The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1851-03-04 00:00:00

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hierarchy is izi.iatied. It may be a misfortune for Protei-
tant Great Britain to be linked with a country containing
five milions of Papists; but a wise statesman will not
qgeravate the evils of such a situation by enacting or
enforcing penal laws against the religion of the majority."

Thus dictates the Peelite and Puseyite Chronicle.
Submission to Rome, or civil war. Allow Pope
Pius and his insolent hierarchy to trample upon
the prerogative of the Crown, or to insult or to
ban at their pleasure the Protestant majority of the
people of this empire, or be prepared for a struggle
to the death with Ireland's " five millions of
Papists." The Free-trade faction in Parliament
cannot stand without the support of the Irish
Popish members ; and the surrender of the Protes-
tant character of the nation, and the abasement of
the Sovereign at the feet of Rotrie, is the price
which we are to pay for that support, and the con-
sequent elevation to power of the Grahams and
Roebucks, the Cobdens and Brights, with their
several dorsal appendages !
But will the Protestant majority of the people of
England endure this ? Will they submit to have
a Government or a policy dictated to them by an
insolent Popish minority, or allow the declared will

of their Sovereign to be mocked and set at nought
by an usurping foreign power ? They will not ;
and we warn those statesmen who are at present
counselling the experiment, to beware what they
are doing. 'The Protestant people of England have
shown themselves long suffering and patient under
a long series of insult and encroachment ; but
they are resolved to bear no longer. Let a
Ministry be formed, based upon the policy of
ignoring the recent aggression of Rome, and it
will be hurled to the ground by the indignation of
a thoroughly aroused people. We tell these men
emphatically, that A PROTESTANT SOVEREIGN,
AND NOT THE POPE OF ROM E, GOVERNS, AND
SHALL GOVERN, THIS PROTESTANT EMPIRE.

THE explanations of Friday last have developed
a new phase in the aspect of political affairs and
parties in this country. A short while ago, the
Whigs, notwithstanding their aristocratic leanings
and their fondness for family compacts, were very
generally regarded as the natural, though reluctant,
allies of the ultra-progress party in the country.
As, in the course of all their past history, it was
concluded that only a crisis was required sufficient
to place office and pay in danger, accompanied by
a little pressure from without, to drive them into
the arms of the bolder and more ardent spirits
who compose a portion of their strength upon great
questions. The country looked, on the other hand,
upon the small but compact and talented party,
who had been the followers of Sir Robert Peel, as
forming a controlling power between the extreme
" liberal" and the great constitutional party ; as
deeply committed, it is true, as the former, to the
doctrines and theories of free-trade, but ready to
fall back into the ranks of the latter to resist any
encroachment upon the prerogative of the crown,
and any democratic innovation attempted against
the existing settlement of the constitution of the

country,

It is now an unquestionable fact, however, that
the leading members of the Peel party are prepared
to go many steps in advance of the Whig, or Rus-
sell party ; and to bid more boldly and promptly
than they for the support of the democratic masses
throughout the country. Lord John declares his
resolve to cling to the example and the principles
of the men under whose auspices he commenced
his public life ; to the principles of such men as
Burke, Romilly, Mackintosh, and Horner,—states-
men who in all their measures aimed solely, he
maintains, to promote the public welfare, and were
disposed to resist sternly any measures dictated by
public clamour. Sir James Graham, on the other
hand, as the leader of the Peel party, is disposed to
embark upon a bolder course. :Sir James conceives
that

" When the history of the past thirty years • shall be
recorded, there are three leading transactions which will
fix the attention of the historian. The first is the cause
of civil and religious liberty, as exhibited in the report of
the Test and Corporation Act, and the emancipation of

suffrage, as manifested in the Reform Act ; and the third
is the establishment of a more liberal, commercial, and
financial policy, which, for the sake of brevity, he calls
free-trade."

