The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-07-07 00:00:00

republicans

nds of universal suffragists, and even of
A mixed constitution is incompatible I

with the recognition of such a principle in legisla-
lation. There cannot be at one time, in our country,
a monarchy, an aristocracy, and a commonalty, and
the perfect.equality of all classes and creeds. Per-
haps, however, there is in Sir Robert Peel's mind a
limit, beyond which his new principle is not to be
allowed to he carried. If there is we should like to
know whereabouts it is fixed.

For a few weeks past we have observed symptoms,
on the part of suudry amongst the heretofore most
sanguine of the free traders, of somethin

very like

alar-i-n at the success of their favourite movement.
In the language of Collins celebrated ode, they have
- " Started back dismayed
Even at the sound themselyes have made."

The London Times makes no secret of the fact
that he would have infinitely preferred a fixed duty
to the present measure, He is afraid of the loss of
revenue and of coming deficiencies,- to be made up
through the medium of direct taxation. The Leeds
Mercury, also, a thorough-going advocate [of the
abolition of all protection, has just proclaimed to the
world similar fears. In an article last week upon
the final crisis of Sir Robert Peel's administration,

our contemporary remarks on that statesman :

"He goes out with unmerited eclat. Sober men must
allow that a statesman ought not to be a quicksand to all
who trust him. We doubt whether even his financial
system will bear the trial of the next twelve months; for,
notwithstanding he came in with the confidence of the
mercantile and moneyed classes, on the express ground of
his determination to keep the public income above the
public expenditure, we much fear that he has now brought
the revenue too low. We have great confidence in Free
Trade and in low duties ; but there may be so rapid a re-
duction of duties as not to yield the requisite _funds to the
Exchequer. We say this, retaining every opinion we
have ever expressed on the magnificent measures included
in the Corn and Customs Bills. They are all good in
themselves,—they will be a great relief to the public,—
but we fear, under the reaction from the fictitious pros-
perity of last year, the reduction of duties may prove to
have been adopted with somewhat greater haste than was
safe and prudent. If so, Sir Robert will have left finan-
cial embarrassments to his successors. He has reaped
the glory, but left others to pay the cost. He is like a
tenant who has overcropped the farm, and impoverished
the soil. Let it be distinctly understood that we are
only speaking of the financial character of his recent
measures, not of their commercial or economical cha-
racter.

It strikes us as being rather late in the day to in-
trude upon us these fears, if it is not even provoca-
tive of a suspicion that, in its past agitation for free
trade measures, Whiggery has not been quite in
earnest. We heard of no dfficulties of the sort dur-
ing the battle for Corn Law Repeal. There were no
misgivings. Parliament could not go fast enough ;
conld not possibly go too fast. It is a different
thing, however, now that the tusk of conducting tEe
machine of public affairs is thrown upon Whig infir-
mity. We have now the note of preparation sound-
ed for the coming of that very dilemma which every
sane man, who could count his fingers, anticipated
as the result of such wholesale lopping of the sources
of revenue. An excuse for a deficient balance sheet
is being manufactured; and Lord John Russell, it
is easy to perceive, is once more, as the distinguish-
ing characteristic of his period of administration,
to have year by year an excess of expenditure ever
income, and to add a yearly million or two to the
public debt.
But this is not the worst feature of the case.
When the agitation for free trade was in progress,
the wish, or the necessity, for protection to manu-
factures was every where denied. The cotton
spinner Was indignant at the supposition that his
enterprise and ingenuity required the aid of pro-
tection to enable him to meet the competition of the
foreigner. The woollen and other manufacturers
were equally confident in their own powers. Cheap
bread—unrestricted commerce—the means of ex-
changing their commodies for foreign productions—
were all that they required ; and, with these granted
them, they were prepared to enter into the arena,
and compete against the industry of the world. A
communication, however, which has just been ad-
dressed by Mr. Wm. Beckett, a free trader, to his
constituents, the merchants and manufacturers of
the borough of Leeds, may perhaps tend to dissi-
pate this illusion. We quote a portion of the
letter :
The patterns and specimens of continental cloth which
I have lately seen very much surprise me in their quality
as well as in price; and knowing as I do from yourselves
that you have long felt the severity of competition in neu-
tral markets, it cannot be expected that under the free-
trade policy you can escape from the same competition
in the markets of our own country.
It appears to me that the same means which must be
applied to the preservaliogsf our

