The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

ken the same course muter t 1
was we'l aware at the time o

right hon. friend s•oo,
could his right hon. fr
corn-1a when it w‘ s
of an alq,rat ion. In st
that he mu,it he a p
corn-lacy. A lt lir)ug')

teration of the

factory to the courtLry, and !,ive such advantages to the
landed intr rest, as they had a right to expect on the gene-
ral arrangement of the affairs of the country. (Hear,
bear.) But whatever the measure might be, he (the Duke
of Wellington) could not refuse to aid his Sovereign in
meeting Pdatament in such an emergency. Hear, hear.)

The Duke of BUCKINGHAM did not believe the measure
would he sati.factory, and would therefore join his noble
friend (the Duke of Richmond) in endeavouring to dtf,at
every attempt that might be made by the Government.
(A laugh.) The noble duke thought their lordships ought
to know why those who had been called upon to forma
free- trade government had failed in their task.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied, that the matters
connected with the late changes had been so fully stated.
that he did net think it necessary to ao into any further
detail. When it was impracticable to bring a fixed duty
before the consideration of parliament with any chance of
success, he felt that a repeal of the corn-laws was abso-
lutely necessary, with a determination to allevia:e, as far
as was consistent with the principle of justice, every bur.
den upon the landed interest, and upon the occupiers of
land in this country. (Hear, hear.)
Tile Duke of WELLINGTON said that upon beina a-ked
whetl:er he would form a government upon the principle
of maintaining the corn laws as they at present existed, he
declined doing so, believing it impossible. He trusted the
House would wait till they had heard what the measures
of his right hon. friend were, and not attempt to conjec-
ture them.

Alter some further observations from several noble
peers, the subject dropped, and the house aclj6urned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNnAy

The SPEAKER communicated Tier Majesty's answer to
the Address, which was presented on Saturday.
Sir R. PEEL, called the attention of the house to the
number of railway plans likely to he brought before the
house, which required the -adoption of some mode of
dealing with the vast amount of business of this descrip-
tion likely to be brought under consideration. There
was no less than 81.5 railway plans deposited with the
Board of Trade, proposing to construct 20,687 new
miles of railway, at a proposed expenditure of capi-
tal to the extent of £350,000,000 sterling. This was an
amount of capital, that they might well doubt the pru-
dence of its being at once applied to one description of
speculation. Even for the benefit of railway enterprise
itself, he thought it right that some principle should he
laid down for the government of their construction. The
right hon. bart. concluded by moving for a select com-
mittee to consider the mode in which the house shall deal
with railway bills proposed to be submitted to the hou•e
during the present session.
Mr. GISBORNE said, before giving their sanction to
such a motion, they ought to have a more comprehensive
statement before them than the very meagre one which
they bad just heard from the right hon. gentleman. lie
wished to know if the proceedings before the Standing
Orders Committee were to be suspended during the dis-
cussions of the committee?

Sir R PEEL replied in the negative. lie bad purposely
been less explicit in his statement than if he had to propose
his plan to the house itself.

Sir G. GREY thought it would be better to enable par-
ties to
,save the expense of going before the Standing
Orders Committee, if they were to be liable, notwith-
standing having incurred such expenses, to be defeated by
the report of the Select Committee. He was of opinion
it would be better to transfer a portion of the jurisdiction
of the house in these matters to a competent tribunal in
which both Houses of Parliament might be disposed to
place confidence.
Sir IL INGLIS said it was physically impossible for the
House to attend properly to this branch of business, and
suggested a sort of ambulatory commission as likely to be
more satisfactory, and to save the parties three-fourths of
the expense.
Mr. C. BULLER also thought it would be better to
refer the taking of evidence, &c., to a commission com-
posed of competent persons out of that house.
Mr. HUDSON thought that the house ought to know in
the first instance how many of these railways had obtain-
ed the requisite deposits, and whether they were likely to
pass the Standing Orders' Committee, for he was con-
vinced a great number would fail in these particulars. He
was not alarmed by the amount of money required for
these schemes. The money was Int going out of the
country. One-fifth of it would go to the landlords, a large
portion would go to the iron merchants, and a still greater
portion to the labourer. Nothing could tend more to the
relief of the distress in Ireland, than encouraging this
kind of enterprise. He could not conceive in what way
they would limit the amount of money to be spent in rail-
ways, and had no doubt but enough of means could be
found for all useful objects, unless, indeed, the money
was sent out of the country in loans to South American
states, or to buy foreign corn to import into this country.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the right bon. baronet
should, on the responsibility of the Government, have
proposed his plan to the House, and then moved its refer-
ence to a select committee.