'With respect to the whole of these questions he
is in favour of "Progress." He will support any
measures " so framed as to give effect to the ex-
tension" of free trade. No reservation as to how
such extension may operate upon the agricultural
interests of the country ! Indeed, throughout the
whole confession of creeds, made by the Whigs and
Peelites on Friday night, not a single allusion is
made to the agricultural interest, or to their suffer-
ings, admitted though these were in the speech
from the throne. The sum and substance of their
policy is " free-trade at any price and any hazard."
With respect to the promotion of civil and religious
liberty, " as exhibited in the emancipation of the
Roman Catholics !—strange juMble! Civil and
igious liberty and Roman Catholicism !—Sir
favour of extending it ad libitum. ; and

James is it

of tolerating any aggression against the prerogative

stf)jects, which the Pope and his cardinals may dic-
tate—provided it is not marked with " the arro-
gance and folly of the language which the Pope
and his cardinal have thought fit to employ in an-
nouncing" (the recent) "ecclesiastical arrangement,
which he believes to be lawful, and which he does
not consider dangerous." Let the Pope. then, only
use a little " soft sawder ;" and he may set up an
ecclesiastical court in Westminster-ball, demand
the loan of the new houses of parliament for a synod

shops and archbishops, or issue cards of
invitation to dine with her Majesty and the Prince
Consort at Buckingham Palace or Windsor, for
anything that Sir James heeds. None of these
d he " illegal" or " dangerous ;" and as
for the impudence of the thing, her Majesty and the
nation must pocket the affront for the sake of the
cause of—" civil and religious liberty !" This,
electors of Liverpool, is the language of the school
of statesmen which numbers your present member,
Mr. Cardwell, amongst its great lights !
Upon the subject of an extension of the suffrage,
Sir James Graham is quite as willing to grant it as
Lord John Russell. In fact, his declaration shows
that he has a more definite notion of the sort of

of his 1

is wool

scheme which he is prepared to support. There is
no doubt that, although both treat us with an infi-
nite quantity of protestations to the contrary, the
real object of any extension from such a quarter is
to swamp the county constituencies, and to hand
over a greater amount of influence in the Commons
to the inhabitant householders of our small towns
and villages. Possibly the result of such a measure

may not quiti

fulfil the expectations of its authors.
they show, on the part of the Peel

But wh

Pi after power

come throug

h what

t pandering it may, t

anations are

ith the politic

Je of t'- -

aead of the

Russell party. touring his coquetings with Lord
Aberdeen and Sir James Graham. Lord John had
expressed himself willing to modify his original
measure. He was ready to lop off the Irish portion
of it, which, he feared, would " interfere with the
power of ordination, with collation to benefices in
the Catholic church, and even with the enjoyment
by bishops, and by parish priests in succession, of
endowments destined for their support." Yet with
all this "eating of dirt" by the minister, whose
sudden ebullition of Protestant zeal contributed so
powerfully to fan the flame of excitement which re-
cently enveloped the whole empire, Aberdeen, Gra-

measure. Poor Lord John ! Fallen indeed art
thou—destined to he for ever a " dummy" on the
political staff--when even such hucksters of princi-
ples as the Peelite clique can be permitted to declare
—"With this man we march not through Coventry."
Poor Lord John !

THE latest intelligence from London which can
be depended upon, with respect to the ministerial
crisis, confirms the impression, which we have en-
tertained for some days, that the members of the
Russell administration would have at last to be re-
called for the purpose of shuffling over the present
session. Such, it seems. has been the recommen-
dation of the Duke of Wellington to her Majesty ;
and we fully expect that our telegraphic dispatch,
which at the time we write has not been received,
will inform us that an arrangement of this sort,
which Lord John Russell has undertaken, has
either been completed, or is being brought to a
successful termination. What may be the policy
of such an administration—what principles may
have to be shelved, or thrown overboard, to enable
it to weather through the short period which inter-
venes before the commencement of the world's fair,
to which all legislation, and every question in 7
volving, however vitally, the interests of the nation,
must give way, we are not in a position to say.

