The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-07-02 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

INCONVENIENT ARRANGEMENT OF THE RECIEVING BOXES AT
THE LIVERPOOL POST-OFFlCE.—Scarcely a week passes in
which we do not receive complaints of the inconvenience
sustained by parties posting late or foreign letters at the
" unpaid," or rather paying windows of our Liverpool Post-
office. Two little pigeon-holes are all the accommodation
provided inside for this departmen`, whilst, outside, parties—
sometimes delicate females—must scramble amongst a host
of saucy boys, who climb up the circular grating in front,
and generally, when they have succeeded in posting their
letters, slip down upon rho toes of those behind them. Many
a coat tail is weekly damage; here, many a pocket picked,
and many an important letter prevs,‘ted being forwarded,
when, from physical weakness, or a clisture to the clothes.
destroying process to be gone through, persons foil in getting
them posted in time. We cannot but think, that, in such a
the,,Eost-office of Liverpool, a portion of these
access to the windows migni.—&- The preseut inconveni..nt
addition of a broad step and the rein., imuroved, by
the
grating in front, if even
r architectural d
TaL I:bility of opening one or two additional windows.the
respondent WhO itudikAlNST THE BIBLE SOCIETY.—The
tcoar-t
ct.is, h
all the important portions of the Velleciltligre diicinformedsdy appeared
in our paper.
A Pooa BOY BEGGING.—J. C. complains, and no doubt justly,
of the unfeeling conduct of a shopman in Byrom-street to a
poor little boy who asked for charitable assistance at the
door; but we have no legitimate power to interfere with in-
dividuals who, in such instances, are free to give or to with.
hold as they may think proper,—especially as the act of beg-
ging is in itself illegal. Our correspondent shewed his kind-
ness of heart by himself giving the required aid—another
proof that " God tempers the wind to the shorn lamb."
"THOUGHTS ON TazES."—These lines evince the amiable feel-
ing and good sense of the author ; but they are scarcely suffi-
ciently accurate in versification to abide the ordeal of publi-
cation.

Ebt iLtberpool gPtanDarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 2, 1844.

The state of parties in the legislature at this mo-
ment presents for our consideration one of the most
singular anomalies ever witnessed in any country.
Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham, in the one
house, and the Duke of Wellington in the other,
virtually sway the destinies of this country, the le-
gislative bodies having been converted into the
mere instruments of their will, recording determi-
nations with which they are absolutely forbidden to
interfere. And in what consists the power which
enables these statesmen to assume and hold such a
position ? Ministers have in neither house a large
body of sympathising and trusting friends, acting
with them from motives of affection for their persons
and character, and confidence in their general po-
licy. On the contrary, no ministry perhaps was
ever so weak in this respect, and commanded so
little the enthusiasm and love of those who, never-
theless, are constrained to their support. Upon
some vital principle they are at issue with every
section of their friends, and upon none are they
united with all. Upon the questions of Education,
Church Extension, Factories Regulation, the New
Poor-law, and some other questions of importance,
their views are most unpalatable to the majority of
those through whose influence they hold place and
power ; and yet with respect to no questions are
they more decided and dictatorial, and we may add
more omnipotent, than with respect to these, in
which they are supported only by enemies or con-
strained and disgusted friends.
It is not then its popularity out of doors, or the
confidence which it enjoys within the walls of Par-
liament, which constitutes the strength of Sir
Robert Peel's ministry, and enables it to dictate its
measures to all parties, and in contempt of all. No
ministry, we repeat, ever enjoyed less general popu-
larity, or less of the confidence of Parliament, than
this ministry does. We much question, indeed,
whether, if it can be said to enjoy popularity and
confidence at all, these do not flow in a greater mea-
sure from the "liberal" and destructive party than
from Conservatives. By what means, or upon what
principle, then, is it that Sir Robert is able to wield
the baton of office so proudly, and surmount diffi-
culties and opposition with such apparent ease and
success ? How is it, above all, that humbled, de-
jected, down-looking Conservatism walks chained
and crouching at his heels, through whatever de-
gradation he chooses to impose upon its head ?
What is the influence which has converted all the
flourish of lofty principle and unbending consis-
tency and patriotism, lately so rife upon every bust-
ngs, into this abjectness of slavery ? The influence
of fear upon Conservative breasts, stronger than
principle—strong as selfishness itself! Sir Robert
has but to glance—with that peculiar and meaning
look which he so well knows how to use—tow Irds
those benches where sit the determined Cobden and
his enthusiastic supporters, and country gentlemen
are ready at the hint to sacrifice independent action,
to fly in the face of recorded opinions and even
pledges, and to say "aye" to whatever the minister
chooses to dictate as the price of his forbearance.
If a body of Conservative members are anxious to
snatch from some meditated infliction the West
India or any other interest, the minister has but to
point significantly to a continuation of the income
tax, or to hint at retirement to a private station, and
the object of their anxious care is resigned, with
grumbling perhaps, but still resigned, to be dealt
with at his pleasure. And if upon some measure
of concession or expediency the demand upon the
obedience of his usual friends be too great to be at
once submitted to, we see forthwith from amongst
the opposing ranks, a tender of support gleefully
held out, to to enable Sir Robert Peel and his evil
genius, who holds the seals of the Home-office, to
defy and override the honest opinions of the few of
their party who dare be honest.

