines. During the seven years they are employed
in " threading," they are mere parts of the machines,
and must work for the 16, 18, 20, or 22 hours per day
that the machines work ! One child stated that he had
often stopped from four o'clock on one morning till two
o'clock the next, and that, twice or thrice in one week.
It is common to stay all night at the machines; and
the children are compelled to attend at whatever hour
they may be called for, and often in the middle of the
night. A constable, examined, states that "he fre-
quently sees a number of children, many as young as
eight or ten, little things hardly as high as the knee,
going to various factories as threaders, at all times of
the night," or coming out in the middle of the night
in, light clothing, and apparently suffering from the
cold"—a circumstance scarcely to be wondered at,
when we are informed that the temperature of such
factories, when the gas is lighted, is sometimes as high
as 85 degrees, whilst that out of doors, at night, may
be below freezing point ! Another witness, Mr. Wm.
Hinde, states that hundreds of these children have been
sent to their graves by their incessant labbur and want
of rest. •` They have no regular time for their meals:
they have their meals sent them, and eat them when
they can ;" and so irregular is their sleep, that they are
frequently seen lying down in the middle of the shop
floor, or under the tables, or on the old coats of the
men, glad to catch, in any discomfort, a temporary ob-
livion of their sufferings.

The process called " winding" is almost invariably
performed by children and young women, who begin
to work at the age of 12 or 14. The commissioners
declared it to be proved that in this employment they
have " no regular and certain time whatever for sleep
or recreation, being liable to be called upon at any "pe--
riod during 16, 20, or 22 hours out of 24, while they
have frequently to go from one place to another, often
at considerable distances, at all hours of the night and
at all seasons." They are employed in the same facto-
ries with men, and in a great majority of cases no pre-
cautions are taken for the preservation of morality.
" In the town of Nottingham," says Mr. Grainger, " all
parties—clergy, police, manufacturers, workpeople, and pa-
rents--agree that the present mode of employing children
and young persons as threaders and winders is a most fertile
source of immorality. There can, in fact, be but few states
more immediately leading to vice and profligacy. Children
of both sexes are called out of their parents' houses at all
hours of the night, and, as it is quite uncertain how long
they may be required, whether for two hours or the whole
night, a ready and unanswerable excuse for staying out is
furnished. The threaders, who are usually boys, and the
winders, who are generally girls, are required at the same
time, and thus they have every facility for forming improper
connexions. The natural results of such a noxious bystem
are but too apparent, and must have contributed in no slight
degree to the immorality which, according to the opinion
universally expressed, prevails to a most awful extent in
Nottingham. In addition to the immediate evils to the
children themselves, the domestic peace and comfort of the
families of which they are members are sacrificed to this
most unnatural state of things."
Another witness, the clerk to the Nottingham union,
says "the extent of early sexual intercourse is dread-
ful. A principal cause of this demoralization is the
facility of boys and girls mingling together in the streets
at night, and the almost total absence of parental con-
trol," whilst the vice-chairman of the board of guar.
dians gives the following striking description of the
operation of the system :

" I have known many parents come out of the country
merely to live on the labour of their young children. In one
case, a short time ago, a widow came with three children, of
12,14, and 15 years of age, out of Derbyshire. These chil-
dren were sent into a factory, the mother being only employed
in preparing their meals, and getting them up early enough
in the morning. They did not come home to their meals ;
they were taken in the factory. All these children died in
eighteen months. I think this resulted from their employ-
ment. Almost all the families employed in the manufactures
of Nottingham are, with few exceptions, supported more or
less by the labour of their children! Among other evils of
this system is that of reversing the order of nature ; children
become, at an early age, independent of their parents; in
many cases the latter are even obliged to act as menials to
their children. Another class of evils is, that worthless
fathers are enabled to spend their time in low pothouses out
of the earnings of their children. The vice and immorality
springing from such a system, are too obvious to require
illustration."

The above are a fcw only of the
appalling facts
brought before us by the re • port, but, we
fear-
lessly, are they not quite sufficient to warrant the he im-
mediate interference of parliament, in order to put
down a system so dreadful ? In what are the people
who can tolerate this awful sacrifice of infant life and
Purity upon the shrine of cupidity, better than the
wretched fanatics who stain their idols with infant
blood, or plunge them into the fire or the flood as offer-
ingto their ideal Gods ? Better! Why the Christian
people, who thus mercilessly bestialize and slaughter
their offspring, are worse—a thousand times worse-
-than the benighted heathen, for whose civilization
our mission?ies are to be found labouring in every
clime! It is.doubtless good to engross the commerce
of the world. It is a boast that we are able to supply

vay marlot of tim Moi3;t fw to
trt be ot;lo to point tO our osalanktiooi inonuitY °1
Pro'
throughout the range of our manufactured
ducts, and to wield the vast wealth which they bring
us ; but if these triumphs can only be achieved by the
sacrifice of the health and morals of our working P°e
pulation—if our wealth is to continue thus dyed inin
blood of infants, and its acquisition to be tracked
"peris
crime and suffering—we are prepared to say
that wealth—perish that manufacturing suprernacY
which is purchased at such a cost !" of
Most sincerely do we trust that the provisions
Sir James Graham's Factory and Education Bill may
be at once extended to the population employed in the
d
lace manufactures of Great Britain ; for surely after
this he must be indeed a hardy man who can contend
that the bodily and intellectual training of the children
th
of the working classes can be safely left to the il;
checked control of either employers or parents. What
can voluntaryism or the Sunday school system de'
what have they done—to meet such an evil as We have
here exhibited ? Comparatively nothing. And yet
we dare say that the very people, under whose daily
d
contemplation are these scenes of festering vice and
a human suffering, are at this moment loading
the tables of the House of Commons with petitions
against against a measure of education and protection, ter,
children similarly situated in the factory districts, an
talking forsooth of their opposition to it being_-for
conscience sake !

raw f4WIPP

There can scarcely be any man stupid enough j:
believe that the recent unworthy attack of Mr. Ear s
upon certain members of the Watch Committee' eWa
instigated by any better feeling than to give annqaucn:
It imputed, by a sidewind, to no less than sevellgets
tlemen, equal in every respect—in character, Pie°
and position, as well—to himself, the possibility, °r rat
tlier probability, of their being influenced by
motives in the performance of their onerous duties' ho.,
said to them, in substance, " you are not men °f •t
nour; you are capable of acts in your official cap
,
which, performed in your individual capacity, 'O
or
render you unworthy of the name of gentlemen

even honest men."
We should not have thought it worth while to allude
to any thing so contemptible, were it not for the °thre
portunity which it presents to us of urging upon
~, the
better conducted portion of the "liberal" Paranpat.
en"-ci to
council the propriety of, if possible, putting uich
the scenes of personal attack and recrimination
too frequently disgrace the proceedings of that btbe)y
Is it not possible for gentlemen, opposed though i in,
may be in politics, to debate matters of merely opal ci,
terest without forgetting the ordinary amenities 01
vilized society ? It may certainly be difficult t° 'of
strain, within any reasonable grounds, a geotieltrif be
Mr. Alderman Earle's peculiar organization ;bu -or
will persist in his unseemly displays, surely it
possible to allow him to remain " alone in his gi°l;3-
Why should any men who have respect for their cable
ratter contest with such a one his very question
honours?