We give, however; the speculations on th 6 subject
which appear in the Moruigg Herald ai.d the
Times of yesterday.
After stating the general belief entertained iii
London with respect to Lord John itussell being
again engaged in forming a ministry;and confirming
it by a notice, contained in mod= Court Gazette, of
the movements which had occ&i4ed on Saturday,
when the Duke of Wellington Waited on her
Majesty, and since that interview, th Herald
proceeds
" It is stated that the basis of the measures on which
the re-instated Cabinet will appeal to Parliament for its
assistance until the Legislature shall be prorogued, and
immediately afterwards dissolved, is this—a complete re-
modelling of the Budget, and a virtual postponement of
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. For the sake of a financial
flourish to cover absolute defeat, it is said by those who
pretend to be well informed, that it will be proposed first
to repeal totally the window tar, and that the notable
plan for its conversion to a house tax will be abandoned—
secondly, that the income-tax shall be renewed for one
year ; in the third place. that Lord Stanley's plan for
committees of inquiry in both houses, previously to legis-
lation on the Papal aggression, will be adopted ; and,
finally, that the Government will get rid of their executive,
administrative, and legislative powers, as soon as they can
decently abdicate, by an appeal to the country. We re-
peat that we do not vouch for the positive correctness of
any of the statements to which we have just drawn atten-
tion, but there is much in them which is corroborated by
concurrent events."

In common with the Herald we do not vouch
for the positive correctness of these statements.
We do not think, either, that the policy chalked
out is likely to meet with the sanction of parlia-
ment or the nation. The latter will not permit the
"Ecclesiastical Titles Bill"—mild name, by the by,
for a bill professing to be for the purpose of repel-
ling one of the foulest and most impudent acts of
aggression ever levelled against any Sovereign or
any people—to be shelved for an indefinite period
by the mere device of appointing Committees of
Inquiry in both Houses. Nor do we think that
the great body of the nation—out of Marylebone
and St. Pancras—will consider the unconditional

repeal of the Window Tax, leaving the Income Tax
untouched in its enormous injustice, any great
"financial flourish." However, it is no use fight-
ing with such unsubstantial things as mere ru-
mours ; and therefore we proceed to give the
speculations of the Times upon this subject.
Our contemporary begins by lamenting that "a
whole month of the Session has been thrown away ;
and besides all kinds of horrors looming in the
horizon, the agreeable arrangement of three months
for parliamentary work, and three months for the
Exhibition in Hyde Park, is now utterly hopeless."
We are really sorry both for the expectant sight-
seers and the showmen. Our contemporary pro-
ceeds to inform us, that all chance of a Stanley.
Administration is over; that the Whigs and Peel-
ites, notwithstanding the recent affectionate ex-
changes of sentiment between their respective
leaders, will not fuse together; and, after pointing'
out to us, as our only resource, a re-casting. of the
late Whig Administration, goes on to spew us in
what a very brief space of time the legs may be
knocked from beneath the ricketty erection. -
"The first thing," he says, "that strikes one is, that they
will be exactly in the same condition as they were a fort-
night ago. They will have the same, or rather an increased
number of Protectionists arrayed against them, and the
same number of Irish Roman Catholic members ready to
throw themselves into the anti-Ministerial scale. They
will be liable to the same pressure from the Radical party,
with the same disposition on the part.of their own friends,
and all the rest of the house, to tat them fight their own
battles on parliamentary reform, and possibly on some
other equally interesting questions. No possible modifi-
cation of the Ecclesiastical Titlesßill will propitiate the
frantic Irishmen, though it may alienate some Protestant
supporters. As for a mere reconstruction of the cabinet
out of the old Whig materials, that will only be another
symptom of weakness, and anotherground of attack. Sir
Charles Wood might have devised a more captivating
budget, but we doubt whether any budget whatever would

, .
have escaped a storm of opposition from some quarter, if
not from all quarters. As for the colonies, though a good
tempered secretary might give them a chance, we believe
that they cannot, and will not, be governed without an
occasional disturbance. So we-cannot hold out any hope
of peace and quiet, if the 1: to mtninistration should simply
resume its performance, with a somewhat different cast,
and with, perhaps, one or two principal parts given to new
hands from the same school as the old ones."

This is the reverse of consolatory. Our contem
porary goes on to notice the proposal to refer the
subject of the Papal aggression to a select commit-
tee,. which, however, he considers "will look ominous
of delay, of flagging zeal, of growing discretion,
and', perhaps, of final indifference ;""and he remarks
that ' a large section of the public,.amongst whom
.we may reckon ourselves, think it mere pedantry to
,include Ireland in the operation of the bill." We
do remember th e Times, not many:weeks ago, speaking
quite as decidedly on the other side of the question;
but it " is his custom" to turn his back upon h;m-
self ; so we pass over this hundredth instance. The
gist of our contemporary's friendly suggestion to
Lord John and his new colleagues is•.contained in
the following. paragraph:— .

