The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-11 00:00:00

WEST INDIA QUESTION.

We most readily insert the following, which we have
received from the venerable author :

LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOHN SINCLAIR, BART.,
TO LORD VISCOUNT Si'. VINCENT, ON THE WEST INDIA
QUESTIO'.
My dear Lord,—Allow me briefly to lay before you the sub-
stance of some reflections which liaTe occurred to me on the
West India Question.

I must begin with remarking, that the public at large do not
seem to be sufficiently aware of the great importance of that
question. Nothing is thought of or dwelt on but the deplorable
condition of 800,000 negroes, now in a state of slavery ; whereas.
there are at least an equal number of native Britons dependent,
either directly or indirectly, for their welfare and subsistence
on the prosperity of those valuable settlements where slave!),
exists, and, consequently, who are essentially interested in
the discussion. Among these may be enumerated, the natives
of Great Britain now residing in those Colonies,—the colonial
proprietors living at home, and the various persons supported
by their expenditure,—the ship-builders who construct the ves-
sels • employed in the West Indian trade,—the seamen who
navigate these ships and their families,—the proprietors of the
West India docks in London, in Bristol, in Liverpool, and in
Greenock (in the construction of which immense sums of

money have been expended), and the number of persons they
employ,—the manufacturers who furnish the West India popu-
lation with goods, to the value of several millions per annum,
—and various descriptions of persons connected with the her-
ring fishery, who supply the colonies, to a great extent, with
food. A multitude of other classes might likewise be enumer-
ated, who, in a greater or less degree, are deeply interested in
this question. The whole will probably amount to at least a
million of natice subjects. If the plan of emancipation indeed
is not judiciously prepared, more mischief will accrue to our-
selves than the eager advocates of emancipation, who think of
nothing but how to attain that object, regardless of the conse-
quences that may result from the measures they suggest, can
possibly have contemplated.
Another circumstance to be kept in view is, the necessity of
avoiding, in the plan proposed, all measures of a complicated
nature, or difficult to be understood. The point to be deter-
mined is, the relation henceforward to subsist between the
master and the slave. The slave therefore, as well as the mas-
ter, must fully understand the whole details, otherwise nothing
can follow but confusion, mutual distrust and 'general misery.
If the state of slavery is changed into that of apprenticeshipt
the negro must be made to see distinctly not only the rights and
privileges, " BUT THE DUTIES" which that new modification
of his condition involves.

Even those who are most opposed to the idea of man having
property
.in man, must be prepared to admit that the master
has a claim upon his slaves, grounded on the subsistence and
protection he has afforded them in infancy and childhood, be-
fore they were able to work at all, or before the value of their
work was au equivalent for the expense of their maintenance.
The master, in this respect, is in loco parentis, and his claims
upon his slave are similar to those of a father upon his children,
on account of which the father is entitled to bind his son, at the
age of 14, an apprentice to himself or to another person, for a
period of 7 years. This suggests a very natural and obvious
method of emancipation, in so far as regards the rising genera-
tion. All young persons of 14 years awl under might be ap-
prenticed till they are '2l, and afterwards entitled to their free-
dom. Tlie immediate benefits of this arrangement would be,
that the master would have an interest in giving them such an
education as would render them capable of liberty ; and an
opportunity of conciliating their affections would be afforded
him, so that from inclination they would probably remain with
him, "as hired servants," after their apprenticeship was over.
With respect to grown negroes, the British Parliament ought
to fix on a period, say three or five years from the passing
.of
the act, after which they shall at any time be entitled to claim
their freedom. To resolve on complete emancipation at once,
without any previous notice, or making any arrangement for
such an event, would be a hazardous experiment to the slaves
as well as to the masters. It ought at the same time to be de-
clared, that the slaves are not compelled to accept of their free-
dom, lest otherwise the aged and infirm might at once be
deprived of all means of subsistence. It should likewise be
enacted, that from the instant the slave demands his emancipa-
tion, he shall not have any title whatever on his master or the
estate for food, clothing, medicine, or shelter, but shall thence-
forward provide these necessaries for himself and his family
Let the slaves also be informed, that when the poor in this
country are maintained at the parish expense, they are bound
to labour at any work pointed out to them. Why then should
not the negroes, if they must depend on their former masters
for subsistence, he subjected to the same obligation ? hY
should not they be obliged to dig the ground, to break stones,
to make roads, or to undertake other laborious employments?
The object of emancipation surely is, not to make them idle,
" but industrious."
It is proper here to observe, as a circumstance that cannot
be too strongly inculcated on the minds of the slaves, that the
British Parliament relies, with confidence, on their gratitude,
for the great attention paid to their interests; whereas, in the
United States the case is far otherwise ; for by the fundamen-
tal laws of the American Union the southrn planters " are #0‘!"
ranteed" in the possession of as sure " A PROPERTY" in their
slaves as in their lands and houses, and it is admitted that
the last might as well be taken from them as the first.*
As to the means of raising the £15,000,000, proposed to be lent
to the proprietors of the slaves, there are certainly objections
or
the imposing of that sum on the planters,—or on the slaves,—
on the British nation. But there is one mode that seems to rl!..
perfectly unexceptionable, b which the amount might be ou
tained, without imposing ay: burden on any of these bodie!l
namely, by authorising the Bank sof England to issue small
notes, to the extent of 15 millions, to be lent to the proprietnrts
of West India property at 2 per cent. ; and thus the sum miglit
be raised, necessary for completing the emancipation, withonf
imposing any burden on the revenue, and with the advantagfe
making an advantageous addition to the circulation of °
country.
I cannot conclude without expressing my regret that the Se:
cretary of State for the Colonial Department, whose seech
the question has justly excited so much admiration and astonish'
ment, should have taken up so unfavourable a view of the
terests of the West ludian proprietors. It is impossible tha!sf
eloquent an address must not have made a great inaproess
on the house, and on the public. But questions of so e
?the
cated a nature ought not to be decided on the impulse a
moment, or the impressions made from hearing or perusing,
specimen of brilliant eloquence, but from a careful inquiry
iof
to, and a thorough investigation of the various particulars
so complicated a question, in all its bearings. .11
Hoping that this great question may yet be arrarnugiendrai
the
manner satisfactory to the public, and without that e
planters which they so much apprehend; and that Parliaern
will, on the whole, consider it an advantage to postpone the
period of emancipation, until some measures have b
to prepare the minds both of the masters and of the been
laves for
so great an event.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully you rs, „
133, George-street, Edinburgh, JOHN SINCL
29th May, 1833.
Narrative of oßfuarullnegstiodieni-setereientt,hpe.C7Bo.urtAofpiL,nontql:t3l
printedthat narrative proves, that the ministers of those days entertcato._,
.th.et hSeigehelsrt. pbßolu-s:Bihbe'lB:tNildeaCri:as, of the importance of the West India Colo'
Hiss to the commercial and general interests of the empire.
ble _ .