The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1850-06-11 00:00:00

THE LI,V.E.R.root„

nary to call to mind the observation that it was not good to try
experimeriis.on states unless the•necessity was obviout or the.
utility evitfetit. • Letlustice"he .:one,'.Whatever was the cinse-
quende.'. an individual did wrong. it. would. be nroper and
bonmirittile 'to" acknowledge it, find do right; and na-
tions; lientg ;only air aggregatitin of individuals, let them at
once :retrace their steps, and do What was right. (Loud
cheers.) Where were they -to stop? They had repealed the
navigition'taws; they had ruined the colonies, and had brought
the land tif England into competition With the untaxed soils of
other colinfrtes, and had brought the labourers into something
like.the condition of the serfs of Russia or of Poland. (Great
cheering:) Did any man suppose that the principle would stop
there.: (Loud cries of "No.") No, other institutions were
waiting to be attacked. Lord John Russell had already
sounded the.tiumpet, and given notice with reference to the
universities. (Loud cries of " Hear.") The next thing they
would have would be free trade in education, and it would be
thence) a veryeasy transition to the church and its property.
(Cheero, and cries of " Hear." It was the precursor. of free
trade in 'religion.. also. If the principle was honestly carried
out, they would have the same measure applied to another
class, and they might depend upon it the time was not distant
when, in addition to the universities and the church, they
would have a vote submitted to Parliament to carry out the
principle 'of free trade with regard to the fundholder. (Tre-
mendentS'eheering.)- Could the institutions of England remain
unscathed wherithe demon of discord was once let loose and
swept over the castles of the nobility and the mansions of toe
cotton 'lord's.? (Great cheering.) He used not remind the
meeting that, when the factory operatives mere oppressed, they
did not appeal for protection to Mr. Bright or Mr. Cobden, but
they placed, their case in the hands of Lord John Manners.
(Tremendous applause.) He trusted that noble lord would
consider it a sacred trust to do them the justice they sought at
his hands. (Rene-wed cheering.) They asked for a revision of
the iMportiluties, because it was impossible that the native
industry of that country could prosper if they laid upon it a
crushing-load. He had lately had some conversation with an
intelligent French Man, who told him that he had lived to wit-
ness three revolutions, and had seen sixty men in one day
carried to the guillotine under the name of liberty, and he
stated his opinion that if England went on burdened with that
load of debt, and with her colonies to maintain, her only
choice would be oetween protection and revolution. (Great
cheering:) 'He maintained that free trade was utterly incom-
patible With the free institutions of the country, and even Na-
polon in the bitterneSs of his heart, when his armies were de-
feated:was compelled to aeknowledge that England would
never be ruined but by her own parliament. • It was their duty
to do all in their power to stop the present government in its
downward course. (Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he
wishedlo ask the meeting what was their duty under the pre-
sent eirennistan^es? It was to amend the representation of
the empire; (Loud cheers.) They must send to parliament
' men; of 'English hearts, and possessing English feelings.
(Great applause.) They must attempt to amend the repre-
sentation of Liverpool. (Vehement and continued applause.)
They had been a divided party, and as such they had been de-
feated; but they must be so no longer. (Hear.) Divided,
they must be defeated ; combined, they inust and would be
victorious: (Enthusiastic cheering.) For Sir Thomas Birch
and Mr. Cardwell lie had the highest respect : they were gen-
tlemen whose morals were unblemished, and of much amiabi-
lity in private life. But they wanted something more; and
when Mr. Cardwell told them that he would not msde the
catspaw of those who wished to go back to protection, they
would take that opportunity to proclaim, on the wings of the
press, that the electors of Liverpool would take especial care
that he should not make a catspaw of them. (Loud laughter.
and cheering.) They must not send to parliament men who
would be ready to legislate upon the most transient theories,
but men whO would be ready to back their tried friends Lord
Stanley (cheers), Mr. Newdegate (cheers), and others— men
:with English sentiments, glowing in English hearts, who would
perpetuate the glorious institutions of the country, and enable
them'to diffuse the blessings of civilisation to all mankind.—
Mr. Holme concluded, amidst hearty cheers, by moving the
first resolution.

labour of foreign countries." He said that be had not expected
to have been there; but he felt that the West Indies had a
peculiar claim of their own, and he believed that it was, by
. .

this nation Pledged itself when Wav,ry was abolished in the
colonies, and as contrary to the very principles which ought to
form the foundation of a system of free trade, namely, equality

. .
of position and circumstances. (Loud cheers.) In looking
over the debate of Friday, it appeared to him that the great
object of ministers was to set up the standard of wrong as
opposed to the standard of right. On that occasion Sir Edwd.
Buxton brought forward a motion declaring that it was unjust
and impolitic to submit the -free-grown produce of the West
Indies to unrestricted competition with the produce of slave-
countries. That he (Mr. Shand) called raising the standard of
liberty. But what did her Majesty's ministers and the majo-
rity who voted with them do? They voted in the negative,
and so set up the standard of slavery. (Much cheering.) - Did
they call that free trade? If that were free trade, then Eng-

conclusion to which he came was, that they would not allow—
and he gladly coincided in the disallowance—that they would
not allow slaves to be worked in the British West Indies,
and that they would not even allow the colonists to make
engagements with the labourers for certain periods of time,
lest it should bear the semblance of slavery ; yet, at the
same time, they would take upon equal terms the produce
of Cuba and Brazil, allowing those countries to carry on the
stave trade so long as their vessels were lucky enough to escape
our cruisers; and not only that, but to keep in slavery all the
men who had been imported for a long series of years, and who
were as legally entitled to their freedom in those countries, ac-
cording to treaties, as were the people of England themselves.
(Hear, bear.) He bad it upon the authority of a commissioner
in the port of Cuba, Mr. Turnbull, that every African intro-
duced into Cuba or Porto Rico since the year 1807, or into
Brazil since 1826, was at this moment legally entitled to his
freedom. Yet it was from these countries we were now taking
produce upon equal terms with the produceof our own colonies.
(Hear, hear.) Did they call that free trade? Because if they

Mr. ROBERT WOODWARD, in seconding the resolution,
said,—My Noble Lord, Gentlemen of the landed interest, and
Fellow Townsmen,—We greet you with a hearty welcome, and
we bid you God speed. The committee for conducting the
affairs of this great meeting have done me the honour to re-
quest that I would second the first resolution ; I must trespass
upon your indulgence for a few moments while I endeavour,
however imperfectly, to lay before you some of the facts that
have fallen tinder my observation in reference to the all-
important subject which we are now met to discuss, and more
particularly that portion of it which relates to the importation
of foreign corn. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it will probably
be in the recolection of most of you that, in the course of the
discussions which preceded the passing of the corn-law repeal
bill in 1846, it was broadly asserted by the advocates of that
measure that 50s. to 555. for the quarter of wheat might rea-
sonably be calculated upon by the British grower, and that, if
from abundant harvests at home, the price should perchance
All to 455. the quarter, then might the English farmer console
himself in the reflection that importations from abroad would
thenceforward cease, and that he (the British farmer) might
certainly content himself in the reflection that be would have
a monopoly of the home market. (Hear, hear.) It is true,
gentlemen, there were to be found, even in the year 1846, a few
indivi "

