The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-05-30 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The Rev. Henry Carpenter thankfully acknowledges the
receipt of five pounds from " A Friend of Missionary
Labours among the Heathen," which will be applied, as
the donor seems to wi3h, to the funds of the Church
Missionary Institution in Sierra Leone, fur educating native
African Missionaries.
In answer to " AN INTENDING TRAVELLER," we have not
heard that cheap train tickets are at a premium yet, but
we do understand they are likely to " rise in the market"
if they go off as rapidly as they have done during the last
few days. Some of the present holders, we have heard,
have purchased on speculation.

&Ltbcrpoot &tanDatt.

TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 30, 1843.

Our excellent contemporary, the Morning Herald,
remarks thus upon the proceedings of government
and the Conservative party, with respect to the Edu-
cation Bill :

Sir James Graham is, it will be seen by his reply last night
to Mr. Hedworth Lambton, resolved that the responsibility
of a rejection of the government attempt to give to the fac-
tory children a sound religious and secular education shall
rest ou the House of Commons, for the right hon. baronet
pledged himself to take the sense of the house upon it after
Whitsuntide recess. And if, in the meantime, the clergy
and the laity of the Church of England only do their duty ;
if they only arouse themselves from the apathy into which
they have hitherto rested; if they only let their voice and
sentiments be beard, as those of dissent and non-conformity
have been in the House of Commons, there is no fear that
the front of might and menace presented against this offering
of humanity will be irresistible. We have elsewhere inserted
the form of a petition, and we implore the clergy to adopt its
form and to procure the signatures of their parishioners
thereto. There is, we assure them, no time to be lost. We
also direct the attention of our local Conservative contem-
poraries to this form of petition, and beg of them to urge
its adoption on their readers.

May we impress upon the friends of religious edu-
cation in this town to be up and stirring upon this
question ? Let an aggregate petition be prepared, and
extensively signed ; and let every separate conyreya-
tion—every separate body of Protestant Conservatives
—send up their petitions to strengthen the hands of
the government upon this important question ! If
this measure be lost, upon the Church, and the Church
alone, will be the responsibility

There is surely a line of boundary, beyond which
even the privileged incendiary, O'Connell, ought not
to be permitted to carry his mischievous agitation.
Putting aside for a moment the question whether that
agitation is one for the dismemberment of the British
Empire, or merely for the repeal of an existing act of
Parliament—whether it is a legitimate or an unconsti-
tutional object which it has in view—there is surely a
limit, beyond which the peculiar means put in requisi-
tion cannot, with safety to the peace of Ireland, be
permitted to extend. Assemblies of hundreds of thou-
sands of excited and ignorant men, brought together
to listen to the insolent ravings of a reckless fanatic,
can scarcely be considered to have any other action
upon the constitution, except through the medium of
the terrorism which they must create; and whenever
agitation, however legitimate its object, assumes this
shape, it has certainly far exceeded the limit, within
which it may, with prudence, be tolerated by any go-
vernment.

The repeal agitation in Ireland has, we contend, ex-
ceeded such limit. Its gatherings are no longer to be
viewed as legitimate and constitutional expressions of
popular opinion. They are but demonstrations of
unarmed rebellion, which the occurrence of a day or an
hour—the overflowing of one drop of the cup of sedi-
tion which is held to the lips of the excited masses
which compose them—may lash to violence and out-
rage. It is true they are within '6 the letter of the
law ;" but they are in flagrant violation of its spirit,
They are, overtly, peaceable, but in reality they are
aggressive upon the forms of the constitution and the
will of the legislature. They threaten no violence, in
words; but they " darkly hint" at violence, as their
ulterior purpose I They say to the united legislature,
" We, a section of the empire, have determined upon
being severed from the main body ;" and, when asked
by what means they hope to accomplish such an ob-
ject, reply, significantly, " by our numbers, by our
union, by force, if you put force in exercise to prevent
such accomplishment"!

