The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1845-12-09 00:00:00

work are concerned

Journal, but

tion, that its articles

stianity.

vealed

instructive,
also acienti

first class character.

Chapman and Hall

,hick ha

The characters, throng
cular, that of Mrs. Fal

.....wissive spouse, the Red Rover. is equally good
in its way. Some of the heroes of the Young England
And Young Ireland party are, perhaps, rather too extra-
and obviously caricatures. Ridicule, however,
•-• mach absurd follies as those

m wan wow_
both can be treated effectually ; and th
td, at the same time, good-
to meet the author again in
w extracts from the

ash is certainly very freely

pplied

present number a

We trus

ingst or

W. S. Orr and Co., Lon-
don ; Curry and Co., Dublin.
This now favourite magazine maintains its high standi, g
amongst its contemporary periodicals, and has even in-
?utation and usefulness during the past year.
organ of Protestantism, and advocate of the
true interests of Ireland, it is excelled by none. The pre-
,,,,,,,her contains many excellent articles; and espe-

selections

Dublin Ui

'versify Magazine

cially a f

of the poetical remains of the late
jrav, better known to some of our
maiden name of M. A. Browne. We ex-
tipnt ',marks from an article on Protestant

Fraser's Magazine

London : G. \V

The pr
,nd livel3
ttack uF

tains some very able
gan Rattler's caustic
and their doings is pre-
e on the defensible state of

Nickisson, Regent-

hich Mor

WHAT

a a future

fired fr
inding

Eons, upon which w

ten upon paper_manufac:

1- seen a book with bOth leaves and

NECESSITY OF
'calm with whatever p
be but small—in compar

Mining Journal,

PROTESTANT UNION

ness, the

lea of Prot

Much rather would we

d at oilier tir

.—While we ad-
we have, and we confess it
,on of our wishes but weak-
nt. union, we are reconciled to it
it is indispensably necessary.
`he people of this country, one,
of their creeds only when
cts or offices of worship,
only remembering that
',atity, that all were to
another" the
should be

all should be one in t
be disciples of Hii
distinguishing ch

recognise community in
inciples which all Christian professors hold, than
at in the matters in which they differ. But
are not left free to follow these dictates of our heart,
-nake our country a wilder-

"love to

is by which they

known—much
t

estrangeme

" would

ness," will not permit us to do so—and the minister who
said in the measure of 1829 " let religious distinctions be
effaced" and who has said in the measure and professions
of 1845—" let religious distinctions be restored," com-
mands the Protestants to remember that the state pro-
nounces them a distinct and separate portion of the people
—a portion distinguished in order to its being degraded.
Is this more than the truth ? Was it not the avowed
principle of "Emancipation" that religious distinctions
should be obliterated in order that the profession of the
creed of Home should not disqualify for official station—
and is it not the policy of the present administration in
making the profession of that creed a ground of pre-
the revival of religious distinctionkin suet► a form
`, as to render them an injury and an insult to
e Protestants of I:eland ? How is it possible, under
such circumstances, to forget that Nye are a distinct
portion of the Irish people—how is it possible, if we feel
as men, and would act as wise men, to refrain longer from
" taking close order," and organizing ourselves into a
compact brotherhood? Nor is it in the distribution of
patronage only, or in the approprirt on of the public
funds, Protestants are taught to feel that they are the dis-
favoured party ; the same stern truth is proclaimed to
them by due form of_ law. What constituted Orange

ference,
and spir

n offence dur

at period of eight or nine
? The letter of a penal

years which has recent]

)ption of signs and
An offence? The same
of a severe act of parliament.
wrong, any thing really pre-

s by the Orange b

e any th►ng morall

jucumai LU Loo wv.l u, ..g of individuals or the state in
these prohibited customs? Assuredly Sir Robert Peel
will hardly say that there is. He who defended Orangeism
and Oraneemen in the year 1814, in the language made

of by tb

ight honou

account the Orange
moral. Why then s

its 'bse

,uld he hold them illeg

1? Perhaps

EFFECT OF OPENING THE PORTS

(From Blackwood's Magazine.)

To open the ports at the present moment would, we
think be attended with mischief in more ways than one.
There can be no pretext of a famine at present, im-
mediately after harvest ; and the natural course of events
in operation is this, that the dear prices are inducing a
stream of corn from every producing quarter towards
Britain. In such circumstances, if ycu raise a cry of
famine, and suspend the corn-laws, that stream of supply
will at once be stopped. The importers will naturally
suspend their trade, because they will then speculate, not
on the rate of the import duty, which will be absolutely
abolished by the suspension, but on the rise of price in
the market of this country. They will therefere, as a

matter of course—gain being their only object—with-
hold their supplies, until the prices shall have, through
panic, attained a famine price here; and then they will
realize their profit when they conceive they can gain no
more. In the course of things at present, the price of
fine whedt is so high, that a handsorce surplus would re-
main to foreigners, though they paid the import duty.
Remove that duty, and the foreigner will immediately add
its amount to the price of his own wheat. The price of
wheat would then be as high to the consumer as when
the duty remained to be paid ; while the amount of duty
would go into -the pockets of the foreigner, instead of
into our own exchequer. At present, the finest foreign
wheat is 62s in bond—remove the present duty of 14s,
and that wheat will freely give in the market 80s the qr.