After some discussion,
The EARL of LINCOLN said the two questions for the
consideration of the committee were—First, whether it
was not desirable that some limitation of capital should be
adopted ; and, secondly, whether the promoters of rail-
ways should go on before the Standing Orders' Commit-
tee. These points had been carefully considered by the
Government, and would not be thrown loose upon the
committee.

A lengthened discussion followed, which terminated in
the adoption of the resolution proposed by Sir R. Peel,
and the committee was forthwith appointed.
Sir T. FREEMANTLE obtained leave to bring in a bill
to amend the Drainage Acts in Ireland, the object of
which was to carry to a still further extent the provisions
of the bill of last session.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAT

The Earl of MINTO presented several petitions, praying
for a repeal of the corn-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions praying
that the protection of agriculture might be maintained.
Ho would take that opportunity of stating that a gentle-
man, named Feargus O'Connor, had stated at some pub-
lic meeting, that a proposal had been made to him by him
(the noble duke), to induce him to desert his present
principles, for the purpose of advocating protection. He
could assure their lordships that he had never bad any
ix communication, direct or indirect, with that gentleman ;
nor had he ever made any attempt to induce any one to
desert his principles, because be thought that any man
who would take money fur such a purpose was not to be
trusted.
Lord CLANCARTY gave notice that on Thursday, the
6th of February, he would move for the appointment of a
select committee to inquire into the operation of the kws
giving relief to the poor of Ireland.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY.
Sir R. PEEL said, that in pursuance of the recommen-
dation of the speech from the throne, he was about to call
upon the house to review the duties which applied to se-
veral articles the produce and manufacture of other coun-
tries. lie should proceed on the assumption contained in
her Majesty's speech, that the repeal of prohibitory and
the relaxation of protective duties was in itself a wise po-
licy—that protective duties abstractedly and in principle
werertopen to objection—and that, though the policy 'of
them might in some cases be defended, it must always be
on some special grounds of national interest, or of justice
towards individuals. lie was also about to act on the pre-
sumption, that during the last three years there had been
increased productiveness in the revenue, notwithstanding
a large remis-ion of taxation ; that there had been an in-
creased demand for labour; that there had also been in-
creased competence, comfort, contentment, and peace,

among the population. in advising the continued appli-
cation of those principles, which had produced such salu-
tary results, and which had already been sanctioned by the
house, he was not inclined to disregard the necessity of
maintaining public credit unimpaired, and he was, there-
fore prepared to act with forbearance, in order that he
might t prejudice in any respect the permanent interests
of the country. It was possible that. owing to the numer-
ous and various interests which his present proposition
would affect, an impression might arise that his scheme
was a rash one, and to be discouraged. If such be the opi-
nion of the partisans of protection, nothing would he more