gard to theit'consistency—he thought nothiiv, could be more
gross than the inconsistency of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
when pleading for the admission of the slave-grown produce of
Carolina, because England had admitted the slave-grown pro-
duce of the Brazils. Why, there was no parallel whatever be-
tween the two cases—and the distinction was so obvious that
he was astonished the right hon. gentleman should have at-
tempted to urge such an argument. When that country had
deprived the colonies of slave labour, and when it was urged
that the whole of the slave-grown produce of the United States
was admitted into England, was that argument listened to—
was it tolerated ? They bad heard that very building re-echo
with denunciations of slavery. They had heard the hon. gen-
tleman, the member for the Tower Hamlets, Mr. Gm•ge
Thompson, pouring forth his indignation against the whole
system. The thunders of the anti-slavery party had been
frequently heard, and they could tolerate nothing like an excuse
for the existence of slavery in the West Indies. But as they
went on, they found another minister, the Secretary of the
Board of Control,.Mr. Wilson, who told them that the agricul-
turists cried out before they were ruined, and when they were
now really ruined that they did not know their own circum-
stances—(a laugh)—and he proved, in a most incontrovertile
manner by figures, that not only were they not ruined at all,
but actually rather rising in the scale. (Hear, hear.) But he
would now give them from a publication that had recently
come out, by the talented son of that nobleman whom they
had chosen for their leader, his statement of the condition of
the West Indian colonies. He would touch upon it as briefly
as possible, and lie would not read to them any figures. The
honourable gentleman stated that lie had visited the islands
of Jamaica, Trinidad, the colony of Guiana, and several other
places; and although he was not unprepared to find them la-
bouring. under great distress, he found that distress had been
very much underrated, and, in fact, the ruin of these colonies
was now almost complete. He gave extracts from the speeches
of. the governors of these and other colonies, all affording evi-
dence to the same effect. (Hear.) Such was the present pros
perity of the West Trigies, and the very: same principle would

its, not only in the ranks of the agi'iculturists, but
le mercantile class, who took exception to the opinions
of the advocatese of unrestricted importation, and who ventured
to predict that; should the price fall to 40s; or under, tie
market would not even then prove to the British growers to Le
their own. Gentlemen, you all know what reception the warnings
I have described met with, both in and out of parliament.
Noble lords and honourable gentlemen, in their advocacy of
their favourite bill, could hardly find terms sufficiently vitu-
perative of the men who gave vent to such extravagant preg-
nostications as to hint at the possibility of the price of wheat
falling to 40s. or under. But, gentlemen, what are the facts
which three short years have disclosed on this disputed point
of importation? Why, that in the year 1847 alone, when our
rulers thought it right to give us for the first time the full be-
nefit of free trade, we had a free importation of 5,250,000 oi-
ters of foreign wheat and wheat flour, besides 7,ooo,oooquarte..s
of other kinds of grain. (Hear, hear.) Be it remembere I,
too, that this was a year when France was our competitor in
foreign markets, and when one would have imagined that little
preparation could nave been made on the part of corn-ee-
porting countries to supply the sudden wants of two such na-
tions as England and France. Gentlemen, I find no faultwith the
government of that day for the extent of the importations of
1847, though I think, by their acts, we paid much too dearly
for those importations. Our rulers had, however, to grapple
with the fearful deficiency of food in Ireland, arising from tie
failure of the potato crop. What are we to think, however, of
the importations of the year 1E49, and which I may describe
as the first year of the baneful act of 1846, having come into
full-and shall I say permanent ?-operation, (Cries of "No,
.no.") Upon reference to the published returns, gentlemen, I
find that we imported of wheat and flour alone in the past
year, 4,900,000 quarters, in addition to 1,000,000 quarters pre-
viously laid up in bond, and awaiting liberation on the Ist of
'February, when the duty of ls. per quarter became the law of
the land ; and besides such enormous quantities of wheat and
wheat flour, we imported of all other kinds of grain 6,500,0^0
quarters. Is it then to be wondered at, gentlemen, that with
such prodigious foreign supplies the price of wheat, in the year
succeeding one of the most unproductive harvests known to
Great Britain and Ireland in the present century (I mean the
harvest of 1848), should have been forced down to a ruinous
point to the British grower; for, notwithstanding the deficiency
in our crop, I find that the gazetted average priceof wheat for the
fifty-two weeks, comprising the year 1849, was only 445. 2d.
per quarter, the first of those weeks showing a return of 455.
100., and the last 398. 4d. per quarter. Now, gentlemen, one
would have thought that, with such figUres staring us in the
face, an important check would have been put on importation ;
but has this really been so?-on the contrary, notwithstanding
the average price of the first eighteen weeks of the present
year has proved to be 388. 7d. per quarter only; and in one
of those weeks was so low as 365. Ild. per quarter, we find
supplies still flowing in from almost every port in Europe,
and low as is the price they bid fair to amount to upwards of
3,000,000 quarters whei t, and probably considerably more
before the end of the year, though the United States of Ame-
rica are reported to have nothing more to spare on this side
of harvest Ural*, hear, hear). Gentlemen, it is pretended by
the advocates of free trade, and by their hireling scribes, that
the cost of transportation of grain from foreign countries to
this country is of itself a sufficient protection to the British
grower; but how stand the facts? Why, really, that by rea-
son of the extreme lowness of freights and insurance during
the whole of the past and present year, we can bring wheat
and flour from the near French ports, from Belgium, Holland,
Hanover, Bremen, and Hamburg, at quite as little expense of
transit as we can from the great corn exporting counties of
England-viz., Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex
(hear). By your permission my lord, I will state to the meet-
ing what the rates of freight on wheat were, as paid by myself,
from various ports, in the years 1848, 1849, and 1850; and
upon reference to he account for 1848, I find the following,
viz,-from Hamburg, I cargo, in winter, 3s. 10d. per quarter;
all the other cargoes, 35., 2s. 9d., 2s. 6d. From Bremen, 35.,
3s. 3d. and 2s. 6d. per qr. From Holland, 2s. 2d., Is.. 10d.,
and Is. Bd. per qr. From Belgium, 3s. 6d., Is. Ild., Is. 10d„
and Is. per qr. In 1849, we paid from Hamburg and Bremen
3s. per qr. ; from Holland, Is. 6d. to 25. per qr. ; from Bel-
gium, 2s. 6d., Is. 10(1 , Is. 9d., and Is. 6d. per qr., and in one
instance Is. 3d. per qr. We had two cargoes of beans front
Alexandria, Egypt, a distance of nearly 4,600 miles, one at
3s. 3d., the other at 2s. 9d. per qr.; and as if, concurrently
with the reduction in the value of corn, the expense of its
transmission was also reduced, the solution of which I will
leave to my friends who are shipowners, we find the rates of
freight if possible still lower now than in the last year; for we
are receiving wheat from the lower Baltic potts at 3., 2s. 9d.,
2s. 70., ard2s. 6d. per qr.; from Hamburg and Bremen, at
2s. and is. 6d. per qr. ' • from Holland ls. 9d. to Is. 6d. per
quarter; and in one instance, from Belgium, by a crack vessel
of 300 tons at ls. per quarter (hear, hear). It is to little
purpose, therefore, my lord, that our opponents tell us and tell
the country at large that because they see the prices in other
countries quoted nearly as high as our own prices, that there-
fore importations will necessarily. cease. [A gentleman in the
pit asked whether the wheat was imported chiefly in English or
foreign bOttorns? Mr. 'WOODWARD-Both: but the majority
were foreign. Whilst on this part of the subject, I may state
that at the present moment I have twelve cargoes of wheat upon
the passage, and twelve or fifteen more to ship, but out of the
twelve cargoes upon the passage eight are in foreign bottoms,
and four only in English.] (Hear, hear.) I trust I have made
it apparent to your lordship, and to this meeting, that, by
reason of the cheap transit, I, as a merchant, can afford to buy
foreign corn at very many of the ports of Europe at as high a
price as I could give to our own growers of the eastern coun-
ties of England. The seeming anomaly,,therefore, of the near
approximation of the continental prices to the British prices is
easily reconcileable, and it is quite compatible with the nature
of things that considerable importations of corn should go on
concurrently with the smallest possible margin in prices. He,
therefore, is, in my opinion, a bold man who shall presume to
fix the limit of price at which the importation of corn shall
stop. (Hear, hear.) My lora, I am prepared to hear it stated
by the free-trade party that the point of greatest depression in
our corn markets has been passed; and for a short time at
least I am disposed to agree in this opinion-for, indepen-
dently of the fact that most of our smaller growers, some being
half ruined, and many of them wholly ruined, have been un-
able to withhold their supplies from market, a few of our free-
trade capitalists are so very desirous to assist the upward
movement in the value of wheat that they are investing consi-
derable sums of money in that article, in the hope of proving
the correctness of their theory, and I verily believe would
almost as soon part with their right bands as be doomed to
witness, thus early, the utter failure of all their confident pre-
dictions. It will be vain, however, to look for any permanent
improvement while this visionary, this insane, policy of free
importation is persisted in. Cheapness, gentlemen, after if 1,
is only a relative term, and the poor man may take it for
granted that the large loaf at 10d., admitted ditty free from
foreign countries, will, in the eud, prove much dearer to him
than the same sized loaf at ls., the produce of his own country ;
for I need not point out to the buyer of bread that, could he
procure the said loaf for 5d., it would not in the least degree
avail him if he had not sd. to pay for it. Gentlemen, jolly
sailors, and honest operatives, there are friends now present at
this great meeting from various agricultural districts who will
tell you that the wages of farm labour, consequent upon the
low price of corn, in at least fifteen out of the fifty-two coun-
ties of England and Wales, are only 7s. per week ; and I will
leave you to guess how, after house rent and firing be paid,
an able-bodied man, with a wife and probably four or
five children, can subsist upon such a pittance. No
wonder, gentlemen, that we hear of distress in the small
towns dependent upon agriculture. But in this our town
of Liverpool, the second inlet of the kingdom for all kinds
of foreign produce, and the outlet of so large a portion
of our manufactures, we surely had a right to expect a dif-
ferent state of things as the result of free trade, if. indeed,
free trade be that desirable policy which its advoentes would
fain represent it to be. We look, however, fee its fruits, and
where do we find them? The wages 01 labour in this town
have, it is true, been nominally kept up; but let me ask Is the
labourer more than half employed? I will take it upon nil self
to say, and I will appeal to any respectable retail shopkeeper
as to the correctness of my assertion, that during no two con-
secutive years of the present century have the lower classes in
this our town been shorter of the necessaries and comforts of
life than in the past two years. (Hear, hear.) I appeal in an
especial mannertotheflour-dealers and the licensed victuallers
or publicans for the truth of this assertion. Gentlemen, free
trade, as you well know, was foisted upon an unwilling and
doubting community by seven years of enormous lying on the

