The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-02-06 00:00:00

there can be no fraud where the fees are voluntary•
We reply they aye not voluntary. Mr. CROLY, himself
a priest, confesses that the fees are exorbitant, oppres-

sive, unrecognized by the canons and rules of the
church, and are enforced by the withholding of religious
ordinances, or the more terrible impiety and blasphemy
of denouncement from the altar. Can we have better
evidence than thatof one of themselves, an honest man,
whit has been provoked into a reproof of his brethren
by the enormity of their conduct ? Can we have better
evidence of the unhallowed influence of the Irish priests
than their conduct at the late election—in their leading

mobs waving the cross over their heads—in their threa-
tening the pains of hell against those who dare to dis-
obey their orders—and in their reliance upon drunken-
ness, violence, and superstition, in order to advance
their pernicious objects? No; the thing is too plain to
be mistaken—the iniquity too glaring to be concealed.
And yet there are men who think that by pensioning
the Irish priests we might succeed in making them

loyal, peaceable, and well disposed. It is an idle dream!
We might as well think of stilling the roar of the
Atlantic, by throwing upon the awful surge a few drops
of Father M'HALE's anoWing oil, or a few drops of
holy water. For every priest we bribed—for that is
the word after all—a new agitator world be found—a
wider month we'onld gape—a more daring incendiary
would arise. That is not the way to give peace to Ire-
land. There is only one way, and that we leave to be
found out by his Majesty's ministers. CROMWELL un-
derstood it well. Reform the church by all means ;
but those who cry loudest for reform -stand most in need
of it themselves.

We have before us two very singular documents.

The Washington papers of the 15th January contain a
report of the proceedings in the senate of the United
States relative to the warlike message of President JACK-
SON and the claims of the republic upon France. On the
14th of January, the, senate unanimously adopted the

following resolution :—" That it is inexpedient at present
to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state

of affairs between this country and France."

This, then, puts an end to the war for the present year,
at least. The President, like the dog in the wood,
barked at his own echo. We suspected from the first
that Mr. President had no intention to fight. He
threatened hastily—be even sent a message quite hero-

ieally ; but. like Other swaggerers, he knew that there

would be no fire. He had confidence in the discretion
of his friends who would take care to bind him over to

keep the peace. The senate has acted the part of the

conservative justice, and the General's arms are tied up.

The senators are his bail, and he will not be permitted
to shoot Louis PHILIPPE, even if he were disposed to

make the attempt.

On the other hand, the French government are going
very coolly and deliberately to work, for the purpose of
proving that they do not owe the money which the Ame-
ricans claim. 'They have already published some very

extraordinary papers on the subject, in which the con-
duct of some of the representatives otdiplomatists of the
republic do not appear in the most favourable light.
France contends that she is not bound to make Compen-

cation for any losses sustained by the citizens of the
United States,' except for those sustained subsequent
to the revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees.
On or about the year 1812, the Americans preferred
a claim against BUONAPARTE, on account of alleged
losses, which they estimated at thirty odd millions
of francS. The Emperor. however, was not the man to
pay before he examined the account, which he submitted
to his'minister, M. de BASSANO, for consideration. BAa-
SANO reported that the Emperor might owe the citizens
of the United States some .thirteen millions of francs,
and that at the maximum, their claim could not exceed
eighteen millions; but thete was no promise to pay the
money given or..;demawled. Afterwards, however, a
mode of settlement was proposed by the Ameriaan envoy
of a rather suspicious, but truly characteristic
We give it in the words of the Paris correspondent of
the Standard:—

"M. de Bassano advises the Emperor, in order to satisfy
these demands, to avail himself of the treaty for the cession
of the Floridas between Spain and the. United States (which
proposal the latter power rejected.) But at the same time ho
suggests• another mode of indemnity, which had been proposed
by-seine American 4.'oi:ens, and secretly sogyested by the ambas-
sador, Mr. Barlow. This was to grant to American merchants
eighty licenses to bring into France American produce' with a
drawback of one-fifth of the French custom duties. M. de Has-
san° was strongly opposed to this measure, which he regarded
as a mere private speculation, to which the American minister
in France could not be a party. He proved in his report that
this plan would in fact amount to granting to the holders of these
licenses a sum of forty-two millions of francs in order to meet a
gross claim of thirty millions, and which M. de Vicence had re-
duced to thirteen millions, or at any rate to not more than
eighteen millions."