Such is the present position of the repeal agitation.
Such is, virtually, the threat which these assemblies
direct against the legislature and the peace of the em-
pire. And when we reflect upon the nature of the in-
struments by which they are organised ; that those in-
struments are a priesthood solemnly rowed to the de-
struction of British supremacy in Ireland; when we
reflect, too, upon the character of the man, whose fiat
can convert these aggregate meetings—these mere
" demonstrations"--into an avowed insurrection of
bloodthirsty and savage traitors ;—can their continued
toleration by the executive be regarded as any other
than an act of conscious weakness or of utter madness
Day by day, hour by hour, the loyal and peaceably-
disposed amongst our Irish fellow-countrymen are
placed by this incendiary agitation upon the brink of
a precipice. Day by day, the very existence of the
Empire, in its entireness, is threatened with
attack, and thousands of loyal Protestants in Ireland
menaced with impending slaughter; and between the
consummation of this disaster is interposed only the
will of one man (.9 and that man the most heartless de-
magogue that ever fastened himself upon the credulity
and fed upon the unruly passions of a nation !
As an example of the furious ravings, by which
these assemblies are worked up by this incendiary to
the verge of actual outrage, we turn to the reported
proceedings of a recent demonstration held in Cork, in
which he thtis openly dares the executive to interptig
Wr the tit!mrtviktlon of tly: lire end gocd mite of

country. Speaking of the promised effort of govern-
ment to repress his favourite agitation, he exclaims—
" Let them attack us ; and if they do—what will be
the consequence ? What will be the state of the three
per cents. ? If they did attack us, and some penniless,
shoeless Irishman found his way, on the deck of a
steamer, to Manchester or St. Giles's, and collected a
number of Irishmen around him, and one would ask,
What news ?' to which he would reply—` Your
father was cut down by a dragoon—your mother was
shot by a policeman, or your sister'—but I will not
say what happened to her. Let him but say that ;
and I will ask Peel ' How MANY FIRES WOULD

BLAZE OUT IN THE MANUFACTORIES OF ENG-
LAND?' (Hear, hear, and tremendous cheering.)"
Can language of more direct import than this be con-
ceived ? Can anything more atrocious in sentiment—
more suggestive of violence—he imagined ? The
legislature of Great Britain are to stand by and witness
the forcible severance of Ireland from the British
Crown, on pain of seeing the towns of England—
wherever a degraded and vicious Irish population is to
be found—involved in conflagration and outrage !
But proceed; and mark how recklessly this suggester
of incrndiarism goes on to lash into fury the wild pas-
sions of his ignorant listeners. " They shall not," he
continues, " MASSACRE (!) us. No—we are safe; for
Ireland reposes in peace." (Peace " Her thousands
are aroused"—&c. And again—" I offer you the
Repeal of the Union! (here the entire audience rose
and cheered for several minutes.) Ido not talk to
you or warn you to be afraid ? no, that would be ludi-
crous. (Hear.) I tell you this : ENGLAND IS INCA-
PABLE OF I'UTTING YOU DOWN ! (Tremendous
cries of ' hear, hear,' and deafening cheers.)" What,
we ask, is the meaning of this ? " England is incapa-
ble of putting down" an agitation thus threatening to
the peace of the country I Indeed ! Is this so ? Is
the fiat of Daniel O'Connell, in reality, paramount over
the will of the united British Nation? Has this mer-
cenary tool of POPERY already his foot upon the
necks of the Protestants of Irelond ?—his torch already
within reach of the dwellings, and his dagger at the
throats, of Englishmen ? No—no—no ! There is a
stern and resolute defiance seated deep in the hearts of
the British people, which, when the hour comes, will
paralyse the threats of the traitor, although surrounded
by all the brute power with which Popery can encircle
his audacious front.
And that hour, we contend, has come. The hour
has come when, at length, this ferocious bullying of
the British nation, by a factious incendiary, must he
put down. It may be that his reckless violence is
within the forms of the constitution. The arm of the
law may not at present be strong enough to put down
—because it has never contemplated the task—his
ruffianly gatherings. The tolerant spirit of the British
Constitution permits the full expression of public opi-
nion ; but it has never contemplated these displays of
physical force as a legitimate expression of that opi-
nion. If it be, however, the case—which we doubt—
that these tumultuous assemblages, which in England
would be promptly put down, are in Ireland above the
powers of the law, then, we say, boldly and unhesi-
tatingly, that the law ought to be furnished with new
powers; for certain it is, that this continued violation
of its existing powers can no longer be tolerated with
safety to the institutions or the peace of the country !
We are happy to notice that, at length, steps, which
at least are in the right direction, are being taken to
put down this dangerous sedition. The leader of Irish
agitation—the author of a vast portion of the system of
outrage, which fills with murder and crime that un-
happy land—has, with nine or ten of his confederates,
been deposed from their position upon the magisterial
bench. Let the government of Ireland go on in this
vigorous course of action. Let them declare, in prac-
tice, that the proceedings which they thus discourage
are dangerous and illegal. Let them arrest the pro-
gress of their authors ; and they will deserve and re-
ceive the thanks of all good men and loyal subjects !