icultural prosperity
We must

must 6e applieil to that Of our manufacturers

give a minute attention to every element of our manufae-

taring processes, and a patietdinvestigation to those par-
ticular parts in which foreigners may have obtained a
superiority—all our energies must be called into requisi-
tion, and trifles must not be overlooked, If we are to
excel in quality, our wool-staplers must seize every oppor-
tunity of laying in the raw material upon the lowest pos-
sible terms—if we are to vie successfully in colours, our
dyers must consent to devote themselves to chemical
study, in order to obtain a thorough knowledge of che-
mical combination—and if the superiority of our manu-
factures is to be proved, every advantage must be token
of any improvement which mechanical ingenuity can
devise.

Such are the means which will be necessary, and which
I believe will be found effectual in the preservation and
extension of our trade; and taking this view of the neces-
sity of these precautions, I have felt the more desirous of
stating it to yon, because I am fully sensible of the great
responsibility which attaches to me as one of your repre-
sentatives, in having given my support to the system of
cummercial reform at the same time. I confess to you
that I have no fear as to the issue of this conflict with
foreign competition, be it agricultural or manufacturing,
so long as we are all made fully aware that the conflict
will be severe, and provided we call into play all those
means which we so happily possess within ourstives to
meet it.

We have told our manufacturers long ago the
fact, here announced, that the foreigner is treading
upon their heels ; beating them in some neutral
markets both in cheapness, in quality, and in colour.
We have heard such fact declared, and fabrics pro-
duced in proof of it, at public meetings, in the
early period of the Anti-Corn-Law agitation. It
was found convenient, however, to lay it by. It
suggested awkward conclusions. People might
have questioned the propriety of sacrificing the
agriculture of the country to prop up so
rickety a thing. It is now, however, resusci-
tated ; and Mr. Beckett urges upon the manu-
facturers of Leeds the importance of bestow-
ing a minute attention upon manufacturing
processes and the quality of their materials. Un-
doubtedly they must do so. The gentlemen who
have, for the last few years, been teaching our agri-
culturists the science of farming—talking learnedly
of the four course system, of cropping, manuring,
draining, fencing and other similar matters, have
something yet to learn themselves, and something
also to impel them to learn. There is one thing,
however, which strikes us very forcibly, arising out
of Mr. Becket's letter. If all this energy and im-
proved science is called for in order to attain in-
creased excellence and cheapness of manufactured
products, might not the latter quality—cheapness—
be attained by a little—just a little—reduction of
the wages of the operative ? Of course there would
be a trifling breach of faith in such a proceeding ;
but we ask any honest sensible man to read atten-
tively Mr. Becket's letter, and to tell us how long
he would like to guarantee the operative the present
money amount of the reward of his labour.

Sir Robert Peel was magnificent when, in his
speech on Monday last, he intimated to his sucessors
that they would be expected to carry out his policy
by further unshackling the commerce of the country.
" I have taken off millions of taxation," exclaimed
the Right Hon. Baronet, " and you see I have still
a revenue equal to expenditure." The public, how-
ever, do not view matters quite in the same light as
Sir Robert. We are unpleasantly reminded every
sth of April of the source of this financial pro-
sperity. We have an Income tax, which brings into
the Exchequer five millions a-year—an impost which
was only to be temporary in its duration;—and
we are beginning to suspect that it is to be perma-
nently fixed upon our backs; that we are only to
see the further carrying out of Sir Robert's tree
Trade policy, at the cost of sevenpence in the
pound for ever, upon our incomes. We should
like Lord John Russell to be explicit upon this
point. How long are we to be annoyed by tllis
blister, or are we ever destined to be relieved from
its irritating pressure ?

UNITED STATES.—The packet-ship Cambridge, which
left New York on the 17th ult., arrived at this port yes-
terday, bringing one day's later news than the previous
arrival. The Oregon treaty had not been presented to
the Senate on the 15th ult., as was expected. The con-
tract for establishing a line of mail steamers between New
York and this port had been rejected by the Senate, but
that for a line between the former port and Bremen was
sanctioned by a majority of three. Mr. Allen resigned on
the 15th ult. the chairmanship of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Affairs.