Honest—honest lacm! The claim• of the American
citizens, so ostentatiously put forward, were to be satis-
fied b► giving a jobbing preference to some eighty
American merchants in the French markets. The am-
bassador of the United States is openly accused in an
official document, beautifully preserved, of endeavour-
ing to job the claims, and sink them altogether, pro-
vided that some four score honest citizens were per-
mitted to drive a .roaring trade in cotton and other
produce under a special "draw back of one-fifth of the
French custom dutie,s." Worthy Mr. I.3AnLow ! No
doubt the President, the secretaries of state, the speaker
of congress, and perhaps one or two of the judges, and
a few generals and colonels would have been sleeping
partners in the speculation. It would' have been a de-
lectable job. Forty-two millions of francs in one yew's
work—what a sum ! It would have bought the best
province in the union, and established a bank capable of
paying a fifty pound bill in genuine hard cash of silver
lor gold.

BUONAPARTE, or rather his minister BASSANO, did not
like the transaction. It did not look well—it had an un-
savoury odour—it had about it something like the taint
of swindling—and he, consequently, did not comply with
the ingenious suggestions of Mr. Citizen BARLow.
From that day, down to the 4th July, 1831, the Ameri-
cans made no progress in their negociations. They did
not menace NAPOLEON with a war upon the ocean. They
knew he had not a single ship at sea. They contented
themselves with negotiation—with long, dull, thy pa-
per discussions—with ponderous arguments which, of
course, BUONAPARTE never read—which LOUIS XV 111.
delivered over to his cook—which CHARLES X. laughed
at, and which LOUIS PHILIPPE was induced to recognise
and respect in a moment of great embarrassment.
The question still remains, despite the treaty of 1831,
as far from being adjusted as ever. It is clear to us that
France..will not pay the twenty -five millions. She may
agree to some ten Or twelve .mililons, hut even:that is
doubtful. At any rate, Mr. ,President JacKsozs. has de-
clared that it would be derogatory to the honour and in-
dependence of the United Statesito accept one sows less
than the sum stipulated in time unexecuted treaty. The
senate refuse to respond to his wishes and declarations,
and, therefore, as all his menaces fall to the ground, the
French will take care to pay as little.as possible. The
very intelligence we now communicate will induce Own'
to drive a hard bargain, and compel the President of the
United States either'to eat his words or retire from the
undignified situation he holds. This last, we take it,
will be the result.
The following contains the latest news from Washing-
ton on the subject :
PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE
UNITED STATES.

Wednesday, January 14.
SPECIAL ORDER.—The question being on the resolution that
it is nut proper, at the present time, to invest the President
with such powers,
Mr. Clay arose and addressed the Senate upon the subject at
large.
Mr. King, of Georgia, offered to amend the resolution by
limiting the delay of Congress to act to the time when farther
information should be obtained from France.
Mr. Clay proposed a substitute for this amendment nearly in
the words, " that it is inexpedient at present to adopt any
legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs betAN sea
this country and France."
The amendment prevailed, and, after a desultory discussion,
The resolution as amended, was adopted by yeas and nays, by
a unanimous vote, only one senator being abseut.

Notice of a prosecution has, we hear, been served on the pro-
prietors of a Sunday paper, on an alleged charge of having tent
the title of their paper to an unstamped sheet, containing mothing
more than a bookseller's catalogue; and for having afterwards
rausmitted the same under covers, endorsed with the name of
the newspaper, by post, to all parts of the kingdom. —rverriny
trope-rt.