This is a painful picture to contemplate; but it is
one which the Conservatives throughout the empire
must contemplate boldly and at once, or they are
lost. A Conservative government acting upon Whig
principles—is this the thing for which we have
fought so long and so stoutly ? It is not. This is
not such a government as that which we hoped to
set up when we drove from office the late incapable
administration. This is not such a government as
that for whose maintenance in office and in useful-
ness we submitted to the imposition of an income-
tax, and to the sacrifice or temporary forbearance
in the assertion of principles ever held to be a por-
tion of the character of Conservatism. But why do
we urge the contemplation of truths so painful ?
Not surely without some effort in view to repair the
evil. On the contrary, we feel that such an effort is
necessary and is within our reach. Once more, and
earnestly, we must apply ourselves to the registries,
and strengthen ourselves there, that when an appeal
to the country is made—and that cannot be far dis-
tant—we may have at our disposal such an array of
strength as will enable us to select, with a determi-
nation not to be deceived or cajoled, honest and
faithful representatives of our opinions ; and be
spared the indignity of returning the pledged sup-
porters of this or that, or any ministry, which des-
pises and boastfully sets itself above public opinion.
Let every man, who has a claim to be put upon the
register, see now that his name is placed there. Let
every Conservative bear in mind and act upon the
injunction of one who knew well its importance—
let every Conservative who wishes for truly Con-
servative policy.

" REGISTER-REGISTER-REGISTER !"
•••••0MMgmm...........

We have given elsewhere an analysis of the pro-
visions of the measure recently brought in by Mr.
W. E. Gladstone for the regulation of railways. Its
importance will readily be admitted, when the vast
interests which it is calculated to interfere with are
considered; and we, therefore, offer no apology for
bestciwing a few remarks upon the subject.
We cannot, however strongly impressed in favour
of the railway system, and recognizing the right to
something like inviolability of the property em-

barked in it, bring ourselves to believe that this bill
is to he denounced with the violence and bitterness
of tone displayed by some of our contemporaries.
We cannot, for instance, bring ourselves to believe,
with the Railway Times, that it is entitled to be
called the " Railway Plunder Bill ;" or that it is one
"invading the legal rights of railway companies—
interfering with their property—assuming over
them the most extensive, intrusive, and offensive
powers." A little arbitrary, perhaps, it may be,
as are all such interferences with property, nearly
every clause in an improvementbill,inadelledparis-
liamentary regulations of fees, &c.—as,
every alteration of the standing orders of either
prim of parliament applicable to railway or other
than sonAgt It certainly does go a little further
in a direction lag; but, we contend, it goes only
what, to some extent,
- pointed out, and provides
ner
a proper regard for the interes,
ativee
moreover, what has been in manytlyhcalled for by
cae public, and,
to be provided already by the legislature,q ttempted
successfully evaded by railway companies. .igh
Let any dispassionate man glance over the clauses
of our existing railway bills, and say whether he can
entertain any doubt of the intention of the legisla-
ture, at the time of their being passed, to restrain ex-
orbitant charges and to keep down profits of work-
ing to a legitimate level. For what are maximum
scales of toll laid down but to insure such a result ?
For what are clauses inserted enabling parties, other
than the companies themselves, to put locomotives
and carriages upon the various lines, under given
conditions of remuneration and regulation ? True,
these clauses have been rendered null by parlia-
mentary omission, or undue and improper evasions
of their spirit and meaning on the part of railway
proprietors; but they serve, still, to show that the
governments who passed such bills did not mean to
promote permanent monopolies; and, if this could I
have been considered at all doubtful, the direct re-
strictions imposed in sonic cases to the payment of
dividends of more than ten per cent. (which are got
rid of by the creation of new shares upon which
only a small per centage of capital is paid up) should
be perfectly conclusive upon the matter.
It is contended, however, and most strongly by
our contemporary, the Railway Times, that govern-
ment has no right to step in, in the way proposed,
between the monopolies which have grown up, by
evasion of the spirit of acts of parliament, and the
public, who are onerously subjected to the arbitrary
exercise of their powers, unless it is prepared to
"protect their property against destructive compe-
tition." In other words, our contemporary, in be-
half of existing companies, says, "protect us against
the competition of rival lines—render our monopoly,
to a certain extent, a permanent monopoly, and you
may regulate our fares and compel us to increass
the scale of accommodation to be afforded to the
public." The unreasonableness of the demand is
palpable. In the first instance, government only
asks for the power of interference with railways pay-
ing above ten per cent. Where, then, can be the
great injury ? But it is absurd to contend that a

future railway enterprise is to cease in order to pro,
tect existing lines in their ten per cent. remunera.
tion. No government can give—no government
ought to be asked to give—a guarantee so improvi-
dent and unjust to public interests.

Against many of the clauses of the proposed bill
we feel that serious objections may lie—especially
against that clause which allows to Government
compulsory powers of purchasing, and themselves
working, any line or lines ; that, in fact, few
of them are scarcely sufficiently matured; and we
regret, therefore, that they should have been proposed
at so late a period of the session. To Romp nf flip'',

however, we must give our cordial support; and

particularly to that which insists upon accommoda.

tion being provided for third-class passengers—for

the poor—and that such accommodation should not

be of the paltry character afforded upon some lines,