not ilieories, and he ryas qiiite sure they would all admit that
one fact was worth a thousand figures. If such was the system of
free trade that was being applied to the industry of Great Bri•
lain, he left them to judge what the result would be when that
legislative interference' had been exercised upon them for fifteen
years. as it had been upon the West India colonies. (Hear,
hear.) Nov, he had no doubt that both shipowners and land-
owners who considered the question would be disposed to look
with horror at the idea Of touching the national credit; but
when their legislative acts had touched upwards of one hundred
millions of property that was just as securely held, he might
be disposed to wonder how the question of the sponge being
applied to the funds could be considered such a horrible thing.
(Hear, bear.) The speaker concluded by submitting the reso-
lution.

The Rev. Dr. APNEILE came forward to second the resolu-
tion, and was received with loud, protracted, and enthusiastic
cheering. He said—My lord, on a great practical question,
Bich as that which now agitates this country, and which, if I
mistake not, will continue to agitate it more and more, it is
unreasonable to expeCt from its advocates on either side an
entire unanimity on the grounds on which they render their
support, or on the extent to which they are prepared to carry
out their principles. To demand unanimity as a condition
would be to render any large and extensive co-operation abso-
lutely impracticable. (Hear, hear.) It is enough that there
shall be a general agreement on the main points, and no
essential or substantial disagreement on any point. (Hear,
hear.) I trouble your lordship with these observations, be-
cause it is quite possible that among the promoters of the
present movement there may be designs, plans, and motives
with which I am ignorant, and with which if I was acquainted
I have no wish to be ideittifled. This is possible. It is enough
for me that I look upon the general object as good, useful,
urgent—that the part of it most interesting to my mind is be-
nevolent and Christian—(hear)—and that my motives for
taking an active part in my proper place, and according to my
ability, are such as recommend it to my own heart. I desire
further to Premise that I think those persons judge erroneously
who keep aloof from such a movement as this at this time, on
the ground that some of the active promoters of it are gentle.
men with whom they cannot personally co-operate--nay, even
gentlemen who may have treated them in an unhandsome man-
ner, either in word or deed. My lord, I hold that patriotism to
be,weak and sickly which is at the mercy of personal pique. I
know that there are many impracticable men who are also
strong. partizans. But, at the same time, I am not pre-
pared to allow, any one of them to fancy himself of so much
importance as to have the slightest weight, pro or con, in in-
fluencing my conduct. And further, as a minister of the
Gospel, and a clergyman of the Church of England, I hold
myself openly, unequivocally, and nithout any mistake, to be in
my own proper place, convinced as I am that the general
object we have in view is inseparable from the best interests
of my fellow-creatures, all the world over, because it is insepa-
rable from the true, high, permanent position, and pre-emi-
nence 'of England and Englishmen, to whom, and to whom
alone upon earth, the world must look for the propagation of
Christianity—of:sound saving Protestant Christianity (great
cheering)—to whom, and to whom alone upon earth, the
world must look for such measures of national and interna-
tional amelioration as•must strike the rivet from every mana-
cle that galls a human arm, and under every circumstance,
temporally and spiritually, proclaim liberty to the captive
(great cheering, and a voice from the crowd, "Go ahead")
Go ahead! Have patience (great applause). The advice I
received from a kind friend just now, is very different from
that I received in the streets a few days ago from a kind and
well-meaning, but, I believe, mistaken friend. He said,
Have nothing to do with that meeting (oh, and laughter).
The West Indies and the Protectionists do not care a farthing
about slavery, and only put it forward as a bait to catch your
advocacy; and, -moreover, they. mould not help you in defence
of Protestantism, and why, then, should you help them in de-
fence of protection ?" • _ _ _

Mr. PAUL FOSKETT, who was on the platform, started up
an, exclaimed—" We will !" and the whole meeting instantly
rose and cheered most vigorously, shouting " We will—we
will !"