easy for them than to meet him on an early night with a
resolution that protection to domestic industry was in it-
self a good, and that the principle of it ought to be sanc-
tioned by the house. It might, on the other hand, be the
conclusion of the house, considering all the difficulties of
this question, and the nature of the contest which had
long existed, and would long continue to exist if there
were not a satisfactory adjustment of it—that his proposi-
tion, extensive as it was, ought to be accepted as a whole,
though there might be objections in details to parts of it.
If that should be the conclusion of the house, he should
have confidence in his ultimate success ; but if not, the
sooner its disapprobation was expressed, the better for all
parties. The great principle of the relaxation of 'protec-
tive duties he was not going to apply to any one particular
interest : on the contrary, he asked all the interests of the
country, manufacturing, commercial. and agricultural, to
make the sacrifice, if it were one, of their protection, to
the common good. Of late years the whole tariff had been
submitted to the review of the house. In 1842 he had
proposed, and in 1845 he had carried out to a very large
extent, a plan for remitting the duty on the raw materials
constituting the elements of manufacture. There was at
this moment scarcely a duty on the raw material imported
from foreign countries which we had not abandoned. He
had, therefore, a right to call on the manufacturer to re-
linquish the protection of which he was now in posses-
sion. The onl; two articles of raw material now subject
to duty were tallow and timber. He intended to reduce
the duty on tallow from 3s. 2d. to ls. 6d. per cwt., and to
make a gradual reduction on timber till it reached a point
at which it would remain fixed, and which he would defi-
nitely describe or, a future day. Having given the manu-
facturers free access to every raw material of manufacture,
he c Iled upon szch of them as were engaged in making
the three articles, wool, linen, and cotton, which formed
the clothing of the country, to give a proof of the sincerity
of their convictions by relinquishing the protection which
was now given to the articles of their manufacture. He
made this call upon them the more confidently, because it
was the manufacturing, and not the agricultural interest,
which first called on the government for protecting duties.
He then stated that he intended to relinquish all ditties
upon the importation of the coarser articles of manufac-
tures in wool, linen, and cotton, and to reduce the duties
on linen and woollen goods of a finer quality from 20 to
10 per cent. At present there was a duty on silk, which
was called 30 per cent., but which was often higher. He
proposed to adopt a new principle in the levying of that
duty, which was now an encouragement to the smuggler,
and not to the British manufacturer, and to impose a duty
of 15 qer cent., instead of 30, for every £lOO value of silk.
The right hon. baronet then described at great length the
reduction of duties which he intended to make upon the
importation of paper hangings, manufactured metals,
rit eased hides, boots, shoes, hats, straw plat, carriages.
candles, soap, brandy, geneva, sugar, and various other
articles—for which we must refer our readers to our ta-
bles ; and then proceeded to review the articles connected
with agriculture on which import duties were levied. Ile
proposed to reduce the duty on all seeds to ss. per cwt.
Indian corn or maize, which was of such importance in
the fattening of cattle, he proposed in future to introduce
duty free. In removing that duty he was not depriving
agriculture of any protection, but absolutely conferring a
benefit upon it. He also proposed that buck wheat, and
maize, and buckwheat flour, should be admitted duty
free. If any gentleman would ascertain the price which
had been recently paid by farmers for linseed cake and
rapecake, they would agree with him that the removal of
the duty on maize was not a disservice to the agricelt
interest

The right hon. baronet then described the re-
duction of duty which he intended to propose on the irn-
portati)n of foreign butter, cheese, hops, and cured fish,