The remarks, in our last, upon the virtual admission
made by the Manchester Guardian, that the Repeal of
the Corn Laws was sought by the manufacturing body
as the means of obtaining cheap labour, appear to have
somewhat ruffled the usual serenity of his temper, if

. ,
we may judge by the following passages which appear
in his Saturday's publication :
" We well knew he (the Standard) would not attempt to
grapple with" (the position of the Guardian,) "or even to quote
it in his columns : and we have looked to the Standard with
some curiosity to see how he would contrive to give it the
go-by. On Tuesday last he said—nothing. In the Standard
of yesterday, however, there is an article on the subject,
which is certainly a curiosity in its way. The editor has, of
course, entirely shirked the real point at issue; and with the
view of keeping the point out of the sight of his readers, has
garbled and falsified our words in the most flagrant manner."
The fairness of the Guardian himself is, of course,
proverbial; but putting that aside at present, let us
see how far we have deserved this somewhat hard lan-
guage of our angry contemporary. We quoted in illus-
tration of our position, that cheap bread was sought
with a view to the reduction of wages, the admission
of the Guardian that the manufacturing body " have
long been aware that foreign manufacturers are rapidly
acquiring the same advantages of capital and machinery
which they themselves possess; and with the further
advantage of food at half price, the foreigners mnst
! eventually beat them out of every market ;" and for
the purpose of our argument we had quoted quite suf-
ficient. The League party had again and again de-
clared that they had no such object in view as a re-
duction of the price of labour. The Guardian himself
has always treated, as perfectly absurd, the position
that the price of food has any connexion with the price
of labour, And yet, here we had him admitting that
the foreigner was beating us in every market, one of
his most powerful weapons being " the advantage of
food," (and, of course, labour) "at half price I"
But the Guardian had appended to his assertion that
"the foreigner must ultimately beat us out of every
market," an alternative. The entire paragraph stated
that we must either submit to be thus " beat in every
market to which both parties had access on equal terms,
or the English manufacturing labourer must submit to be
half-fed." We omitted this portion ; and for the sim-
ple reason that it raised quite a different question to that
which we were discussing ! We were not entering upon
an inquiry as to the comparative advantages of half
wages and half bread. We were not discussing the
manufacturer's position in the struggle of competition
with the foreigner; but simply sheaving that he sought
to aid himself in that struggle by means which he had
strenuously repudiated ! W e showed that he sought
for cheap labour; and it was perfectly beyond our pur-
pose to enquire whether the working was to be bene-
fitted or injured by the reduction of his wages; whether
such reduction was to be preferred to the alternative
mentioned by the Guardian—(a reduced quantity of
food)—or whether such alternative was the true one.
By this omission, and especially of the words marked
in italics, the Guardian urges that we have " substi-
tuted a totally different question for that which he
proposed to us." We beg his pardon. We chose,
and had perfect liberty to chimise, our own question.
We distinctly stated, moreover, what that question
was ; and we proved it to our own perfect satisfaction,
and, we rather suspect, to the Guardian's annoyance.
And although the Guardian may think that the fact of
" a journal professing to be at the !head of the Con-
servative press of Liverpool being driven to this pitiful
and contemptible course "—(hard words these, Sir
Oracle !)—" proves that its conductors feel the diffi-
culty of supporting the interests of monopoly in a
place the prosperity of which depends upon free
trade," &c., we maintain that the course which we
adopted proved only that we had discretion sufficient
to confine ourselves to the consideration of one subject
at once !

In conclusion,
.we beg to inform our contemporary
that we have never "shirked," or been afraid to
grapple, any question which he or any other man pro-
posed to us; and if he will now put into a specific
shape the particular question which he wishes us to
meet, we are quite prepared to oblige him. We are
perhaps aware what this question is, already ; hut its
more distinct proposition will prevent mistakes.

