The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-05-19 00:00:00

INSTRUCTION IN SINGING

R. F. SEIRIVALL, late of the Theatre-Royal, respect-
.llj. fully intimates, that in consequence of the closing of
that establishment, he is now at liberty to receive TWO
PUPILS in SINGING.

For terms apply at Messrs. ,RIMES, Wyss's, and
Mr. SMITH'S, and at Mr. SHRIVALL'S Residence, No. 12,
Islington.

QERMONS , MEETINGS, COMMITTEES, &TRIALS
kJ faithfully REPORTED, on moderate terms, by Mr.
ARTIS, PROFESSOR and TEACHER OF SHORT-HAND.
Mr. A. has long been connected with the London press.
Parties desirous of receiving instructions in the pleasing
Art of Stenography, will be furnished, on application at 25,
Mount-street, with a list of references, containing the names
of the most distinguished Members of both Universities.

GREATLY IMPROVED METHOD OF ACQUIRING

PENMANSHIP.
y HUNTER respectfully intimates that hs continues to
e/ • teach this Art by a system of rules which, as far as he
is aware, has not hitherto been adopted. By means of it ha
engages to perfect his Pupils in a few Lessons, enabling them
not only to write well but to form their letters with mechani-
cal certainty. A trial will convince any one of the peculiar
advantages of his System.
Apply at 100, GILL-STREET.
J. H.'s Treatise on the Art is in preparation.

OLD NAG'S HEAD INN,
FOREGATE-STREE7, CHESTER.
Now open to the Public, the SPLENDID MANSION and
GROUNDS of the Most Noble the Marquis of Westminster,
BAXTER takes this opportunity of informing Tuurists
Ur • and others visiting CH ESTER, who may wish to take
a drive through the beautiful PARKS, and view the splendid
MANSION of the Most Noble the Marquis of Westminster,
that he hes the privilege of access to EATON HALL and
Grounds every day, (Saturday and Sunday exceptsd,) from
Eleven o'clock in the 'Morning to Four o'clock in the After-
noon.
G. B. furnishes good Phaetons, open Cars, Gigs, &c., on
the shortest notice.

THE LARGEST AND MOST VALUABLE ASSORT-
MENT OF PIANO-FORTES IN LIVERPOOL,
PERSONALLY SELECTED BY MR. EDWARD
RIME, IN LONDON,
From the Manufactories of Messrs. John Broadtrood and
Sons, Collard and
nCollOthersard, Thomas Tornkison,
ad . -

EanadndsgeNr,
ull,icCntounacnifig_narseTpagectuvtuiarTo,jeinoft:
hi E
11 vS,
tSeRt
hSe.
Friend.r
HIl l
their UNEQUALLED and VALUABLE STOCK of FIRST-RATE
PIANO-FORTES, PIANO-FORTES, to which extensive additions have been
made by their Mr. EDWARD Haag, who has just returned
from the London Mart.
Haring experienced Workmen constantly on the Premise:
Messrs. H. and Son undertake every description ,
pairing and Tuning, on the shortest notice. of Re-
A large ASSORTMENT for HIRE, and a
of SECOND-HAND INSTRUMENTS on Sale.

NEW MUSIC RECEIVED FROM LONDON DAILY.
HARP STRINGS, of the best quality, in sit, or 2.
Superior Roman and English Strings. googly.
Old Instruments taken in Exchange, or Sold on Commis •
11
MUSIC NEATLY BOUND. 013.
N.B.—Musical Works Engraved, Printed, and Pubis:* hed.
MILITARY BANDS
SUPPLIED WITH FAliwLayLs SonETbSanOd,F INSTRUMENTS.
A great variety of superior-toned ACCORDIONS.
57, Church-street.

COLONIAL, INTELLIGENCE.