stating that in each case the duty would he reduced to
half its present amount. On all articles of agricultural
produce which constituted meat as distinct from corn he
proposed an immediate repeal of duty. Every kind of ve-
getable and animal food would be admitted at once free of
duty. All animals from foreign countries would also be
introduced on the same terms. He then proceeded to de-
scribe the nature of his proposal with respect to the im-
nortation of foreign corn. He had already stated that he
intended to exempt some articles now included in the
corn-laws, as maize, from duty altogether. It might,
therefore, he as well far him to inform the house at once,
that though he did not intend to propose the immediate
repeal of the corn-laws, yet, ie the hope of making a final
adjustment of :the question, and for the sake of giving
time for adjustment to the agricultural interest, he did in-
tend to propose that their continuance should only be
tenipirary. Tile bill which he should therefore introduce
on this subject would contain an enactment that after a
certain date grain of all kinds should come in duty free.
He proposed, however, that a considerable reduction
should be made at once in the existing amount of duty,
and that the duty so reduced s!- ould he limited to the con-
tinuance of three years. His bill would contain a provi-
sion that at a period, when the change would be least felt
—namely, on the Ist of February, 1819--oats, barley, rye,
and wheat, should he only liable to that mere nominal
duty wiich he intended to apply to maize, far the purpose
of procuring statistical returns of the quantity imported.
The main question, then, for the house to consider wa
this—what is to be the intermediate state of the law ? He
proposed that there should be an enactment for three
years, to this effect,—that till the Ist of February, 1849,
the following duties should be levied on all wheat im-
ported into this country from foreign ports. Whenever
the average price of wheat should be under 18s. a quarter
in this country, the duty should be 10s. a quarter ; that
above 48s, and under 495. it should be 9s. a quarter; that
above 495. and under 50s , it should be Bs. a quarter, and
so on till the price reached 51s. a quarter, when he in-
tended to impose an invariable duty of 4s. a quarter. The
enactments which he proposed for all other descriptions of
grain would follow the scale of duties upon wheat ; but he
referred the house for the details of them to certain pa-
pers, which he would have printed next day. There
would, therefore, be levied on wheat at its present price a
duty of Is. instead of the present duty of 16s. a quarter,
and every other grain taken out of bond for home con-
sumption in the home market would be liable to little
mote than a nominal duty. Such was the arrangement for
the adjustment of this great question which her Majesty's
government now offered to the house. He intended to
accompany that arrangement with other provisions, cal-
culated, he would not say to give compensation to, but to
advance the interest of that portion of the community
which would be called upon to relinquish protection, with
which he was himself more particularly connected, and in
the welfare of which the prosperity of England was deeply
involved. He then reviewed some of the burdens which
fell on the land, and which he thought capable of allevia-
tion by useful reforms, and not by transferring them to
other parties. First among these burdens he placed the
highway rates. They were administered by 16,000 local
authorities distributed throughout the country. Nothinr,
could be more defective than that a highway which united
several distinct parishes should not be under the control
of every distinct parish through which it ran. In each pa-
rish there was a different surveyor of the high roads. The
syFtern led of necessity to a lax expenditure, and to a very
bad reparation of the roads. hie proposed to compel pa-
rishes to unite themselves into districts for the repair of ,
the reads. Those districts would be generally the same
with the Poor-law Unions ; and thus the high roads would
be under the control of 600 instead of 16,000 different au-
thorities. Another of the burdens grievously, and he
thought justly, complained of by the agricultural interest
arose out of the law of settlement. Under that law, du-
ring manufacturing prosperity, the rural population was
encouraged to migrate to the manufacturing towns. The
peasant thus migrating consumed the prime of his ire,
and gave all the advantage of his strength to the manufac-
turers. A revulsion took place in trade, and manufactures
ceased to prosper. The individual was theta sent back to
the rural district, and is thus transferred to a new home,
where he is not able to obtain a livelihood, from being
unused to rural employments. For the purpose of not
merely relieving the land from a burden, but of also pro-
tecting an indigent man from injustice, government in-
tended to propose that the power of removability should
be taken away in the case of every labouring man who
had had a five years' industrial residence in any manufac-
turing town. Ile likewise proposed that the children of
any person, or the children of his wife, legitimate or iile-
g timate, under 16, residing with the father or mother, and
the wife of any person, should not be removed where the
removal of the. person himself was prohibited. Further
he proposed that no widow residing with her husband at
the time of his death should be removable for 12 months'
after his death from the parish in which he resided at the
time ; and, lastly, that no order of removal should be ta-
ken out on the ground of chargeability shown to have been
occasioned by accident or sickness, unless the removing
magistrates should be satisfied that the effects of the acci-
dent or sickness are such as to be permanent and incura-
ble. Here, again, by alteration of the law a great social
advantage would be obtained, and the agricultural interest
would be relieved from a great burden. He then ap-
proached another matter, in which he advised, without
any loss to any other interest, a great advantage to the
agricultural interest. There was a natural dread in that
interest of a very formidable competition on the cessation
of its present protection. It was impossible to deny that
agricultural science was yet in its infancy; and he
therefore, proposed that the state should give facilities to
the improvement of agricultural skill and industry. The
Duke of Richmond had collected a mass of interesting
evidence to show the great capability of improvement
which was inherent to all kinds of land. Much benefit
might be effected by increased drainage. Mr. Pusey had
proposed several schemes for the imi rovement of land ;
but great difficulties occurred, especially among the ow-
ners of entailed estates, in raising the funds to carry them
into execution. Government proposed that the credit of
the state should be employed in enabling those improve-
ments to be made. An advance of Exchequer-bills
should be made by way of loan for the purpose of agricul-
tural improvement, security being of course taken to pro-
tect the country against loss. The right lion. baronet,
after describing at some length the mode in which these
advances were to be made and repaid, concluded by stat-
ing that that was another plan by which he hoped to ena-
ble the agricultural interest to meet competition with the
foreign grower. With respect to the local burdens press-
ing on the agricultorist, he must declare at once that he
could not advise any alteration in the mode of the assess-
ment of the poor-rates. It had been said that they were
a charge upon the land, and that there should be an alter-
ation in the mode of the levy. In point of fact they were
not a charge upon the land. The opposition was between
real and personal property. Itwasreal property upon which
the poor-rate was levied ,ason mines, houses, lands, and ma-
nufactories. If the poor-rates were a charge for general