Our fellow-townsmen are of course aware that, in
the person of the editor of the Ilercury, they have a
GENIUS quite competent to settle satisfactorily the
entire catalogue of political and social questions,
which distract the mind of this great country. The
qumion we hat:. frequently
" condition-of-England"
hid the opportuno of reminking upon,
tPIAt oontemportAryi btlt IV4 tiu romOqthet

to have seen the puzzling matter, which has been the.?
stumbling-block of politicians for years past--ve
the remedy for Irish discontent—discussed by the
Mercury, or any other English journalist, in thie.sam2i
candid spirit as it is discussed in his last Friday s
publication ; and we take the liberty, therefore, 10
place our contemporary's oracular wisdom
readers, and particularly before the British Cabinet
that
" We do not believe," remarks the AfercurY,
a repeal. of the legislative union between the two cons:,
tries would remedy the chronic maladies of Ireland.
Agreed ! We are not prepared to say that universal
suffrage,before our
rote by ballot, a repeal of the tithe rent charge,
.of the grand jury cess, together with the adoption of a
fixity of tenure act, which are Mr. O'Connell s h
sary sE,,ENTs "—what means this would prove
any modification of Ireland's social evils." Neither
are we. " But this, we are sure, that Tilla WOULP
eccs

BE SUBSTANTIAL REVOLUTIONS IN P"P-
-g
Who doubts it ? " Abolition of the tithe rent charge
is CONFISCATION OF THE PROTESTANT C
ar utrgc!:
Again we say, " Doubtless." 7.11
grand jury cess is an abuse which 'imposes hardshiPs
have no concep-
tion. Fixity of tenure' is nothing more or less than
that last desperate remedy to regenerate (?)
Which,
coeval;
and to give its inhabitants a stake in the hedge,
s
in the last extremity of the Prussian monarchy, 1461.
adopted by Prince Hardenberg, who, bg a stroke of his
pen, converted the tenants of the soil into freeholders--;
and by Lord Cornwallis, who constituted the ,dots °
Land being
India proprietors in the same manner. (!)ossessiull
the only means of existence in Ireland, its P
gives the proprietors a power unknown in this
conntlio
O'Connell would transfer it from its present owners s
the occupiers, subject only to a rent charge. 11111
HIS ONLY WAY TO A BETTER STATE OF THINGS
1)
THE ONLY GLEAM OF HOPE FOR THE larrUgg'im.(
Bad indeed must be the state of the country, I°l 0
TH2. ONLY CHANCE OF GOOD IS IN TROC111;IN
UPON THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY, hOWeVer badly

REVENUES."

acquired." (! !) tithe
Exquisite morality this ! The abolition of the
c 4
rent charge is a "confiscation of the Protestant Ciniftrnd
revenues" ; ergo, it is a boon to be prayed for: v-iv,
doubtless is prayed for, by this Popish scribe! of
ity of tenure" is nothing more than the robbery
of
Protestant landowners ; ergo, it is " the only chalice of
good" for Ireland! How beautiful the pro
extensiv
any one of these sentiments, from the most
circulated journal of this Protestant and loyal Nolo
nity ! " A stroke of the pen," only, it requires to g
t;
effect to the Mercurial remedy for Irish discoatenthe
" a stroke of the pen," which will merely conve the
Y the
property of Protestant and other landowners to
various tenants and squatters, who vegetate urn ob.
lands of Ireland, and enable that fine country t° s

scribe itself as the

" First flower of the earth and first gem of the gee' of
and, above all, the most productive
Rome!
We really were not precisely aware that alit' P ti,is
any O'Connellite morality could be mootedillity of
loyal town. We were not aware that the "
tenure" morality—the morality by which
gem in the tiara

" He may take who has the power,
And he may keep who can"— re get
was the morality even of " Liberalism" in the r:„ the
age ! There is certainly a modifying feature,:;sity
Mercury's
f honest philosophy—that, along with hat the
oi,
fixity"
we are to have a6' rent charge"; bted,
of that rent charge must be greatlY do it ig
when we look at the summary mode in wh, clo
proposed to get rid of another " rent charge'''.
" tithe rent charge" oreq'
We leave the whole effusion of our contettlP d
public ; a° oe
however, for the consideration of the
would suggest an especial consideration of lit to
owners" of property in this good town of 16'v rot 1'
:vhere Irish most do congregate." Wi,11„:1011'
fixity of tenure " in the classic regions of Y'3"l, to
roadb and Marybone, accompanied by a rent ehervPoi'er
of such
got rid of when it suits the purposes or the
eogi ef
such moralists as he of Derrynane and the -
the Mercury ?