.IGPT

VIENNA, MAT 2.—The garrison of this city is to be lo
creased by 3,000 men, because the duty has become to
--
° ar-
duous.
The amount of gold and silver coin now in circulatioia in
France is estimated, says the Courrier Francais, atthen
millions and a half of francs.
...LI
ah
ntlit"
It will be scarcely believed that £4,000 sterling is paid o
the night of a great ball in t.heeP,t*ltas,,,_
flowers
eithegarlands for ladies.
r ..,,,,4 ;,.. ••!•----01nr, "- " 8 End
M.
in-Rollin, deputy for the Sarthe, was married
Saturday. in the chapel of the chamber of deputies, to 'a"
rich
English lady, who is said to be only seventeen years of rVI
This is the first time that the chapel of the chamber of de.
has been opened since l 830. Galignanee Metanyee;
RUSSIA AND PRLSSIA.—BERLIN, MAT 6.—lt has been
currently reported for some days since that the Emperor
Russia is about to come from Warsaw to Sans Souct on
°-
visit to our Sovereign. It is now said, however, that the two
:
monarchs intend to meet about the end of the present mOO%
or beginning of the next at Erdmannsdorf, where a coofereu
will be held, which will last several days. co
A tablet to the memory of the celebrated French I ri
poet, J. B. Rousseau, has just been erected in the church! of
tly,,, Sablon, at Brussels. It bears the following inscription :
" Here were deposited, on the 19th of December, 1842, b
order of H. M. Leopold 1., King of the Belgians, and usideir
the direction of the Minister of th.e. IRntoerior, J. B. Nothomb-
the mortal remains of the poetJ. B. 'mean, born at Paris
6th April, 1670 i and died in exile at Brussels, 7th March,
1741."
A curious anecdote of Sir Charles Metcalfe and the princi
member of the Colonial Administration is narrated in th;
pal
Canadian journals just received. On Sir Charles' arrival alt
ar
Kingston Alr. Lafontaine urged on his encellency the pro_
Kingston,
priety of removing the seat of government to Montreal, ando-
• • immediate decision from Sir Charles, intim tf
obtaining no
that if his advice in this respect was not followed ate
he would
tEce " 'Whenever you please, sir I "
resign his o • was the
cool and unexpected retort.
The Launceston Advertiser, of the 25th of January, an
nounces the suspension of the Port Philip Bank, the astetS-n;
which, however, are said to be
£30,000 in excess of the iis"
bilities. We should, therefore, infer that time alone is re-
quired to realize thew, though it is to be feared that after
they way probabl. . v prove of such a description as • all
will not
bout immense de '
readily find a sale without immense
ted to bedebtors to the es • •
the directors are st.atablialarnt
The legislature lat in
the gross sum of 127,000. had assembled,
but there was nothing before it worth allthling to. In the
latest account af the markets, flour is quoted as ruling from
.£l3 to .£l7 per 20001 b.; wheat, ss. to 6s. 6d. per bustill
barley, 6s. to 7s. 6d. ; and oats, 4a. to ss. 6L ;
A GERMAN GREENACRE.—The German papers have
recently mentioned the murder ot a female, and the inutile_
tion of her remains, iu a manner resembling the atrocities
by Greenacre and Good in this country. The
German Allgemeine Zeitung gives the following pat ticulera
on this subject under the date of Vienna, May 2:—The
murderer of the female whose body wa cut in pieces and
scattered about in different places is now likely to be dis-
covered The head, wiiicii was submitted to public •
inspec-
tion• the hospital, has been recognised by tae sister of tb
in
• • `she was a native of titulary, and having bet e
victurn ... ti for
some weeks out of service, expected by her friends to
return to her country. As she possessed some money it •
was the motive of the , is
supposed that robbery
atrocious crime.
Several persons have been arrested, and there is every reason
to hope that a clue to the murderers will be discovered.
BRAZILIAN TREATY.7There is reason to believe that the
return of Mr. I:Alia to this country will soon be followed by
from Brazil. Tun .• . .
a special wissiou Brazilian ministry were
nut in a condition to come to terms with Mr. Elks. They
were new in ,
• office and had a long ses •
ofthe .. ey
inOu
before them. A year had elapsed, during which the legisla-
ture had not met; and thus arrears of business had accumu-
lated. It was also deemed advisable that it should be in
session at the time of the approaching marriage in the royal
mily. The Brazilian chambers had been inveterately hos-
fa
to Great Britans. A rash sten on the p
tile art of the now
isters would have unseated them. Alt eady the advantage
min
of delay is becoming apparent. There is a striking change
for the better its the tone of the Brazilian orators regardia,
England. This has misers in part from the disaensioas be-
tween tire slavers and landowners ; it will be confirmed by
the measures France is adopting to emancipate her negroes
and extend her sugar colonies. The royal favours dispensed
at the marriage will have their effect; and the Brazilian nal-
nisters will dare to act upon their conviction, that it is for
their country's interest to stand well with England, even at
the expense of some spontaneous ' C '
concessions.— ()lonia,
Ga:ette.
Tea New GOVERNOR-GENERAL Or CANADA.—Sir Class•
Metcalfe, the new Governor-General of Canada, has arrived
at Kingston, the seat of Government. The Chronicle
hich wof that
place contains a long account of his reception, was in
a high decree flattering. The corporation of Kingston. with
the Vice-Mayor (the Mayor having accompanied Sir Charles
from England), crossed over to Watertown to meet !Jim, and
on his landing an address w resente .
d Ills Excellency
'rig at the
crossed on the ice from Long Island, and on sal
sleigh
that
wharf in Kingston, entered a beautiful four-horse
of
had been provide& and passed t i .
I rough a doable line
s, &c to the house
soldiers, escorted by numerous societtl7,e
following
prepared for his reeeption•
from the
" e cops' the
arrival was instantly
Chronicle:—" Sir C. Metcalfe on
Sir C. 4got's sleigh was
"'in
138-°
'Vk Governor-General. Sir C.
d awing-room and bowed
Metcalfe stood at the window of his r
in
.•
to the different companies who came up procession,
idand and,
three cheers each, turn re-
eler giving his Excellency ttoAlw.. t
tire& At four p.m. his bxcellency wen . i g on-Liouse
to visit Sir Charlesl3agot. On the following day, rbkire,day,
the 30th ultimo, his Excellency met the Executive Council
and the Judges at Alwington•house, and in presence of the
naval and military authorities and heads of departments was
sworn into office, after having the Royal commissions up-
naval
him Goyernor-Genl, &c., opened and. read. It
Pwa's we have understood, time anxious wish of Sir Charles
Bag-ot to be present at this ceremony, and to transfer to his
he great seal with his own hands. The Executive
successor t Much of the display •,, i
Council were also sworn in. - . thua. upon
• • dkpensed with out of deference to Sir
such occasions was _
Charles Begot, in his state of health, which would not admit
ei • -•ce at the iinitalkition of his successor. His Ex-
c.), lie press ri
eellency was not permitted b) his medical attendant to leave
his bed. At a later hour, the whole of the menibers of the
Executive Council had an interview with Sir Charles Bagot,
ii, compliance with his special desire, at which Sir Chat lea
took an impressive and affectionate leave of Isis late advise.
Toe scene at the moment was calculated to affect all mitss
and we have been assured that ail present vi ere deeply moved.
'lex issue of bulletins of his Excellency Sir Charles Ba
health has been discontinued, but the accounts state thatg°htals
NgOelitrlVY ho In Om; degree better.""Candd.art pgpfr - -
,