THE LIVERPO(

objects, it would he just to make personal property contri-
bute ; but they were a local charge, and personal property
could not be called on for contribution without establishing
an inquisition intc every man's aff rirs, which, for the minute
objects of a poor-rate raised to relieve local distress, would
not be tolerated. The rate on personal property had been
abandoned because it could not be levied, and therefore
be was not prepared to propose any alteration in the mode
of assessment. He would, however, relieve the agricul-
tural interest of the charge of maintaining the prisoners
in the c.unty gaols, and would provide for that charge by
an annual vote of that house. He also proposed that that
portion of the charge for prosecuting felons which was
now defrayed in England and Wales out of local rates
imposed upon the land, should likewise be transferred to
the state. The relief in point of money would not be
large ; but if it alibied you to exercise an increased con-
trol over prosecutions. it would he a great social advan-
tage. In Ireland the relief would amount to £17,000,
and in England to £lOO,OOO a-year. Be then proceeded
to contend that if there was any port of the United King-
dom likely to suffer from the withdrawal of protection, it
was Ireland ; for Ireland had not, as England had, the
means of finding employment for her agricultural popula-
tion in her manufacturing districts. Here, again, be
would propose no relief from local burdens which was
Hot accompanied by social advantages. In Ireland the
police was paid partly by the land and partly by the
Treasury. He believed that it would be for the general
advantage to place the police entirely under the Treasury,
and to vest the control of it in the executive government.
Such was the recommendation of Lord Devon's commis-
sion ; and he, therefore, proposed that all the charge for
the rural police in Ireland should hereafter be borne by
the public Treasury. Sir Robert then adverted to the
subject of the medical relief of the poor in this country.
He believed that there was no pat t of the poor-law which
had given greater or more just dissatisfaction. He pro-
posed to relieve the unions of half of the charge on
this score by taking it upon the Government. He
estimated that the total amount of charge in that
case would be £lOO,OOO for England and £15,000 for
Scotland. The subject of medical relief in Ireland was
under a different system, and would shortly occupy the
attention of the other House of Parliament. He next
proceeded to intimate his belief, that in the parish work-
houses of England the provision for purposes of education
was very inadequate. He did not propose in any way to
interfere with the right now vested in the board of guar-
dians to appoint a schoolmaster or schoolmistress to su-
perintend the education of the pauper children ; that
right of appointment would remain where it now was ;
but Government, in undertaking to provide £30,000 a
year for the salaries of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses
for the children of the destitute, would reserve to itself
power to inquire into the qualifications of those instruc-
tors, and a power of inspecting, and to a certain extent
controlling, the schools. Then, again, as to the auditors
of the unions, he proposed that their salaries, like those
of the cornmiss oners and sub-commissioners, should be
defrayed at the public expense. He called upon the
house to recollect that in every compensation which he
had proposed for the land, be had also proposed to give to
the community great social relief. He, therefore, hoped
that, before this law was rejected, both parties, if their
immediate views were not accomplished by it, would
recollect that it proposed great benefits for society at
large. ‘‘ hether those henefits would be sufficient to
induce both parties to give their assent to h s proposi-
tion, he could not as yet tell ; but he wished them to con-
sider it calmly and temperately, and to reflect upon the
consequences which might accrue from its rejection. He
concluded with two observations—roe coanected with our
foreign and our commercial policy, and another connected
with our domestic policy. In making these great reduc-
tions on the importation of articles the produce or manu-
facture of foreign countries, he could give the house no
guarantee that foreign countries would follow our exam-
ple. He had resolved to consult our own interests alone,
and not to punish other countries and ourselves by conti-
nuing high duties, and the necessory concomitant of high
duties, smuggling. He could not promise them that fo-
reign countries would exhibit any gratitude for what we