Rev Da. M‘NEILE—I will take you at your word. This is a
great day for England. My answer was to that friend, first,
that if they or any of them forgot the discharge of their duty,
is that any reason why I should forget the discharge of mine?
(Hear, hear.) If they forget what is due to the religion of
England, and take part with its enemies abroad or its false
friends at home, is that any reason why I should forget what
is due to .:he industry of England, and take pact with her
enemies or ker false friends? (Great applause.) No, my lord ;
and I said moreover, and I felt that Christianity, as I read it,
aims at the temporal as well as the eternal interests of man-
kind, and it rejoices me to be the advocate, not only of the re-
ligion, but of the industry of the country. (Cheers.) And
then as to the second point. If they do not care about slavery,
I do. I have, and always had, a .great horror of that system
since I was capable of forming an opinion or of entertaining
f,,elings on the subject. I never loved my country more than
when, at an aggregate expense of .t 1C0,000,000 she proclaimed
her hatred of slavery. (Hear, hear.) It was my pride, as a
lad, to hear Mr. Wilberforce and Zechariah Macaulay, and my
first attempt to address a public meeting was under the presi-
dency of a man dear to England and to liberty when the anti-
slavery movement agitated England—l mean James Cropper.
1 now might proceed to the special topic pointed out in the re-
solution, but I desire to utter my convictions on the general
subject briefly. (Hear, hear.) On the general subject, I think
that the partial free-trade policy of the present and the late go-
vernment is injurious to the whole community—not to the
agriculturists only, but to the manufacturers eventually,
and to every description of operative and artisan. (Hear,
hear.) My conviction is, that in this fallen world of ours
the high, true, and glorious theory of full, unrestricted, impar-
tial, universal free trade cannot be carried out (hear, hear), and
that for one nation to attempt it, surrounded by other nations
which will not, is a piece of Utopian Don Quixotism not calcu-
lated to entice others into the path of imitation, but calCulated
to recoil upon the r ,antic hero with ludicrous contempt, if
not with presti ating'rnin. (Great cheering.) But the utmost

that can he ohit,ine'd in our fallen world by practical wisdom
is an npurakimation to what is best in theory.i and I think
that approximation demmds, in the relative condition of Eng.
land and the world, what is commonly called
.protection to
British industry, moderate in
discriminationamount, for approximation is the
oltiect, carefully adjusted, with a wise discrimination to the
vitreous branches of the seljeFt, and then persevered in, that
there may be confidence, and in order that the expensive ope-
rations and extensive enterprise. which require years for their
fair working may not be cut !inortby rash legislative experi-
ments. (Great cheers) I think,, if we had only theory to
consult, and no ingenuity of fritud.to defend ourselves against,
that then, seeing the various causes which produce changes in
the amount of supply, the best mode to obtain a fair and fixed
price would be a.,811(111V.= scale of duty. (Hear, hear.) But
then we have this ingenuity of. fraud, to deal with, and there,

part of its advocates, aided by the treachery of those whom we
believed to be our friends. (Loud_ cheers.) Let it be our bu-
siness now to oppose truth to falsehood, facts to fallacies. It is
never too late in this world to correct that which is done
amiss, or to retrace a false step. A nobleman of the highest
honour. of the most commanding talents and undeviating
rectitude, who long ago foresaw the evils that would flow from
this modern legislation, and protested against the error of it,
has promised us 'As hearty co-operation in our endeavours to
restore to native industry and capital that protection which is
the birthright of both, and for parting with which we have be-
come the laughing-stock of Europe and the tool of our trans-
atlantic neighbours. (Great cheering.) Rally round the dis-
tinguished nobleman, then, and let each individual here pre-
sent, be he peer, be lie country gentleman, be he agriculturist,
merchant, shipowner, tradesman, mariner, or artisan—join,
heart and hand, in a determination to force. by all constitu-
tional means in his power, a reversal of that policy which we
all so much deplore, arid which we believe to be *subversive to
the best interests of our common country. (Lord and long-
continued cheering.) [At the conclusion of Mr. Woodward's
address, a somewhat amusing and exciting scene occurred.
The speaker 'held in his hand some M.S. to wliich lie had re-
ferred; and almost before the last words were out of , his
mouth, a simultaneous rush was made upon the platform, from
the reporters' table, by t,ro of the representatives of the press
.who v, ere eager to, secure the document, which they seized
hold of, and one of them would, .no doubt, have carried it off .
in triumph, had it not been for the chairnian and gentlemen in
the vicinity, who interfered, and the disappointed stenographers
returned to their seats, unsatisfied.]
The resolution was then submitted and agreed to.- • _

Mr. FRANCIS SIIAND, West Indian merchant of Liverpool,
rose to move the second resolution as follows :—" That the dire
results of the new commercial policy have been already exempli-
fied in the British colonies, whose planters and merchants have
been ruined by the competition of the cheap labour of slave-
holding and slave-trading countries, and thlt similar results
must permanently ensue to British shipowners, agriculturists,
manufacturers, and tradesmen, if the legislature persist in that
unnatural pol'cy which compels our people, burdened with a
national debt, and the necessities of a high civilization, to com-
pete in their home market with the protected capital and cheap

universal consent, admitted that they did not come within the
category of the miscalled system of free trade ; but it appeared
by the proceedings of the House of Commons, only two or three
nights ago, that her Majesty's Government would not allow
any great interest—no matter what its circumstances—to
escape that Procrustean bed on which they intended to impale
all interests alike—to cut them short, if too long—and to
elongate them. if too short. (Loud cheers.) Lest it might
hereafter be said that the West India interest had consented to
the vote of the house on the occasion to which he referred, he
himself did now protest in behalf of the WeSt Indies against
the application of such a system to them. He Protested against
it as contrary to justice—as opposed to that good faith to which

cellor of the Exchequer forovred in the same track. Now, it
strikes me that if this argument is good for anything, it is
good for more than its ad

tes intel

slave.grown sugar is so small that, in fact, it gives no encou-
ragement to the slave-trade, then I ask by what infinitesimal
amount can it affect the price to the home consumer? If it be
so trifling as not to affect the price to the home consumer, then
it may be given up without inconvenience (loud cheers.) If,
on the contrary, it is so great that it affects the price.to the
home consumer, then it must by so much encourage the slave-
trade, and ought to be given up (cheers.) There seems to have
been a palpable contradiction. on the part of. the speakers
which they did not attempt to reconcile. I shall tell you the
contradiction, and who were the speakers • for in England
nothing is now concealed. " Sir John Pakington was pre-

parea to maintain mat tne consumption of foreign slave
sugar was increasing, while that of free-labour sugar was
falling off—that the course of legisTation since 1846 had tended
to encourage the slave trade, anti that they had depreciated
the property of their colonists white they had raised that of the
foreigner." " Lord Palmerston said that his hon. friend al-
luded to the proportions of free-grown as compared with
slave-grown sugar, the consumption of free-grown was increas-
ing, and that of slave-grown produce was decreasing. I must
leave Sir John Pakington and Air. Wilson to reconcile these
differences, non nostrum tantos componere Wes." Whichever
way they may settle it, still I.hope they may not think it be-
neath them to attend to what those gentlemen with ready
hands (pointing to the reporters) are about to send forth to the
world. For my part I maintain that in no case and on no ac-
count, by no duty, and under no circumstances, should the
produce of slave labour be .admitted into England. (Loud
cheers.) But the second argument advanced in the course of
the debate was, that free labour is cheaper than slave labour.
They say that we all along as abolitionists in the time of sla-
very maintained that such was the case, and that it is very in-