iarilaintntani Vrorraiingg.

ration in

ting of
d. He

1 to the

to do his

ssed or

the same

e enerntes of

,ed of, and the

ebate on

a most I

Ijourned

CONIIIIO

D the a

sump-

e corn

ed that
ban the

return for

:Imerica

most Insuperable
ed trade between
would in all like-

ar course.
c corn laws as

manu-

pine,
should therefore give his
England was the best
protection to the small
ction to the people.
not because he thought
'ted, but because
Theyh they
others. ad
-e classes, and yet if
:station, the poor
principles of
a of this country the
The slight improve-
,tributed to ill-fonnded
our markets in Chinaa.
,
re undersold by Russi
1, the malt tax had been
is. Was not this most
surely said by the
itry received 50 millions
shis
10, for their corn. T
It did not go out of the
ruse
it did do ; it
nto the pockets of idle-
hat it was impossible to
unless they considered

t
cr to all th

corn laws, the land-
the people. Would
They could not raise
and would they
r the purpose of
He denied that
from the corn laws,
The corn

scarce

.o:otthtehpeacratsoel,

uca _
as a reason for main-
cessary to enable them
roro vvhich the farmers
a doubled since 1793,
le people had gradually
r_iii,wed that the corn

le patronage
.ailed them-
es had been

ters
xners in many counties
their tenants under

ate a Pr'
—dal. by

out for

ai. ".7 -
and admitted
t conceive a

had never

,n saYing

I arise from the

*as no 3

dust reason
vidence taken at the
at a future period•
y read the evidence,
IP had been proved.

-47
the house ad-

rae, and

,TrTzSDAY

to inquire into bell
eurrence tents had
e amendm wade in
and Bill) by one house
red or agreed to by the