were now doing. On the contrary hg might be told that
many countries which had benefited by the relaxation of
our duties on their commodities had applied a higher rate
of duties to our goods. Ile relied on that fact as an en-
couragement to proceed in our past course. What had
been the result of those increased duties on our expert
trade ? Why, that it had flourished in spite of them, be-
cause the smugeler of fort ign countries had been called in
by the inhabitants to our aid. He was convinced that our
example would ultimately be followed by foreign coun-
tries, and that reason and the common interest of the peo-
ple and the government in those countries vvauld induce
a relaxation of hostile tariffs. Ile instanced this by re-
ference to recent publications in the United States, Na-
ples, Norway. Sweden, Austria, and Hanover. With re-
spect to our domestic policy, he had been asked why he
had determined to disturb the prosperity which had now
lasted for nearly three years. "It had co-existed with
the corn-law of 1842—what reason was there to disturb
it?" Ii is answer was, that up to October last all those
indications of prosperity did exist; ut since that. time
there had been indications of sympathy in the manufactu-
ring districts between employment and the price of provi-
sions. What had occurred since October, 1815. was one
of the grounds on which he had determined to bring for-
ward his present proposition. Such were the proposals he
had to offer for the ultimate adjustment of this great
question. Ile believed that there was at present between
the master manufacturers and the operatives a sympathy
which did not prevail in 1812, and which led both of them
to the conclusion that these laws ought to be altered. But
although that was the case, there was nothing but general
content. loyalty, and confidence on their part in the wis-
dom of the legislature. But because there was calm and
no coercion, he entreated the Iron. members to bear in
mind that the aspect of affairs might be changed. They
might have worse harvests, and therefore they ought to
avail themselves of an adjustment on this question which
roust ultimately be made, and which could not belong de-
layed without endangering the peace and security of the
empire. He recommended his proposit on to the calm
consideration of the house, in the hope that it would, in
the language of her Majesty's speech, promote friendly
feelings between different classes, provide additional secu-
rity for the continuance of peace, arid maintain content-
ment and happiness at home by increasing the comforts
and bettering the condition of the great body of the peo-
ple. Sir R. Peel concluded his address at five minutes
past eight o'clock, amid loud cheers.
Sir R. PEEL rose again to suggest tirat the discussion
on this resolution should be taken on that d ry week. llis
measure involved a great remission of taxation, and, there-
fore, a defalcation of the revenue. Besides, it incurred an
annual charge amounting at least to £600,000.
The debate on the Premier's propositions was adjourned
to Monday, Mr. Liddell and Lord Ingestre hawing stated
that though they had stood firmly by Sir Robert Feel hi-
therto they could do so no longer.
In answer to some questions respecting the means by
which he proposed to replenish the revenue after his pro-
posed reductions, Sir R. Peel stated that he did not anti-
cipate any great reduction of revenue from the reduced
duties ; and certainly that he had no proposal to make
for increasing thu Income Tax.
Mr. WAKLEY decried any " agitation" out of doors
during the period given for consideration of the measure.
Mr. NEWDEGASE said he could not pass over the ob-
servations of the right hon. member for Finsbury with-
out addressing a few words to the house. For the first
time had that hon. member deprecated an appeal to his
countrymen. Why, did he fear agitation? Else why did
he make that long and powerful appeal to the feelings of
his countrymen against the danger of inflaming the pas-