he contrary

It was our language when we spoke of colonial slavery, not
when we spoke of the slave trade; and it is our language still
(cheers) when we speak of slavery where the owners of the
slaves could import no more young men, and where they must
take care of the infant and the old man, the workman and the
disabled, the one in embryo as well as the one in the field. In
such a case Flave labour is dear : in such a case—and that was
the case of our colonists—free labour was cheaper. But that
is not time case when the planter is able to import young men;
because then he is not obliged to include the cost of slave
breeding and of slave care. But compare that with the slave
labour stimulated by the maddening and gambling compulsion
of slave labour in manhood and slave neglect in old age.
Therefore there is no inconsistency between the language used
by the abolitionists then, and the language they now use in
reference to the slave trade. (Hear, bear.) The third argu-
ment in this debate is rather a curious one. The lion. mem-
ber for Westbury has the credit of it, and it is derived from
refined sugar imported into other countries, warehoused there,
and sent to this country under existing treaties as a manufac-
tured article. He tells us that, under the present law, you
cannot tell the origin of such sugar—whether it has been made
in Cuba or Jamaica. Then, again, since 1846 the navigation
laws had been repealed—(hear),—and that altered the com-
plexion of the whole subject. They might have a certificate of
origin before they admitted the sugar; but if cargoes of sugar
were taken to Antwerp or Rotterdam, there warehoused; and
then brought to this country, how could they rely on such a
certificate of origin of sugar once lauded in these ports. We

vernment to give us protection against slave-labour
sugar, and the answer is, we cannot have it, because they
cannot tell which is which when it comes. (Hear.). But how
did this happen? Because
-we repealed the navigation laws.
(Hear, hear.) What is it but to add wrong upon wrong, and
plead one wrong as a reason for another wrong, ana plead all
as wrong as possible. Nothing but an entire setting right
would undo this mischief. (Hear, I'.ear.) Do not be uneasy.
The advocates of free-trade.sua‘av abz<a“tet..-

they have talked as if it -vecta•irlipOSSible to go back to p;otec-
tion. Will you bear to.be so talked to? (Cries of " " and

great cheering.). What ac'; of parliament is it impossible to
repeal?—(a
Voice in the crowd, "the repeal of the union;"
this sally was followed by loud laughter and cheering.) Some-
body has said there, with the ut ort good humour, "The
repeal of the union." You will bear with me while I say Ai few
words to you in answer to that. If the union depended on an
act of parliament only it would have been repealed long since.
But it does not depend on an act of parliament. It has been
strongly cemented by tens, and hundreds, and thousands of
happy hearts and hands interlacing and intertwining. (Great and
long-continued cheering.) Now, my lord, the moral—if I
I should venture to call it so—the moral of the argument I
sho-jld deduce from this debate is, you have done so wrong
that you must continue to do wrong. The moral of my argu-
ment is, you have done wrong, acknowledge it, and do right.
(Tremendous cheering.) There was yet one other argument
derived from the debate which was put forward by Mr. Hutt.
I mention his name in a most unparliamentary manner, as I
do not know the place he represents. (A Voice—Gateshead.)
He talked of what he called geographical philanthropy. He
said—" We had philanthropists who were for maintaining a
squadron, which, stimulated the slave trade by the spirit of
gambling it induced—(hear, hear) ;—who were content to have
large commercial transactions with the southern states of
America, but • who expressed great indignation at our inter-
course with other slaveholding states. This kind of geogra-
phical humanity was difficult to understand. (Hear, hear.)
It would not do to draw fine distinctions between sugar and
tobacco and cotton ' • we must not have two standards of right
and wrong—(hear, hear),—or indulge a favourite sin. (Hear,
hear.) It was not proposed that we should set about excluding
all the produc!ions of slave labour, yet if it was wrong to deal
in them, the principle applied to all—to the copper of Cuba,
the gold of Brazil, and to the rest." I do not know what
effect the argument produced upon the intelligent auditory to
whom it was addressed; but I candidly acknowledge that, if
intelligence is the characteristic of those who were impressed
with this appeal, I can lay no claim to this sort of intelligence.

(Hear.) As I have already said, all that sensible men caiieffect
in this fallen world is but an, approxjmation to what is best in
theory ? Undoubtedly it would be best if we could exclude at
once all kinds of produce of slavery from every part of the world.
But if we have so neg'ected our own colonies, where we might

grow an abundance of cotton, as to leave ourselves dependent
upon slave-grown cotton—and if we Lave restricted the growth
of tobacco, which our own farmers might grow, and leave our-
selves dependent on America—is that any reason why we should
not only do that but another evil in addition. (Hear.) Sup-
pose our present necessities justified the introduction of some
articles of slave produce, is not that a reason to attempt to
reduce the number of these articles, and get to higher ground?
(Hear.) In morals we cannot attain to perfection ; but are we
on that account to throw off all restraint, and not endeavour to
be as good as we can ? The argument of the hon. gentleman
goes to the extent that having strayed from the right path, we
may as well go as fp- it of yl3- -

e ..oe way as we please. (Hear, hear.)
I am quite aware that this sort of apposition in style cannot
tell upon parliament ; but it tells upon the people who are busy
all day, and who have no time to consider these things deeply,
and who want plain arguments that will reach their under-
standing. (Hear, hear.) Having grappled briefly, and I hope
fairly with some of these arguments, I have a right now to
ask, turning to the general question and the movement which
is going on—l have a right to ask where are our anti-slavery
friends? • (Loud cries of, " hear, hear.") Where •are those
world-respected philanthropists of the Society of Friends?
(Great applause.) Where are those writers of circulars and of
tracts which came out by thousands, bearing in their frontis-
piece a kneeling negro, with outstretched and chained hands,
saying, "Am I not a man and a brother ?" (Vehement

applause.) Where are the thousands who listened and re-
sponded to such phrases as these, " Remember them that are
iu bonds as,bound.with . there be in.our minds any
recognition of the high authority of- the volume in which that
passage be found; if in our hearts any disposition, even the