We have already, on several occasina°'
certain strange decisions of the stipendiary 119,i'rries
who presides in our Police-court ; and soar
in casf°
the equally strange latitude which be pernt'
of criminality or involving a fine to some atilt e:
persons under him. We have done so cell;
forbearance and g od f
-°- - feeling to those wboln ''ioris of
sidered at fault as was consistent with the °Pirienetali);
the constitutional principles of justice Which serest`
pervade our laws, and with the consequent
the public; and we hoped that the hints we bo")woo'`i
out (for we can scarcely call them reprehensi°nsvairlAal'
'
be taken in good part, and have saved us the 'jig
es
task of animadverting on new cases of a
lio
analagous nature. Unhappily, however, °tlt', JO°
have not been realized ; and we have
f° er
aLI
attention to a report, in another column, 1/cear3y
traordinary proceedings in that court on Jri
Saturday last. ;„g of i°,l°r
,i°
The former day is set apart for the hear pe'e
e.
1
mations against publicans and beersellers for in t to
of the recently-procured act, requiring than 11:0 tiri#
from midnight on Saturday until one n'cic servic6
day afternoon; and also to close during divilideecidedi''
on the afternoon of that day. Of this law we b, to
e d
approve, as regards the time of elosing---"tb°°!ioosilf:,,6
the least, it is peculiarly stringent in its Pr°l--nott
severe in its penalties ; and judging from the
tjrate
ge
are constrained to say that our police rnagis to c
praeti"w„t
pears—contrary to his accustomed
cases (as for instance in that of the small tene ;he Frei;
in which he requires the strongest proofs tb3t),,,,t0
vious proceedings have been strictly accurate heli't'f',
contented to arrive at a conviction on what' iense,i,a,e4
the public will generally deem to he verY
rested, isolated, and even questionable evidencer'ejoice
men find an occasional hobby on which they erroittev
ride ; and magistrates must be occasionally Pe 01° io
we presume, to bestride theirs too; but ear Of °llO
taken that this recreation be. not carried car
Others
tl t°
cause unnecessary annoyance or injurY t° itoshoJ
may unluckily come within reach of it. ISl,f'd to; it
,
present hobby is assuredly the act alltluedo
whether it be that he had something t° s
parentage, or from other causes, he aPPear
Elie elf
to drive it to the top of its speed—albeit af
r
cretion would perhaps be more wholesonle
pa to
and the public interests. ~ 3 cell'
The two cases to which we have alluded
site "tor
which we refer our readers, bear us olt 'l'whieb
elusion, and what are the reflectiocnasbnaet:itsb...tiailioto:edra°oo,-
joipee:
give rise? Why, first, that there
in the mind of any reasonable man,
conviction and a heavy fine would have f° the le
i able
informations of Haines in both cases, :ioyirig 0.0
fendants not gone to the expense Of l-110es 01
do ;
and energetic counsel in their behalf. ony a 1/0
believed implicitly nearly throughout, 31.1;„,1 01%0',
of his labouring under misapprehens set*°'
slowely raised in the mind of the magistratite. esslteilliitig'
that it appears to be determined to pur'"eli h
espionage, which is alike abhorrent to 1-A°l4.st fief
cif 110- v
and to English constitutional justice deter jetect'eoiti
sending out police-officers in disguis' ne.d' io°
all, petty delinquencies, for which there 5 4, in° r for
for such extraordinary and, We may 14°17,efitl'e'
means. Such missions may be correct of "pi
5c
the detection of thieves and secret of
the
sedition, or treason ; but their enll3l°)') L.,oclY 0000
mere sellers of ale, is an insult to a larg.4c avtl, cot'
community, whether sellers or purchaserliich
same time, amounts to an admission ('''at or Pose,
selves do not originate or assume) that OfP;i3eif
force, well paid and well clad at tile Pf one ° fesfer
are incompetent to the performance °l:o,e 11° 11,
simplest and easiest duties. why, we rj; itoderi Orel;
than six to seven hundred of these Ilicoccasic°4ol4'r
(or sticks if you will), who, bating Brl.oo, baVe
or a rare and slight popular coluln°t'lliot onlii
time on their hands to look after' eve ''fitdaf'
offenders, but to conserve the public Pnight 01. ottre:‘
order. They have power at all time", rid to5):01V1,
enter any public-house in the tow
ping I! 1' hero, ,10
of `i"sufficiently enforce the new act afi:eet A orb 've
being degraded to the condition 3" rig e
a 01111.: S
e De
for such are men employed as Haines t°
Rushton calls these emissaries the delec
ll , ,netl
OY,
should prefer a preventive force; for ' pti
oh t Ito
somewhat the order of the day to ss Adic ,f I
it, r , tiotk
Ini..”lon of offence so as to ;bp
Rbithi tht matith that "Preg"'