.
" Their weakness can only be cured by stronger men
and stronger measures. If Lord. John Russell could
attach to himself some of those men who possess the
confidence of the more liberal section of the legislature,
he would not find that section acting so independently
and so inconveniently—pursuing its objects in season and
out of season, and inflicting defeat, as it dil last Thurs-
day week, at the most critical moment to his fortunes.
As to stronger measures we need only point to one which
would both secure the better co-operation of the party
just described, and also cut away the last hopes of the
Protectiontsts. They boast that a gent ral election will
give them a clear maj3rity of 30 votes, with which they
will ride into power, and impose a moderate fixed duty
on foreign grain. For their own sake, as well as for the
sake of the country, they ought not to be allowed to
cherish this delusion. But surely Lord John Russell
must now see how nearly he has escaped, if, indeed, he
has escaped, a dissolution, and how absolutely necessary
it is that the next general election should take place
under the safest possible conditions.. Without particular
reference to Mr. Locke King's plan, it is evident that a
large extension of the county constituencies is necessary
to make the House of Commons a proper representation
of the intelligent people of this country. The Irish
Roman Catholics reckon on returning sixty members of
their communion into our next parliament, and if the
British Protestants gain even a respectable minority, they
will soon be able, with their Trish auxiliaries, to push the
Whig government into a corner. Self-preservation,
then, demands that the new parliamentary reform bill,
which Lord John Russell has long had' in contemplation,
and of which he had prepared a draught before the
present session, should be introduced forthwith, with as
little delay as possible. We are speaking, of course, off
the book at the present moment, as no man living can
say what advice the Duke of Wellington will tender to
'her Majesty this morning; but, assuming that he will not
advise the rejection of Lord John Russell's services, we
beg to suggest the first use he should make of his fresh
lease of power."
We hope the country will understand this. The
preservation of the monarchy,the strengthening of the
Protestantism of the country, are nothing compared
with the self-preservation of a Whig Government,
and the maintenance of a free-trade policy. Call in
Cobden, Bright, Hume, George Thomson, Chis-
holme Anstey, and any "stronger men," if they
can be found; but, before the country is to be
appealed to, take care That the present constitu-
encies shall be swamped by any revolutionary mate-
rials within reach.

A TELEGRAPHIC dispatch, containing a report
of the proceedings in the House of Commons last
night, informs us that the Duke of Wellington, in
his interview with her Majesty, noticed elsewhere,
recommended that the late Government be restored
to office, and that the Papal Aggression Bill be
persevered with. This is, no doubt, politic advice.
It is significant in many respects. It shows us
what value a practised and shrewd observer, such
as the duke most certainly is, puts upon the bluster
of the Papal part] in this country. It assures us
that he is not prepared to allow the throne to be
insulted, and the constitution to be undermined,
by Papal insolence and subtlety. If there is one
man in the country from whom such advice to the
throne could have come gratefully and advan-
tageously, that man is the Duke of Wellington.
It, is a guarantee of the honesty of purpose,
mistaken though its grounds, which dictated his
unfortunate course in 1829, and which he has
since, on equally mistaken grounds, followed up.
And now, we ask, what is the country to do, in
response to such an assurance of the determination
of the Monarch, and the fidelity of her oldest
and most trusted adviser ? We do not anticipate
that such a ministry as the present, giving them
even the full credit with the nation, which would
result from their following strictly the advice of
the noble Duke, will be able to stem the heteroge-
neous array of opponents which will be banded
against it. What we have to depend upon now—
and our only dependance—is an efficient re-organi-
zation of the Tory party in the country—that party
by whose efforts, in a perilous age of war and
revolution, throughout the most terrible struggle
of modern history, the destiny of England was
directed by 'William Pitt and the tory aristocracy
and gentry of the country. These men carried us
through the sharp and fiery ordeal of that crisis to a
trivkraph over Whig fomented wilition at hornet.

TUE LHERPOOL STANDARD,