sions of the working classes ? Had he known the gentle-
men on that (the ministerial) side of the house to excite
angry feelings ? Had he forgotten 1842? (Cheers from
the agricultural members.) Had he forgotten that it was
the gentlemen and yeomanry of England who mainly con-
tributed to restore and preserve the peace which had been
disturbed by the agitation of a party in cannection with
the Anti• Corn Law League ? Had he forgotten that he
(Mr. Newdegate)4was attacked in this house for making
the statement, and that he produced evidence which
showed that the Anti Corn Law League was liable to the
imputation of excitina the people at that time? Did the
hon. member forget the fact that it was the agriculturists
who then saved the country from the consequences of
such excitement? Whilst he (Mr. Newdegate) was upon
his legs, and this question was mooted, he would call to
the recollection of her Majesty's government, that, per-
chance with the best intentions, but with no distinct view
as the right hon. baronet had admitted, of the consequen-
ces, of the proposed measure, as it might affect the pro-
perty of the agricultural interest hereafter, they might not
meet with that cordial support when danger threatened
them which they had hitherto received, and that, per-
chance, those men who now furnished themselves for the
defence of the country might not be able to do so again.
When they considered the present measure they could
not forget that it had been mainly promoted by agitation.
They could not forget that the right hon. baronet said he
had carefully prepared the mind of the country for the in-
troduction of the measure of 1842 ; but who had prepared
the mind of the country for the introduction of the mea-
sure of 1815? Was the agitation to be employed against
the agriculturists alone? They might be told that they
did not understand the interests they defended ; but were
they really so dense that they could not read the volumes
produced for the information of the house ? Were they so
utterly incompetent that they could not form an indepen-
dent judgment of their own ? He contended that the mea-
sure bad been introduced suddenly, and that the secrecy
with which it had been concocted gave the agriculturists
good reason to say " We will have a full consideration of
it before it passes." The demand which the hon. mem-
ber for Somersetshire made for time was a most reasona-
ble arafair one. lie was certain the right hon. gentle-
man at the head of the government could not have refused
it. He remembered that the right hon. baronet's previ-
ous financial measures were never allowed less than a
month for consideration ; and if the proposed measure
was
in accordance with the feelings of the country why
was it not to have time to consider it ? He was surprised
to hear the hon. member for Finsbury and the right hon.
member for Montrose pressing this great measure, which
involved so many interests, through the house, as though
they feared the country would express an opinion against
it. His own experience was, that when a Minister had
cast aside the experience of a long life, and was prepared
to act on a four years' experience, during which, as he
himself stated, the policy he advocated had not been acted
inter.
upon, then that minister would better consult the
ests of the country, his own character, and the character
of this house, as well as serve his sovereign better ,if
, f lie
allowed the full expression of public opinion upon the
question. The noble lord opposite, by producing letters
before the house in evidence, had paid the first instalment
of the gratitude which he felt towards his sovereign by at
once vindicating her position inn the eyes of the country
and the house. The imputation of the hon. member for
Finsbury, that the gentlemen with whom be (Mr. Newde-
gate) acted were about to stir the passions of the people,
did not come with a good grace from that hon. gentleman
—and be now told the lion. member, as he had before
stated in this house, that if the people were exposed to