least, to yiele obedience to the high behests of heaven, then do
all worldly considerations sink into insignificance before this
sublime and comprehensive principle of human conduct. Am
Ito remember them that are in bonds as bound with them?'
Then am Ito remember the slave, as though the same fetters
that bind his limbs came across the Atlantic and bound mine
also; then am 1 to remember the slave, as though the same hot
iron that impresses upon his body the brand of servitude im-
pressed upon mine own also the brand of infamy and degrada-
tion; then am Ito remember the slave, as though the same
whip that lacerates his body scourged mine also ; then am Ito
remember the slave, as though my children were torn from me
by the same ruthless hand, and as though my wife were
flogged and fettered by the same iron-hearted master. If there
be a meaning in words, and obligation to religion, then does
this passage bind us to conduct such as I have described.
Never then should an adherent to a system of love like this be
satisfied while there is in the world one hapless wretch who
drags the chain of hopeiess servitude, and who, with all the
high capabilities of a rational and immortal being, is sunken
and degraded, brutalised and unmanned, beneath the band of
know
snoe inactive
themact!
them.v eherßeut now?t
as (aHtmhe
they ought
tohgueogaihnr
t.g) t
too NbsVae rsaeol ist theirga although
avarice, oppression, or vice." Will the voices and the argu-
ments which roused England from one end to the other be
zealsieiales aasnl dldocraecilokat
it would be easy to say, many things which would cause you
to feel, personally, unkindness towards them for it. I hope yet
to see them moving to the same termination, although not
sailing under the same colours. An anti-slavery meeting they
would attend, but to a protectionist meeting they demur, as being
something too profane. (A laugh.) Yes, you may laugh, but I
have that to encounter. 1 can stand with them and with you,
and I think the Church of England should stand with both, and
I think it a great mistake that the ministers of England should
not sympathise with the movements 'of the mass of the people.
(Cheers.) I should desire that they should in their own
way, at their own time, and under their own banners, come
forward, and if they accept of assistance from me they are
welcome to it, and we all shall go on arriving at the same great
Purpose we all have in view—namely, the putting the modern
Whigs in their proper places (applause), I say modern Whigs,
because the real old-fashioned 1688-Whig would now be a
Conservative—would now be a Protectionist, and ten to one he
would be a bigot (hear and. a laugh). But where is the proper
place for the modern Whig? The.
house, except upon some great and. urgent, and temporary
necessity, or emergency. I can imagine an emergency when
opposition side of the
it would be a piece of practical wisdom to put them on the
other side (a laugh)—when the tendency of some revolutionary
movement is to undermine the British constitution (bear).
But there ia.a party whose loyalty is not to be tested by the
side of the house they sit on, and who are equally loyal on
eitber, side (cheers). There is another party whose loyalty is
secure. by giving them office ; but it should not last too long
(cheers). We have
things
sbe test right?- (kind
(givenhe
criesa ,othfheea,
them
n)
10 z f
naTiorh There e
trial—have swrbeas4to tnnexie
ilnty;listtohooinc.ii
universal spout from

e11,is:!:

.- ... -, ,
fO.rel it Stems best, upon the whole, that there should be a mo- ME Meeting of " turn them out," with
red in Pa Illt"e
derate filed duty. (Hear, hear.) England deserves this among one short extract here from a speech .delive :n accor! of
the nations. (Loud cheers.) , Why ? Because England does not long since, and the sentiment is entirely_!_t objetc,A
not repudiate her liabilities. England gets up no revolutions with all •I desire to express to vou on th X..,-',‘:: inter 51::,
Will IRO
in order to begin a fresh account; but England acknowledges slavery and the slave trade to-day. Yore hear). ~,,clie
the full amount of her debt, and tads herself and taxes herself' in it when I tell you who the speaker is (hear,z,._,.fice fl, 'to
to pay the interest of that debt. (Cheers.) But I
must con- " But there are other motives which may, munye hove ot
fess that my sympathies are most thoroughly enlisted in in coming to a decisirm upon this questicnb r.... 011,einn Of
this cause by a branch of it which some gentlemen both blessed with great mercies,during the past) ea dispens"""so,
in and out of parliament, have endeavoured altogether to than once had to thank Almighty God for the. t andoreettlei
separate from the question of protection, and I think un- those mercies. I own, sir, it, appears to me.tn; tile beg
Successfully. My sympathies are enlisted for the African to say that the trade in man shall be unlirniteu:ears, bas,,„,
negro, torn from his home, his friends, and his family, enduring traffic againgt which'England, for nearly
fifty
tesmen, fino_rs,
the nameless horrors of that middle passage, landed among working, with the efforts of her greatest sta be allowy,er
strangers in a strange land, and worked and f-A and housed, hands or, her best and bravest sailors, is now "'ball poionThe
and housed and fed and worked, like a farm horse so long as go- free and uncontrolled, I believe that we.,,.e that in. to
he is able to work, and then cast away as lumber to die unpi- Dave a right to- expect these mercies.
I belks .30,0 1
the -,. h
great Clieerintd.oBlo7eti
tied, and leave room for another of his race to live the same high, the Christian, and moral character of
stretl,
miserable life, and die the same hopeless death. (Hear.) I be found the main source and secret of heryour Fief ;.Sims.or
think the commercial policy of our country at this time tends think that if this night you were to direct
!.o encourage that infamous traffic. I think the determination ter to go with his dastardly message to France _„risitt .„,e
Fr ...,1 . _ _ _

.to buy everything, sugar included, in the cheapest market, 'this holy work of we are u"n-rs'e 'l9'3'ol
must operate as such a premium in the slave trade as to render take a lead in the championship against the files
treaties with African chiefs as kings ludicrously absurd, and of slavery—we can no longer venture to expect,tfu'd clleJ'ape
the utmost vigilance of protecting squadrons painfully ineffec which, of God's providence, we enjoys agPe thus'
tive. (Cheers.), I •am aware that this is denied. What is 0 si sic omnia ! 0 that lie ever
there that is not denied? (Cheers.) I have read a report of a would not wish to interfere with his g° Rose- tv
debate in the House of Commons on last Friday, and I observe words are the wOrds._ of Lord Joh!! ~....words
great efforts made to separate the matter of their commercial words; glorious words (great cheerinfAs bey
tariff horn the Matter of slavery. You will perceive running coming a Christian orator (cheers)--,r r,".
through all these speeches an earnest anxiety to make English. a British statesman I (tremendous cheerP, these t'oe
men believe there is no necessary connection between their lord, if England would act in true accordance wit
present policy and the continuance of slavery. (Hear.) This of the noble lord—if she would rise to the emoo,
is a most natural anxiety. bpennse if it newa faith. lai,t ,A.;„ ;,, harapif. she ""Id_S:.

, .... „„,„v", Vel ifUSC II lC is mice iairly lam nerore Crisis in whin sae now anus nersen,
the British mind that the present tariff directly and in deed men feel both at home and abroad that there,4„;e..rell'..;
encourages _the slave trade, I believe that tariff would be these words, and that they are not to be met bY_L"asnre,
altered. (Great cheering.) I discover in the speeches four tenance of a squadron, however useful in its 241: only
leading arguments against our position. One is derived from coast of Africa, but that they are to be met
llV.,.tually
in ho
the large amount alleged to be
.produced 'now of free-labour which the slave-trade can he interfered with
toS
sugar; and we find it stated-that it is-very large and increasing land—by refusing to take. the produce of thati
as compared with the amount produced by slave labour, which markets (loud cheers.) This is what you s iof
,our snipio. •
is alleged to be small and diminishing The hon. member for should require, moreover, the reinstatement 0 ), oink
whpn I t 11
do, a'.