.n a bill to amene
ating the employ.
Aeries. He did no
ayes of Lord Ashley
no protection agains
I Collieries Act was a
ad been productive al

e to bring

—.wing many pfr
of wish to interfere with

persons were

.
amend
s of agi

as to permit

to return to

seen made out
Id a privilege
nd ? The re-

relief of

satisfac-

s from

trong 1

be made to elevate the female chat-sett T. which was chiefly
the object of the law, and opposed the I notion.
Mr. C. BRUCE replied, and on a eliv. ision his motion was
defeated by a majority of 137 to 23'-
Sir C. NAPIER. brought the state of the naval lists under
the consideration of the house, and es atended that a naval
officel• should be placed at the heed of the Board of Ad-
miralty. If the Government would ut 3t agree to his sug-
gestion he would next press upon them the necessity of re-
sorting to the practice in the reign of Queen Anne of ap- •
pointing a Lord High Admiral. This a light he done with
great satisfaction to the public in the pen on of Prince Albert,
and he might have an experienced naval officer to assist him
in the performance of the duties oft he office. He also
suggested that the older officers should retire earlier than
they now do, in order to make room fc r the promotion of
young men to be admirals and vice-ad mirals, while more
efficient for the duties than they could be at a later period of
life. The gallant officer concluded by a .motion in accord-
ance with the views he had stated.
Lord INGESTRE seconded the motion.
Sir R. PEEL said he should be very sorry to lay down as a
rule that no naval officer should be appointee 1 as First Lord of
the Admiralty ; still, on the other hand, he . should be equally
sorry to establish a rule restricting the sovert ign in the choice
of a person to fill that station to officers in the navy. He
hoped the house would support him in re tisting a motion
which would incur to the country an expenditure of £20,000

I J. RUSSELL said it was impossible that the House of
s could with advantage place itself in 'the position of
live. To agree to this motion would be to establish
convenient precedent, and he hoped, therefore, his
gallant friend would not press it to a div ision.
NAPIER declined to press his motion to .a division;
er orders of the day being disposed of, the house

THE CORN LAWS

THE DIVISION ONR
MR. VILLIERS' MOTION
FO REPE.

The following statement exhibits the distribution of the
votes ou the question—" That this house will resolve itself
into a committee for the purpose of considering the duties
affecting the importation of foreign corn,, with a view to, their
immediate abolition." Ayes, 125 ; Noes, 381; 31aictr1tz
against it, 256.
FOR THE MOTION OF REPEAL.

- 21
34
15
2

- 51

To MERCHANTS, BROKERS, AND OTHERS.

The largely increased and most respectable circulation
which the Tuesday's Edition of the LIVERPOOL
STANDARD has now obtained amongst the mercantile
body in Manchester affords its proprietors the gratify-
ing power of urging this, amongst the other undeniable
claims which it possesses, upon the favor of that portion
of the mercantile community of Liverpool who desire to
bring their advertisements before the notice of buyers in
the neighbouring manufacturing districts. In most of
the surrounding towns of Lancashire the circulation of
the STANDARD is steadily increasing. In Manchester,
however, the centre of the manufacturing district, our
publication of Tuesday—occurring upon the most im-
portant market day of the Cotton Trade, when its
Exchange and Hotels are thronged with country manu-
facturers, spinners, and calico printers—•is firmly es-
tablished in circulation, and is perused with increased

.and increasing interest.
Under these encouraging circumstances, we trust to
receive an increased measure of support from the mer-
chants and brokers of the town generally ; and it affords
us great pleasure to assure those of our friends amongst
.those classes, who have hitherto bestowed their adver-
tising favours liberally upon us, of our increased ability
.to do justice to the interests committed to their care.

Ebt Ziberpool &tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 19, 1843

We have always maintained—because we know the
party—that the agitation, got up professedly against
the educatioNal clauses of the Factory Bill, was, in
reality, directed against those clauses which restrict
the hours of infant labour. That the great portion of
dissenting millowners care one straw about the con-
sciences (!) of the poor little creatures who toil in their
factories is, to any one acquainted with the social con-
dition of the manufacturing districts, about as pre-
posterous a notion as can well be conceived. Why,
we doubt whether one in ten of the millowners know
even the persons of their own workpeople! And at
for any extraordinary care for their moral welfare, or
their peculiar religious opinions, we are quite satisfied
that the state of repair of the least important wheel or
shaft which drives their spindles or power-looms,, is
looked to with infinitely more anxiety than the health,
moral or physical, of the human beings whose hands
tend its revolutions. The increase or decrease of the
payments noted in the wage-book is an object of tender
interest ; but the increase or decrease of the sum of
happiness of those employed does not, we fear, enter
into the contemplation of two out of three of the very
philanthropic people who are just now professing such
anxious solicitude for—their religious liberties! The
religious liberties of factory children (1)—of the poor
slaves of the loom or the spindle, who have scarcely a
knowledge that there is a God, who made them and
who died for them

