The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-05-31 00:00:00

all protection from the West India interests, as the plan they
proposed was calculated to effect. At a time when Great
Briiaiu was struggling for her independence with nearly all the
world, our West India possessions formed the great object of
attack.. He was now speaking of the American war, and those
who, like him, remembered that eventful period, knew that the
West India colonies formed the great feature in that warfare:
He would now refer to the year 1805, when that great man,
Lord Nelson, had the command of our fleets. A circumstance
took place at that time which fell under his own observation,
and to which he would now refer in order to show the impor-
tance which Lord Nelson attached to our West India posses-
sions. The English fleet was in pursuit of the enemy through
the straits of Gibraltar, when they suddenly disappeared, and
a council was held in the admiral's ship to ascertain the proba-
ble course which the enemy had taken. Several plans . were
named, and it was generally thought that England was their
destination, as an invasion was at that time threatened. The
sagacious_ mind of Lord Nelson immediately conceived that the
West India colonies were the object of attack. His words
were, " England cannot be wounded in a more tender part
than her NV est India possessions." (Cheers.) Lord Nelson
gave immediate directions to proceed to the West Indies, and
there, according to his prediction, the enemy was found. They
were attacked without loss of time, and made to speed across
the Atlantic much quicker than they came. (Renewed cheer-
ing.) The enemy, however, unfortunately feel in with the
Antigua fleet, .rnost of which they either sunk or destroyed.
The ~o-ailant admiral, in alluding to the feeling which prevailed
on the subject of slavery, observed that it could not be, pure
philanthropy, but that species of sentiment under whose bane-
ful influence the wise institutions of our forefathers were sought
to be overturned. He hoped that his Majesty's government
would not be so insane as to cut off the right arm of England
by destroying our West India possessions. Then, indeed,
would the downfall of all that was dear and valuable to us as a
nation take place, and our boasted superiority as a naval
country would exist no longer. The gallant admiral concluded
by seconding the resolution.
Mr. FITZGERALD, M.P. observed that, although he would be
called upon iu his place in Parliament to pronounce an opinion
on this question, he would not let the present opportunity pass
without saying a few words on the occasion. He would pot
tresspass on the patience of the meeting by urging the injustice
of the measure proposed by government, because every man
who was present must be sufficiently aware of the nature of that
plan, and its different bearings. The West India interest was
threatened with ruin, but he would ask, was the fundholder in
a better situation, and did not the property of both depend up-
on the acts of the legislature, by which their security was gua-
ranteed, and they sought in justice to be equally protected.
(Hear, hear.) If then. the West India interest was to be at
tacked—if their property was to be thus singled oat for confis-
cation, where, he would ask, would be the security of the fund-
holder—for the same power which broke through the solemn,
security of an act of Parliament in one instance would not he-
sitate to adopt -a similar course in the other? (Cheers.) It
was the duty then of the fundholder to make common cause
with the West India proprietors against this most iniquitous
measure. With respect to the future production of the IWest
India colonies, every man who knew the character of the ne-
groes must be aware of their wish to escape from labour. The
natural effect of this sluggish disposition would be to throw the
land out of cultivation, and then there would be an end to the
property of the planters, and the loss of our West Indian pos-
sessions would be, the inevitable eonsequnce. Encouragement
would thus be given to foreign nations, and the colonies? which
cost this country so much to maintain, would be wrested from
us. He was well aware of the exertions that had been made to
influence public opinion on this question, for he had himself
seen.thousands of petitions presented to the House of Commons
by the advocates of emancipation. He knew, however, that all
of these petitions were manufactured in the city of London,
and he was the snore convinced of this because he had taken
the pains to exauline these petitions, and found that they had
all been written. on the same paper, were in the same writing,
and in • many instances they were word, for word the same.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He found also that they were
signed by one or two individuals, sometimes by four or five,
and seldom by more than a doien persons. On the contrary,
whenever petitions were presented from the West Itidia body,
they entered fully into the merits of the question, and were in
.respects what petitions ought to be. He begged to say
that he was not influenced by any desire to retard the question
of negro emancipation. On the contrary, he wished to see it
brought to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion, provided the
interests of the West India proprietors were satisfactorily se-
cured to them. He wished to follow the resolution of 1823.