. . %, im.• -e, - e
, - ---- --- m-•••—• ..... 1 ... .... proper place in the world cheers). ..., find
~,at ill
.., -
said—" It was impossible to approach this question exclu- moment upon the history of our( co
sively as a West Indian question. They could not leave out of what England owes, and must owe, to her nanvi}a",rine, I 'ter del
their consideration all the sunr-grcwing countries in the ' navy owes, and must owe to the commercial
__ grea 4itirl
East. There was the, island oeMauritius, which grew 60,000 that I can scarcely imagine a more derogatory or VAit,
tons of sugar per annum. The East Indies exported°7s,Coo tons varture from the high and honourable tone of
_i_,,rel.ingi;.m
country—whe.. aponfe.
per annum; and those possessions were becoming gradually men, a greater approximation to the low and lta'
dereliction °fit2'a ill
sugar-growing countries. It was impossible to blot out of driver ; I can scarcely imagine a greater IWO', t'liilsti-
their recollection all these circumstances connected with our principle of patriots and of the prestige of cot lv lork
empire in the East, where free labour alone was producing cosmopolitan affectation which repudiates Patrrl, 31} t
sugar which was brought into competition with the produce or prefers a cheap ship to a British ship (loud ch erbT, wboiilopei
the West Indies." The hon. member referred to a variety of the work should be done, and if it is to be done, isito lte'stiell
figures, which he is more conversant. ith than I am, and into to be done? (Cheers.) Done; you agree that it .we Port 4
which I shall not follow him; to make good his position " that (Cries of" We do," and loud cheering.)
the competition the West. Indies .had, to dread was not with, you; that-although as long ao as the time of Mr% oee,llo
slave-grown, but with free-grown sugar, alare.grown, being were called a most thinkingpeople, vertheless ii .a(111,.0
ne
,Well, leicobt,e
„,,,,

tor you to agree, and ii iieeielY to agree, on
the present, as to what your duty is, and yet to a110,r,0,) 101,
to pass without attempting to discharge it (hear, t`loo
.1,1110
in the habit preaching, and I like practical seri!, 001„
li
hear.) Now you have been warned that this rilTarni9
famines would warn we have had them. If
done. If anything can warn people, we have hakiencesi;,• the
pesti,..res
rept
warn us we have had them. If the barbarities end.' if 11
poor African race would warn us we have had the.m.initlliste
mortality amongst that race could warn us, we bay us we ,it.
coin motions in the kingdoms of Europe could von in Ole od
had them. We have been warned again and agn.iliscarain:ecr
ing, patient providence of God, and if we will tai,‘ „f pre!, 101,
retrace our steps, our country is still within reached,
tion. But warnings slighted, warnings neglec,`eirevt':lbe
mitted, and duty not performed—these are the „,i ~41
- • at-tsol,-
grown I served ruin. "

They have been from the beginnul; seai-
..o the end. (The rev. n•entleman here resumed " oisir
enthusiastic cheering.)6 not to bee Dt'et
Mr. Royds (High-sheriff).—These words are ,ve 00
ken. and I call upon you, in God's name, to gl

mne cheer was given right heartily, and follocedd foro teleill
clapping of hands and waving of hats, which Taste

;;
Young,
than
hbalsenu CpsnoAormr
(said
aAitNdh
ett hheennoi
bn
resolution,teroecalur
icfidar.mtoGoertoel
regetebuie,ftrlierfei
and consistent advocate of the industry of the
not exist

;re'
,
g",
sta ouNo, on coming to the front of the iv DeiL
i'ed with vociferous and continued cheerin,n'oseiolo
,entleman said—Were it my object in presenting: "otiv
you on this occasion to establish for myself a lel aiolhioo
lublie speaker, or any other description of rePep, tb,9ettltOt;
deed might I lament, my lord and gentleln „to ocr
-ho to,hers2

called on to follow the 'rev

!email W

calca.'o7.
and who has addressed you in terms so(t 91ooa
every sympathy and every feeling of adinicaui'ly
My task is, however, a very humble one, and ds thia'e of to
that of contributing the mite which my Merl
,idstio
be in my power to contribute towards the sided. re roj
question which we are now called upon t° „coon bedeflehst
throw some light in particular on the reso°l.oo to 0; tP6I
Though I know it will be a difficult task for 3,,,,c11,,Lit,
from the lofty tone of feeling which such a °,l, is co for,
forj,
which this delighted audience s just listened it'tennoto,tlToe
- to produce still I have to invoke your patient riorpt
short perad, whilst I endeavour to address ro,r, sssa/x4Ol
ticular subject which we are called on to cons'uT to Wjeice
rev, gentleman that in all those lofty'aspiraticmr
has led our minds, I at least most cordially conetelgret; /pefes
from them with emotion somewhat akin Wfollob!'"'s,betiel
He would not waste time or argument in -- turOist the
traders through all the obliquities which ran,tate oie toot
step of their progress, but he would proceed to 5,1) co;!efe too
(the protectionists) did not believe, in order '_•„/ be feet
point of what they did believe. First, they did l'h",
to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in,b,eert',to sy
the great end and aim of human exertion. .'„st tOst",tic°ol
did not believe it was right to set man agaluif forenifierot
class against class—nation against nation—as „d 11s1),S tlie
petition was the mode in which the harmony' a" Tile' •to Die
the human race was to be achieved. (Cheers.) secaleft:l.ert
believe that to destroy the home market Was tloid 1)/
industry of this country the most extensive oi itte„"oo
means for its development. (Cheers.) They „r 00,pict!',1
that to destroy our colonies, and to endanne str:nsiivot
reduce our maritime power, and that maritloo, disiseitde
which it depended, was the means of increasille
independence of which we are justly proud. iti'dersl/?!
to indulge in personal vituperation, but he f°o ,11ef0oeW •
to avoid a reference to some of the great politics
had come forward to prove that they possesseeseq A
wisdom, and that the Protectionists were ut.l",ctrod°,'oo",l,
_ ar,asaac.t., cliKl trot bcl
Cobden was the pattern of eloquence, although 001
—(laughter)—or that John Bright was the pair' /list "/Qo`tt 101?
though clothed in drab—(increased laughter) /icy
Peel (hisses) was the model of political consiqat ro 1 IdeVe
integrity. (Cheers.) They did not believe t feel°
ot De, d
Russell—rashly brave as he was—was the Per •d pOsrirel
tical wisdom and prudence. (Cheers.) The) ea °ea loft
that implicit confidence was to- be placed 11Vhsrdsod iov
trade returns, prepared by Mr. George itri,.F.,tersde4o
however ably they might be "cooked." (Lain'n/ eted nod
,
Nor did they believe that fairness of argolneue eSPe../aiOldes;
tion of statistical returns was at all times to . r di'e't top
Mr. James Wilson, although he was member gilie 'fd/001vver
ail the as"broo:de
editor of the Economist. (Great applause.) r wila ;00'
for a moment with the last honourable Melti„lf.e'tha,,,L t ji'
an instance which would be sufficient to Pr..",:afficlo
he might be as a man he was one of the 111°' f tes °
f der
era that ever existed. (Cheers.) In a number 0, do
which was a journal in high repute by
trade, the subject of the present resolution yaw 0;10110
consideration, and Mr. Wilson, in referring to 5419 tool
Mauritius, said that for three years pre,llely,4 000 004,
when slave labour was done away with—us was ,1
and 1846—the average production of augara is 4"
the statv,
annually; but in the three succeeding years
glBtv4e9u, by
rtavireravgveti‘svuaus nuoltsleasss than 50,000 0. CuOuto9:o"
0,1s,o00`;
~31,;(0
dit ss it3lJ' It 4r.
follow him through his figures :-18'44, 51..',en
1846, 49,100 ; 1847, 64,100 ; 1848. 59,100 ; gt. io°,l
subsequently pointed out that the figures' whit ow'
totWlson, were fallacious ; and then the waY (16474
mislead the public mind was to be seen.,.e Act ° °,oo
among his three years that which followed taAvantag,,onvo6
placed it on his list in order to prove the,a;l„ prorin avers'
uorter.,f,`
trade. He took the year 1847, and thus raised
the Mauritius to 64,100 tons. (Hear.) The aetZtio tnpe
1846, bnt could not be known to the MaNg,,,s ,gre'ct t
ipeetio°
months afterwards and the sugar of 1847 was- „etc, ir
act,and aaugdreta)yt
tdheuasl
tohfriutwsihnigppitedhaacnkteucuedtehnetyteoait;:iniptio.4
co
was removed, it made it appear that the Con rotes protet;e do:!eits
creasing under free trade bend that under oughtled tee,
only remarked upon it in order to show who /sant) tbe ,
serve a party object; and Mr. Wilson had no. last 01 e re.;
ruin +ha - -- :A: ri o OP .1110 Ar