That we have not been in error as to the real nature
of this opposition to Sir James Graham's measure,
notwithstanding the sectarian cant in which it has been
clothed, will not be greatly doubted by our readers,
after the perusal of the following, which fell from the
lips of an eminent Leaguer and Quaker, at a meeting
of millowners, held in London last week :
" He had heard much of the agitation about the factory
question. He could say it did not prevail in his district.
He recollected a person connected with those who desired
legislative interference with factory labour visited it, and
called a meeting upon the subject. The room in which it was
held was, however, not half filled, and the lecturer himself
was Laughed at. He begged to say,there was not that agita-
tion in the manufacturing districts which the accounts in
the London journals would lead many to believe there was.
At one meeting at Manchester the chairman was a porter on
the railway. In his neighbourhood they did not want any
tinkering legislative interference. Legislative interference
in the matter had hitherto been injurious, and it was looked
upon as no better than political quackery. He thought that
the majority of either house of parliament were among the
very last fitted to bring forward any sensible plan for the
settlement of a question on which they were necessarily
ignorant. He was opposed to a ten hours' bill, and believed
all legislation on this subject was wrong."

This gentleman does not want any " tinkering legis-
lative interference" between the employer and his
wretcked and demoralised slaves ! This exemplary
Quaker, so emphatic in his appeals to Scripture when
denunciating the iniquity of the corn laws, esteems
" all legislation wroL,K.• t{,,• to prevent greedy
capitalists working children of tender years for fourteen
or fifteen hours per day in the heated atmosphere of
their factories ! It is "tinkering legislation" to say to
a millowner—You shall not work the eyes, the bones,
the sinews, the blood, and the very souls of infants into
cotton cloth! It is " wrong " (!) that these Liberal
gentlemen should not be permitted to buy and sell
little children, and build more factories and more villas
out of the gains of a traffic so inhuman !

To the credit of the millowners and others, before
whom this speech was delivered, we observe that it
was received with pretty general disgust—so unequivo-
cally expressed, indeed, that any gentleman less sensi-
tive than the utterer, must inevitably have felt the
unenviable nature of his position.

" Mr. Kay was surprised at such language. He must say
that factory legislation had done a good deal of good, and
those who bore in mind that 13, 14, and 15 honrs' work
daily had been endured by those employed in factories, would
admit this." (Hear, hear.)

" Mr. Walker also deprecated the remarks. Surely it was
too much to call that tinkering legislation, which sought to
promote the eternal welfare of the factory children." (Hear.)
" Mr. J. Milne, of Oldham, had never heard a speech
from his friend with more pain than the one he had just ad-
dressed to them. He did not expect such a speech from
him."

Pretty decisive condemnation this, when it is con-
sidered that the titterers of it are millowners.

And yet, it is to the leading of such men as this
asserter of the right of employers to work their infant
labourers without restriction as to time, that men of
religious professions, and many, no doubt, of religious
conviction, are content to commit themselves ! The
plea of conscience it is, forsooth, which is set up I The
real question at issue is, whether the children of our
working classes are to be sacrificed, body and soul, here
and hereafter, to manufacturing cupidity I

We observe that a correspondent of the London
Times, remarking upon the recent seizure of goods
belonging to Messrs. Baring Brothers and Co., sug-
gests that considering " the serious loss experienced
by our manufacturers from the bonding of foreign
goods, and their exportation hence in our ships to
South America and our colonies," the goods com-
prised in the shipment in question, previous to their
being given up by the Customs' authorities, " should
be stamped United States manufacture,' as a guard
against their being purchased abroad as of English
make." And he adds, that " the grand evil of foreign
goods exported in bond from this country, and pur-
porting to be of British fabrics, has been long and
seriously felt."
We have no fault to make with this suggestion ;
but, we may ask, would it not he well for British ma-
nufacturers and traders themselves to commence a sys-
tem of honesty with respect to the brands and de-
scription of their goods ? It is scarcely possible to
pass along our own streets without seeing the most
palpable deceit attempted to be practised, by the ven-
dors of all descriptions of commodities; and, were an
uninformed person to judge from marks and descrip-
tions merely, he would inevitably arrive at the con-
clusion that nothing that is English is fit to wear or
eat ! Our boot and shoemakers are selling French
boots and shoes—made in Northampton ; our hatters
Parisian hats, made not a hundred miles from Oldham
or Stockport ; our drapers French silks, which have not
even the advantage of having been smuggled ; French
gloves which no contrabandist has imported ; and
French ribbons, the bulk of which Coventry has the
questionable credit of having fabricated ! We call this
a very disreputable system—very unworthy of a Bri-
tish tradesman, and very prejudicial to our character
as a manufacturing people—inasmuch as it is an in-
direct confession that our boasted productions are in-
ferior to those of other nations, and such as we do not
condescend to use ourselves!