It is, therefore, clear that such an expedient as that of
suspending the corn-laws merely to induce the bonded
wheat to be entered for home consumption, would, in no
degree, benefit the consumer. The quantity of wheat at
present in bond does not exceed half a million of quarters
—the greatest part of which did not cost the importer
30s per quarter. At least we can vouch for this, that
early last summer, when the crop looked luxuriant. 5000
quarters of wheat in bond were actually offered in the
Edinburgh market for 265, and were sold for that sum,
and allowed to remain in bond. It still remains in bond,
and could now realise 625. Here, then, is a realisable
profit of 36s per quarter, and yet the holder will not take
it, in the expectation of a higher.
We cannot think that Sir Robert Peel would sanction
a measure so clearly and palpably unwise, for the sake of
liberating only half a million quarters of wheat, which is
the calculated consumption of a fortnight. But the late
frequent meetings of the Privy Council have afforded an
admirable opportunity for the alarmists to declaim upon
coming famine. Matters, they say. must belooking serious
indeed, when both Cabinet and Connell are repeatedly
called together ; and they jump at the conclusion, that
suspension of the corn-law is the active subject of debate.
We pretend to no special knowledge of what is passing
behind the political curtain : but a far more rational con-
jecture as to the nature of those deliberations may be
found in the state of the potato crop, and the question,
whether any succedaneum can be Lund for it. Perhaps
it would be advisable to allow Indian corn, or maize, to
come in duty free; if not as food for people, it would feed
horses, pigs, or poultry, and would make a diversion in
favour of the consumption of corn to a certain extent ;
and such a relaxation could be wade without interfering
with the corn-laws, for maize is not regarded as corn, but
stands in the same position as rice and millet. We might
try this experiment' with the maize, as the Dutch have
forestalled the rice market.
If the state of the harvest is such as we conscientiously
believe it to be, there can be no special reason—but ra-
ther, as we have shown, the reverse—for suspending the
action of the corn-laws at this particular juncture. If
the enactment of that measure was founded on the prin-
ciple of affording protection to the farmer, why interfere
with these laws at a time when any apprehension of a
famine is entirely visionary? And since there is a large
quantity of food in the country, the present prices are
certainly not attributable to a deficiency in the crop, and
are, after all, little more than remunerative to the farmers
who are raisers of corn alone. The present rents could
not possibly be paid from the profits of the growth of
corn. It is the high price of live stock which keeps up
the value of land. The aggregate average trice of wheat
throughout the kingdom is only 583 6d.. upon which no
rational argument can be founded for the suspension of

the laws of the country.
Besides, the working of the corn-laws will in its natural
course effect all that is o,psirable; at any rate it does not
prevent the introduction of foreign grain into the market.
The present state of the grain market presents an apparent
anomaly—that is, it affords a high and a low price for the
same commodity, namely wheat ; but this difference is no
more than might have been anticipated from the peculiar
condition of the wheat crop, which yields good and infe-
rior samples at the same time. It can be no matter of
surprise that fine wheat should realise good prices, or that
inferior wheat should only draw low prices. The high
price will remunerate those who
ualithave the good fort
low une to
reap a crop of wheat of good qy, and the prices
of the inferior wheat will have the effect of keeping the
aggregate average price at a medium figure, and, by
maintaining a high duty, will prevent the influx of inferior
grain to compete with our own inrerior grain in the home
market. The law thus really affords protection to those
who are in need of it—namely, to such farmers as have
reaped an inferior crop of wheat; while those foreigners
who have fine wheat in bond, or a surplus which they
may send to this country, can afford to pay a high duty
on receiving a high price for their superior article. Ta-
king such a state of things into consideration, we cannot
conceive a measure more wise in its operation, inasmuch
as it accommodates itself to the peculiar circumstances of
the times, than the present form of the corn-laws.
Were that law allowed to operate as the legislature in-
tended, it would bring graininto the country whenever a
supply was actually necessary ; but we cannot shut our
eyes to the mischievous effects which unfounded rumours
of its suspension have already produced in the foreign
market. Owing to these reports, propagated by the
newspapers, the holders of wheat abroad have raised the
price to 565. a quarter, free on board ; and as the same
rumours have advanced the freight to 6s. a quarter, wheat
cannot now be landed here under 665. The suspension of
the corn-law would tend to confirm the panic abroad, and
would therefore increase the difficulties of our corn-mer-
chants, in making purchases of wheat for this market. It
seems to us very strange that sensible men of business
should be so credulous as to believe every idle rumour
that is bro relied in the newspapers, so evidently for party
purposes; for the current report of the immediate sus-
pension of the corn-law originated in the papers avowedly
inimical to the ministry. The character of the League is
well known. Thlt body has never permitted truth to be
an obstacle in the way of its attempts.

THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE RELATIVELY WITH
EUROPEAN INTERESTS.

(From While's Three Years in Constantinople.)

The population of the Turkish Empire consists of
several distinct races, utterly opposed to each other in re-
ligion, habits, descent, objects, and in every moral and
even physical characteristic. The Turkomans, Kurds,
Arabs, Egyptians, Druses, Maronites, Albanians, Bos-
nians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Jews, and Armenians, are so
many distinct nations, inhabiting the same or contiguous
soils, without having intermixed in the slightest degree
from their earliest conquest, and without having a single
object in common. Over these dissentient populations
stands the pure Ottoman race, the paramount nation,
charged with maintaining the equilibrium between all.
and with neutralizing the ascendancy of one faction by
the aid of others. Were this control not to exist—
were the Turks, who represent their ancestors, the con-
querors of the land, to be reduced to a level with those
now beneath them, or were the preponderating influence
of the former to be destroyed by the elevation and equili-
zation of the latter, perpetual revolts and civil wars could
not fail to ensue. .The dependent populations. now con-
stituting so large a portion of the empire. would confirm
the struggle until one of them obtained the supremacy a'
present exercised by the Turkish race, or until the tern
tory were divided among themselves, or parcelled out b'
foreign powers. In this last hypothesis will be found th
-hole secret of the ardent sympathy evinced by

WA. a
foreigners, especially by the press of France, for the sub

aied races

OILII I y • a 0.5.“.. -
tranquillizing the tributaries of the Porte, and attaching
them to the government, is by raising them in the social
scale, and by granting to all the same rights and immuni-
ties as are enjoyed by their rulers. But it has been
repeatedly proved, that concession; do but lead to fresh
demands. and that partial enfranchisement conducts to
total emancipation. " And why should they not?" is

of the Bosphorus auu Llctl
fraction of power, than the Porte, would be a source of
interminable discord to Europe, and irreparable detri•
went to England. It would not only affect our commerce,
and undermine our political influence throughout the
East, but would add enormously to our nwal expenditure,
by requiring an augmentation of our maritime force equi-
valent to that now remaining neuter in Ihe Golden Horn.
P-oaties, it is said, might be concluded, exacting mail-
of

time restrictions. But: what are treaties in the fat,.
events? Whoever possesses the Bosphorus, Propontis,
and Archipelago, must he a maritime nation in spite of
treaties. Whoever possesses Constantinople must be-
come a great manufacturing and exporting nation, in de-
fiance of competition. In less than halt a century, the
romantic villas and tapering cypresses that now fringe the
blue Bosphorus, would be replaced by factories and steam-
chimneys—every one of which would be a deadly rival to
a similar establishment in Great Britain. I argue as an
Englishman, whose duty it is to consider the material
interests of his country, now and hereafter, and not to
occupy himself with the theories of political philanthro-
pists.

According to the levelling system, recommended as the
__sis of reforms, all classes would eventually be assimi-
lated—the desert Arabs to the laborious Maronites, the
intractable Arnoots to the industrious Bulgarians, the
thrifty Armenians to the restless and ambitious Greeks,
and the humble and parsimonious Jews to the haughty
and 1 ivish Osmanlis. Thus, contiguous populations,
which now keep each other in check, because their inter-
ests are divergent and their jealousies inveterate, would
find their interests assimilated ; and in the event of op-
position to government, the Porte, in lieu of being able
to overcome one. sect through the rivalry of another,
would find them all united against the dominant power.
The Ottoman government should therefore avoid estab-
lishing any community of rights or interests among the
races subjected to its rule. Each of these races ought to
be governed according to itsi
owl! usages and individual
creed ; there should be uniformity n the principles of
administration, but diversiCy_ in the application. The
Ottoman tenure cannot be maintained but by decided and
peremptory superiority. Adhesion
.on the part of the
subjugated is impossible; connexion is all that can be ex-
pected ; and to preserve this connexion, the supremacy
of conquest must not be relaxed. The Porte cannot ex-
pect attachment ; it mustconsequen!ly enforce submission.
When this absoloteism ceases to exist,.t
ithe.pc.wer will pass
into other hands; and where is the polician that can cal-