Now let any man take that resolution in his hand and compare
it with that which Mr. Stanley had proposed, and the injustice
of the latter would be apparent. NV ith regard to the delusions
which had been practised by the advocates of emancipation,
during the last elections, he would mention an instance in his
own person: he had the honour of representing a free and inde-
pendent county, the voters of which were as liberal and hu-
mane in their feelings as any constituency in England could
be. They felt strongly on the subject of negro slavery, but
they placed him on the hustings without demanding a single
pledge on that or any other subject. (Hear, hear.) He told
them, that he would support emancipation, but that he would
do so on the fair and just principle of compensation to those
whose interest would be injured by the measure. (Cheers.)
He was perfectly convinced that the same feeling. of justice
prevailed generally throughout the country, notwithstanding
the delusive arguments made use of by the advocates of uncon-
ditional emancipation. He understood that there were two
amendments to be moved on Thursday, to the motion of Mr.
Stanley; one by Mr. Buckingham and the other by Mr. Bux-
ton; and he conceived that it would be desirable to know which
of these ought to be supported by that meeting. The hon. gen-
tleman concluded by expressing his approval of the resolution,
which was then put from the chair, and carried unanimously.

Mr. J. HARMAN proposed the third resolution. He observed
that whatever errors and horrors might have been committed,
in former times, with regard to slavery, every dispassionate
mind must feel that in the present day the condition of the
slave was materially improved. Excitement upon this and
every other subject appeared to be the order of the day, and the
rapidity with which questions of the greatest importance were
brought forward and disposed of by his Majesty's ministers, as
if by the power of steam, had no parallel in modern history.
He did not stand forward on this occasion as the advocate of
slavery; but he was one who would not be so blinded as to
overlook the interest of others in questions of this nature. He
should hail the hour of emancipation, perhaps, with as much
satisfaction as its warmest advocates could wish, for he hated
even the name of slavery, under whatever form it might exist;
but he hated still more the doing an act of injustice under the
mask and colour of humanity. (Cheers.) Now this measure,
he considered, came fully up to that description, and as such
he should oppose it. He-hoped if his Majesty's ministers had
enough of iudependence left, that they would pause ere it
should be yet too late in the ruioous course they were pursuing
with regard to this all-impOrtant question. The honourable
gentleman concluded by moving the third resolution.
Sir CHARLES PRICE, in rising to second the resolution, apo-
logised for intruding himself on the meeting, for he confessed
he had no interest in the colonies, but he felt that if the mea-
sure proposed by government were carried, no person could
contemplate the result without the most serious apprehension.
He considered that, according to the principles of the constitu-
tion under which we lived, Parliament had no right to take
away the property of any class of his Majesty's subjects, with-
out affording them due compensation. Parliament was called
upon to emancipate the slaves of the West Indies; but would
it do so to the detriment of the proprietors, and to the positive
injury of the slaves themselves ? If the national character must
be redeemed by the abolition of slavery, let it be done at the
national cost. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps he would be told that
the finances of the state would not admit of this. He was con-
vinced, however, that the resources of the country were suffi-
cient to indemnify the West India proprietors for the losses
which they would sustain by this measure. The hon. baronet
concluded by seconding the resolution, which was agreed to
unanimously..

Mr. M. SHAW STEWART proposed the fourth resolution.
Mr. Buss seconded the resolution, and observed that he was
almost afraid to trust himself in speaking on this important
question, which involved not only the interests of the West'
India proprietors but every interest in the country. He had
heard no exaggerated statement, for it was quite true that every
person in the country would be involved more or less in the •
measure proposed by his Majesty's government. Widows and
orphans, who were " unable to dig and ashamed to beg," must
die in beggary and despair. The great stake which was now
contending for was nothing more nor less than life or death.