But we are told that the imitation, by foreigners, of
our dishonest example, and the branding of their goods
with English brands, "has long been felt as a great
evil." In some descriptions of goods, no doubt, this
may be the case. We doubt whether, in cotton goods
—plain cottons, at least, such as those referred to—

English " would be a recom

such goods the advantages of our colonial markets,
that such a course is adopted, we admit the evil—the
fraud upon the colonial revenues being a portion of it.
But is it a fact, we ask, that the American manu-
facturers can, upon any thing approaching to equal
terms, compete with us in these markets? Can the
manufacturers of Lowell, sending their goods by the
circuitous route of Great Britain, undersell us in South
America, or the East or West Indies? It would ap-
pear that they can ; and we ask, with all proper
deference, whether, if such be the fact, it does not
present to us a new feature in the anti•corn-law con-
troversy which is raging around us ?
With a system of free trade in corn and sugar we
can expect, of course, no exemption in favour of our
goods from the duties levied in our colonies upon the
goods of other producing countries. The United
States manufacturer will no longer have occasion to
send his goods round by Great Britain, in order to
procure their admission into a British colonial market.
How, then, are British manufacturers to be the better
enabled to meet their opponents in these markets, un-
less it be that cheap bread and cheap sugar are very in-
timately connected with CHEAP LABOUR? It may
serve the purpose of our anti-monopolists to protest
that no such connexion exists—that they have no such
operation in view. They may juggle a few dupes by
their protestations ; but we defy them to convince any
reasoning men of their sincerity ! LET THEM TRY.
Our contemporary of the Manchester Guardian, if
no other champion step forward, will, no doubt, be
able to reconcile this matter to his own perfect satis-
faction, if not to that of the rest of the world. We
observe that, in his last publication, he has got hold of
what he conceives to be a convincing proof that cheap
corn and cheap labour are not at all connected with
each other. The proof in question consists in the fact
that, the price of bread being low at present, a certain
firm in Bolton—Messrs. Hornby and Co.—are ad-
vancing their rate of wages. Ergo, maintains the
Guardian, the price of food has nothing to do with the
price of labour. In the abstract; we certainly never
said that it had. Cheap bread, the result of productive
harvests, we have always conceived to be more likely
to advance than to reduce the price of labour. But
cheapness of bread, produced by any policy which is
calculated to increase the supply of labourers,—cheap..
ness of food, produced by the destruction or diminution
of agricultural employments,—will not only reduce the
price of labour, but is intended so to do ; and what is
more, the Guardian is perfectly aware of the fact !

We do not feel ourselves impelled to inflict upon
our readers any lengthy remark upon the five-act per-
formance—(tragedy, comedy, or farce ? we know not
which)—concluded on Monday night in the House of
Commons. A dull subject would no doubt provoke
a dull comment; and the somewhat dreary weather,
with which we have been visited for the past few days,
has not, we should imagine, enamoured our readers,
any more than ourselves, with that description
of mental food, which is calculated to produce
nausea instead of invigorating and elevating the
spirits. A running commentary upon the snap-
pish impertinencies of Mr. Cobden ; an attempt
to precipitate the solid matter, contained in a
frothy oration from that very superficial person, Mr.
C. P. Villiers, or to whip into liveliness the heavy mo-
notony of a speech from Mr. Joseph Brotherton,
might be tolerated at a time when the mind or the
temper required a sedative ; but with our present
somewhat depressed atmosphere, and animal and men-
tal energies, we shall spare ourselves and our readers
the probable consequences of the infliction.
We do this the more readily because of the convic-
tion, which it is impossible to shut out, that the cause
of the League is quite an impracticable one within the
walls of either house of Parliament. Unlike all other
ultimately successful party movements, the Anti-Corn-
law movement evidently makes no progress in the
legislature. True it is-that the division. on the present
occasion shews a minority of 125 in favour of the mo-
tion of the member for Wolverhampton, or rather
ostensibly in its favour. True it is, also, that the
number in the minority last year was only 90. But it
is acknowledged that of this 125 a considerable num-
ber, like Lord Howick and Mr. E. Buller, would to-
morrow vote for a fixed duty, and repudiate, as strongly
as any ministerialist, the wild project of total repeal;
and we challenge all the wise people of the Anti-Mono-
Fuly or the League itself, to point to the
accession to the League party in the House of Com-
mons, of one member, whose opinion is worth a rush
upon this or any other great question ! The Anti-
Corn-law question may be decided by agitation and
clamour out of doors ; it can never be decided, against
England and her domestic agriculture, by dispassionate
argument within the walls of Parliament.