zzuc Lim assertion, ann use it on rriti.3 -
of Commons. Unfortunately, too, there He ,;et
the moment to demonstrate its fallaciousnerect ot
address himself more immediately to thenslitfile res?, a% 0.,
tion. hear.) The first-position drao,„;(1.1010,
that to which attention had been ,so strongy develTixelliiiiii
the results of the new commercial policy
A tion I,lcto
British colonies. Such a fatal exemli..ca„ot toot tlie.oloi,
bited, that they would do wiselfor awhile „-nd free'
to the cogent reasons already produced, Sed the 40409( 01
which had been so plainly stated, as regar . soce,e,
the score of humanity, it would be seen Olt.
Too, rior;;eo,
the slave-grown sugar was admitted. toiLr.l'sugarlocf,e, ierte:

flies,crrc
ecoo
Thennul
ocen colonies
irrhtteeyoosea
n:
treachery,
ropcymt:arpatnieso-t
corn-laws,
nit
,ithvoosan:diw:
lebli
eect heosnuat 7
nthci eanel
uflier:edone:-
:et
would app
oosafopisur:
a.,
ti
syzoe-
tr,,r,,,srbtotti
iii,,,,.eit
c.e i
,:i, ijii!.
re;:re.
Young) would show that, whatever might be s32;"th eclilreel°;,t
ictttriehihe corn-'aws, had been adverted t",lo(ldriai fo:iit
subject,ener abl luyt.
to his conduct on ih' kU‘ ar trade. In 1815' :-9,, cold (301 e ,Pao
that, after the sacrifices made for slavery, the,/, 500, O. 04
of the g
for benefits by excluding from the markets a1..-pee!,,evo„l,
dace of foreign slavery. It was true that
ogledt. all Ll;the 'of
pass the law, but he voted for it, and sunP, 'As t,iatiltlie
against Sir E. Buxton's motion on the subjefea• dept is ,clt
policy of the measure, that was evident in t,i e inter/ taVi
West India property, and the sacrifice a t L no woo,. t dt
short testimonies in support of the fact. A leiTijeti it ;e0
into his hand,,dated St. Kitt's, May 12, frolniroo,
.iilea tip;
been sold for .e 850; in Demerara seven suPbdityocate,toit, that an estate in that island, worth, some tinreestate,oopevict;
sold at a great sacrifice, as there was no pess, one esv;
.0010.
with slave-grown sugar without protection; ford 01 be °ill
was formerly valued at £40,000, only solt!...ne,.iliet or
instances of a similar kind might be rneno.._, osc , he
.iail,
he'Acoguoolddndoetarlehfaradinbeferonnisaaq:-.l..Or'Vni:i!)s:,-tj
not dwell further on tbe question of color_ eno_.„,o i?, of.
next point was that of agricultural pr0te..1.1.,..'7'01,,50;01,2‘0!
scarcely attempt to prove that which was—ciii*oPttte Wit'lli°°r
and, no doubt, to many others, that evea,.., entope.,ner.)reti'_
any means,. the home grower successfully 1.,'
liad dope, 'a
Plii: c'''''
foreign agriculturist, would prove, as it 0 „,et a
..hei...o
perative ; that all the advice given them t et:'; any
.oh `e in;re,
Ment of their condition by high farming, would°s 001) tbeteert,
trivances whia ingenuicould suggest, ~.,,tie,,,d c1..,e,
ing good money after bad unless, at the stl,:da, (1.,0,"01e',-011,
protected against competition with foreign: Li exist o,:ist ~l,`ecl!`:,
It was said that agricultural distress (114 di not e.cifeion
stated, and it was argued by some tbat.ito.a...nd kne,4l ia".,
thought4easioo;io le4l
but when he saw that magnificent homemeetit.i.s ?O'l, ote'fot,
and pursuits, to come on that intercstias :7' prose,o ;awl
liinocivolliavregnei
ean portion oefxtpheenmseh, had
eleft their ...,nasioa_.l tli,,,,etT
that they were suffering
_.• under that oly,„ thos, ehe.„, ,
which they had repeatedly representederatinneoitoila tli,
but unhappily without effect. (borigtban tbatliits' clieoe
Was there ever a greater inconsistency•
and l laughter.) the aP 001,'0
by the tree traders, who, after advocatin,_....intioilioa t4or.,
prices, console the agriculturists with
were to be realised by the masses of the E05„,,,,,.,,,:aicy
rise; have reached the lowest point, binsai% ~ ,vg,
rently unthinkingly,
he said, of
ti iiiwir so 04
falling, but still more bappY w'lt oese f" eorsooer
h taesr t.
)h e :af Inp
Happy,
: riihe caaeppnpptyiliyyp
esopapriidi
ee,elaLtiiiidi c
irpttioriii
s:l:ll;,iirne,:.C;etireil::
(Laughter and cheers.) How was it th.a d. 11Trisereiert
frighted at the Frankinstein they had Pe
iostebey wiltbe foo ellier
that prices have gone lower, but licTare
late Mr. Huskiason, a man who,
tto
Theytellsend
e oyrnouttoh
yourey must
market.rise, b eTcahuast Vet 71onetili'ti
ePed:Ydtroo.ii,llotccoetioviiiail
ice
gious fallacy. Those who propound such higher
that if prices rise the foreigner will ba,,f letter, "006 „peat
ket to come to. The speaker then Ma?: bad theaotol, :00
the people of Liverpool, of which the); °of FAL &WO, o'o
able proof by selecting him a Ineraben Mr. i'l of iillid
letter, which was written in 1814, when
orb woe sat'ecee,o,
member for Chichester, referred ta the Corn .. 0;d iee,
the subsequent changes which it o'
7 prOtecti°oUner°fat
for the protection of the agriculturi. ntifesol, cell a T.O
of the writer'i argument was, tba.at _.,d tlie,,,iy.ol. , iel
_.,
rally, the protection of the farmer beln;dd 0 t;rersi,too lar;tef
tion of the people. lie (Mr. Yould inattoftbe.c° 0 0,-0';
tentiun to the question as it ctconsiderateoat el voloetre, 10
important branch for their ,if there teegaere.e
in India had been adverted to, u
mere* policy, it was with regar.fule" punkt' 'insno'
reference.to that branch of trad. g certain
stion of disregard of tight and correct prainnelletreirefkott rijesicile,PitOrl‘
tile, West Indies. At the stibrr. .....