What else, he would ask, could have brought forward so many
that day to swell the meeting which he now beheld? A
stranger who had come from London and beheld that meeting
might imagine that Napoleon had arisen from his grave, or
that Victor Hughes had once more " visited the glimpses of the
moon to make night hideous," and scatter desolation around.
But no enemy had done this : it was no visitation of Providence
that the meeting had to lament, but the arts of a few demented
beings who were determined to destroy. (Cheers.) He feared
that the present measure would be followed by others of a still
more destructive character. Nineteen or twenty of our most
important possessions were threatened with ruin and confis-
cation; but would the mischief end there? It might be said,
that the ruin which was apprehended was but visionary, and
that the evils which were anticipated would not take place. It
was a maxim in gambling, that, where the chances were equal,
it was fair to speculate. But, in the present case, there was no
chance at all ; for, while the imports from the West Indies
amounted to ten or eleven millions, the exports did not exceed
four or five millions at the utmost The northern colonies had
so much at stake, that their very existence was involved in this
question. Between 500,000 and 600,000 tons of British shipping
were involved in this question, and at least 4,0,(X)0 seamen had
an interest in it. He would be glad to know how the ministry
intended to make up the deficiency in the revenue which the
loss of our West Indian possessions would occasion. Why
should we all be made to drink of the poisoned chalice which
was intended for the lips of a few only ? The deficiency of the
revenue must be-made up-by an additional duty on sugar, which
would go into thu pockets of slave owners, and thus would
slavery be increased, instead of being diminished. (Hear.)
As to the outcry which was raised against slavery, it was no-
thing more than cant and hypocrisy, for . persons might be
found who were ready to adopt the most impracticable plans
without the slightest inquiry. These were the persons who
were arrayed against the Vest Indian Interest, who, amongst
other antagonists, had to contend against the sect, one of whom
had been lately exposed by the Lord Mayor for raising money
from individuals by pretending that he had the means of making
their fortunes. (Hear, hear.)- He could never believe that the
honour and dignity of this country could be improved by an act
of injustice and spoliation ; and it would certainly never re-
dound to the honour of the present age that we obtained an easy
prosperity by being liberal of the property of others. (Cheers.)
From the year 1786 to the year 1807, no less a sum than be-
tween one and two millions was paid by the colonies to this
country for the purchase of slaves. " Release your slaves," say
the government. " With all our hearts," we answer, "if you
only pay us back the price we paid vou for them." (Hear,
hear.) Slavery was said to be a foul you
on the national cha-
racter. So it was; but let it not be wiped away by the blood of
the whites. (Cheers.) The great object of the meeting was
to check slavery, and he therefore called upon the meeting to
carry up their petitions to the legislature. He hoped that, at
least, as much attention woule be paid to them as was shown
to the 180,000 British spinsters who had petitioned Parliament
for negro emancipation. He hoped that the petitions from
this body would be as respectfully attended to as the Priscillas
and Arabellas of the sentimental school, who knew life only in
the novels they had read, and who were so ignorant of slavery
as not to know that they could never sit down to their tables or
their toilets without leing indebted to • the productions of
slavery. He hoped that our • colonies would not be frittered
away fiv the government, and that the people of this country
would not lay violent hands on their most valuable possessions.
Then, indeed, would the lordship of the isles of earth and the
dominion of the sea pass from before us, because we should
then prove our unfitness to rule and to possess them. (Cheers.)
Lord ST. VINCENT rose to propose the fifth resolution. He
should feel that he would be doing injustice to the West Indian
body if he did not say that they had every right to adopt the
spirit of this resolution, provided that proper compensation was
awarded to them, and snore than that could not be expected
from them. It should be remembered that the system of slavery
which now existed in the West Indian Colonies was not created
by the West Indian planters. In point of fact, the slaves were
originally purchased by the people of this country, and the
planters bought them on the express stipulation that they:hoed