Upon one trifling episode, which enlivened the dull-
ness of Monday night's debate, we may remark.
That most amusing and consistent person—Mr. Thos.
Milner Gibson—we observe, by the reported proceed-
ings, took occasion to remonstrate (!) with the gallant
member for Liverpool—Sir Howard Douglas—for
presuming to speak and vote against the motion before
the house, when his constituents, to the number of
36,000, had petitioned for total repeal It would have
been very rash, we admit, if Sir Howard Douglas had
slighted, as Mr. Gibson accused him of doing, the opi-
nions of so large a portion of the bona fide inhabitants
of the borough which he represents. But we can in-
form the hon. gentleman that the member for Liverpool
did no such thing. Sir Howard preferred the legitimately
expressed, and repeatedly expressed, opinions of this
community, to those of the busy and factious clique,
who got up the petition in question, with its fictitious
and trumpery signatures ; and this was " the head and
front of his offending." Old generals, like the mem-
ber for Liverpool, are not to be caught by Mr. Milner
Gibson's chaff, or that of any other anti-monopolist.

The extra-branch of the legislature, to whose sittings
in Palace-yard we briefly called attention in our last,
met on Tuesday ; and, amongst other doings, pro-
pounded. their plans for carrying the " total and un-
conditional repeal of the Corn-laws." The nature of
these may be best arrived at from the following reso-
lution :

" RESOLV,ED, That this Conference recommends
the League forthwith to commence a registration of
the electors of the kingdom, in order to be prepared,
at the earliest possible period, to call upon the Queen's
advisers, through the constitutional means of a humble
(qy. dictatorial) memorial to her Majesty, to dissolve
the present Parliament, and thus afford to the electors
of the kingdom an opportunity of revising their late
decision upon the question of the Corn-law."

Their subsequent steps are best described in the
language of the arch-agitator, Mr. Cobden, himself.
" If the members of the League did their duty in their
several localities, in registering their friends as electors"
—the payment of their rates is, we suppose, a part cf
the scheme—" they might have a dissolution of Par-
liament in less than twelve months! If they got a
sufficient number of electors registered, and addressed
the Queen, a minority (in Parliament) could do one
thing for them—they could, by obstructing the business
of the House, compel the Prime Minister to dissolve
Parliament." (!) A pretty comprehensive scheme
this ; but there are one or two things required to en-
sure its successful accomplishment, upon which Mr.
Cobden calculates a little too confidently. There is an
assumption that the great body of the community may
not, in the mean time, get tired of t ht. antics of his
confederacy of mountebanks ; there is an assumption
that the classes sought to be juggled may not, in the
mean time, acquire sufficient clairvoyance (if we may,
in speaking of such a body as the League, use the
jargon of a kindred quackery), to see through the de-
ception; and there is the question to be solved whether
the legislature itself, backed as it will be by the right-
minded portion of the people, will submit to have the
public business " obstructed" by any factious minority
of its members. The forms of Parliament are no
doubt sufficiently expansive, at present, to permit of
such an operation being successfully accomplished,
when its object is merely to prolong a debate for ano-
ther night or another week; but such an " obstruc-
tion" as may be required to coerce the Crown and the
Government to dissolve Parliament, is a different affair
altogether, and may not be so very safe an achieve.
ment. Besides, we suspect thatsonae of the gentlemen
of the League minority may not be quite so anxious to
go before their constituents as the I3obadil of Stock-
-the part supposes !

Whatever my be the degrca of fcAsibilitY,
(Mr, iipgq Igo; Haw Qfhotqp of lit()

philosophers, the duty of Conservatives is evident.
The efforts of the faction must he met. The registra-
tion, both in the counties and in boroughs, must be
looked to at once, with all the anxiety and vigilance
which would be displayed were the emergency one of
less remote probabilities. We trust we need not urge
this duty upon the " good men and true" of this Con-
servative town!

In connexion with the appeal which we have made
from time to time to Conservatives to throw off the
lethargy with which they have hitherto regarded the
agitation of the League, we are happy to see that the
agricultural body are at length about to assume a de-
fensive posture, and hare provided themselves with an
organ—The British Lion—which is prepared to meet
their opponents, and contest their cause their
EXISTENCE, we might say—foot to foot. With every
consideration for the existing Conservative organs,
the seditious inroads now making by the League into
the agricultural districts of the country, fully justify
the establishment of a journal devoting itself entirely to
the task of tracking and exposing every falsehood
which issues from the fertile workshop of that body;
and we wish our new contemporary every success in
his proposed duty. The following is a specimen of
the nervous style of our contemporary :

" We consider it peculiarly incumbent on the landowners,
farmers, and every person connected with the agricultural in-
terest, rc.-Jolutely to prepare for the approaching struggle.
Our enemies have actively marshalled their multitudinous
forces, and sedulously collect the sinews of war in various
districts of the country. They received during this year of
Anti-Corn-law agitation, upwards of SIXTY THOUSAND
POUNDS!!! Such sum has been expended, forsooth, in
adopting every scheme, and promoting every object for which
the Leaguers—as Cobden lately remarked—are banded toge-
ther, viz. " a total, immediate, and unconditional repeal of
the Corn-laws," or, in other words, the abolition of every
regulation, whereby any protection is afforded to British
agriculture.

" No doubt can be entertained respecting the desperate
attempt which the Anti-Corn-law League are making for
the accomplishment of their baneful and destructive machin-
ations. They have been congregating, for several months,
large assemblages of the people in this metropolis, and
throughout the country, whilst their itinerant lecturers daily
promulgate the most fallacious statements among reckless,
ignorant, and unreflecting audiences. Besides, other parties
have been engaged to write, and newspapers are extrava-
gantly remunerated for inserting discontented and inflamma-
tory communications, in furtherance of the schemes devised
by members and partisans of the Anti-Corn-law League.
Nothing but an abolition of every measure, which gives the
slightest protection to farmers and landowners, or, in more
appropriate language, the destruction of British agriculture
itself, will satisfy these factious individuals. If suffered to
accomplish their perilous designs, would not the most fatal
consequences and greatest ruin unquestionably befal the
landowners of England, whose privileges must be thereby
seriously abridged, and properties inevitably destroyed?
" Under such circumstances, we consider the landed in-
terest imperiously required, in self-defence, to adopt such
measures as will protect their rights, and counteract the ap-
palling evils projected by their opponents. Never was there
such an important crisis. Every rank and class of society
should UNITE, in order to maintain the agricultural power
and prosperity of England. Is not domestic agriculture the
sheet-anchor of our national prosperity and tranquillity ?
Nay, more, was not the cultivation of the soil likewise the
foundation of our greatness? Would not our condition, then,
appear paltry, debased, and contemptible, if every species of
protection were abolished ? Would not the inhabitants of
this once agricultural England--raised to the highest rank
among the nations of the world—be obligated to depend upon
foreign countries for the products which are now obtained
from our own soil at home ? In periods of peace, would not
such a system cripple and depress British landowners, farmers,
and husbandmen ? whilst in times of war, would it not reduce
this country to servile dependence on the whims and caprices
of antagonist nations, for the actual supplies whereon to
subsist ?
" Whilst noticing these topics, we cannot more appositely
introduce some observations propounded by Mr. Van Buren,
late President of America. Considering the encouragement
of agriculture, as the best means for promoting the strength
and wealth of a great nation, he thus eloquently addressed
the Congress :—` Especially have we reason to rejoice in the
exuberant harvests, which have lavishly recompensed well-
directed industry, and given to it that sure reward which is
vainly sought in visionary speculations. I cannot indeed
view without peculiar satisfaction the evidence afforded by
the past season, of the benefits that spring from the steady
devotion of the husbandman to his honourable pursuit. No
means of individual comfort is more certain, and no source
of national prosperity is so sure. Nothing can compensate a
people for a dependence upon others for the bread they eat;
and that cheerful abundance, on which the happiness of
every one so much depends, is to be looked for nowhere with
such sure reliance as in the industry of the agriculturists
and the bounties of the earth.' Ought not such remarks,
emanating from this distinguished foreigner, to make a
suitable impression in favour of encouragement and pro-
tection to our domestic agriculture?
" However, we cannot conclude the present observations
without invoking the Peerage, the Gentry, and the Farmers
of England immediately to apply themselves, with vigour and
determination, for the purpose of preserving their existent
rights and properties. Unless active measures of co-opera-
tion be speedily adopted, will not our opponents proceed un-
checked in their ominous machinations? Must not disas-
trous effects ensue, if these " bold, bad men" unfortunately
succeed, by their audacious wickedness, in annihilating the
resources of agriculturists, but, infinitely worse, were they
to abolish British agriculture itself ? Ought not, the Landed
Interest, therefore, to arouse from torpor and inaction?
Disregarding the slanders of their enemies, and contemning
the apathy of certain lukewarm persons, ought they not
boldly to resolve to pursue a course which, if duly devised,
must prove not only beneficial to themselves, their families,
and their posterity, but also peculiarly advantageous to the
peace, welfare, and happiness of these realms ?"