The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-01-06 00:00:00

refuse to join in this new interpretation of religious liberty which
makes the maintenance of a national establishment for the reli-
gious instruction of the people a grievance and au oppression to
all who are of a different faith. This is, indeed, a new light
upon religious liberty —ono which was not revealed to the dis-
senters themselves two years ag.) ; of which their great prede-
cessors were iu total ignorance, for nearly every denomination
successively, in former times, struggled to obtain possession of
the revenues of the national church. Why, what is an esta-
blished church but a missionary institution for establishing
instructors through every corner of the laud I—and surely you,
who send out missionaries to every quarter of the globe, would
not reject the aid of such means fur the permanent support of
your establishments in any of those countries. In my mind
every clergyman of the Church of England is a missionary,
charged with the office of converting souls, and surely there
are nut many of the dissenters, who differ from us most in discip-
line, who will not think that the souls of these cannot be saved
by a church so supported and professing the doctrines which
we believe. (Loud cheers.) To the principle of every measure
of relief that was proposed by the late administration I gave
my willing support, save only to that for the admission of dis-
senters into the universities. That this wasdone with no hostile
feeling the connection which I did for some time hold with the
direction of the London University is, I think, sufficient evi-
dence. But in the management of that institution I learnt one
fact, which, indeed, has been avowed by the founders of that
school themselves, that, having to educate together young men
of different religious persuasion it was necessary to exclude all
religious instruction whatsoever ; and although, on account of
the difficulty of having separate institutions for every different
persuasion, and a less complete charge which that school takes
of its pupils, I was willing to support that establishment in spite
of its grievous disadvantage, yet I was not prepared to intro-
duce that evil into our ancient universities, which possess the
inestimable advantage oPreligious discipline and instruction;
at the expense too of introducing an unpleasant discord
where it ought most to be excluded, and to the invasion
of ancient rights. I looked at that proposition with an
earnest desire to be able to acquiesce in it, but on the fullest
consideration I have found that I could come to no other
conclusion than that I must give it a reluctant but decided oppo-
sition. (Cheers.) I may be told, perhaps, that I raise unne-
cessarily the cry of danger to the church; that I am attributing
intentions to destroy where they do not exist. lam willing to
believe, nay _I am sure, that such .destructiie and intolerant
opinions—such, for instance, as were avowed by the dissenting
delegates last year, and such as have been newly put forth by
the dissenting delegates of Birmingham, are not shared by a
great portion of that respectable and religious body; but such opin-
ions are avowed by their acknowledged organs, are not publicly
disavowed by any considerable proportion of the body, and thus
all the danger to the established church, which the united hosti-
lity of that powerful body can create, is, in fact, threatening to
overwhelm our ecclesiastical institutions. [Here a cry of
t• What will you do with the Irish tithes?] I thank the gentle-
man ter the question. I have supported Lord Stanley in every
measure for the adjustment of that unfortunate question, and
will support every other measure brought forward in the same
spirit and for the same objects; I will not do what Lord Stan-
ley refused to do; I will not join in that " destructive step," as
he himself has termed it; above all, I will never take Mr.
O'Connell for my guide through the intricate mazes of that
complicated and embarrassed question. Until I find that you
yourselves, in the adjustment of your private affairs, take into
consultation your bitterest enemies. I feel assured that I shall
stand excused, as a warm lover of a protestant church, if I re-
fused to take him as my guide and counsellor in the settlement
of the affairs of the Irish church. (Loud cheers, and continued
interruption from the outside of the hustings. After a pause,
occasioned by this interruption, he continued.) I feel that Ido
not deserve these interruptions; I feel that I who havo stood by
the rights of the hard-fisted mechanic, while I maintained the
right of the wealthier householder to his franchise, deserve
better at the hands of those who are now preventing me from
obtaining a hearing. (Loud cheers.) I have never deluded
them with promises which I have not performed; I have never
received the suffrage of any man without being prepared to de-
fend the franchise which enabled him to give it. But, while I
have defended their rights, I have never deceived them by in-
stilling into them delusive and dangerous notions. I have
never talked to them of "levelling" those distinctions of order
•and society upon which the regular employment of their in-
dustry depends; I have never taught them to set up the rights
of industry as distinct from, or in opposition to, the rights of
property. (Cheers.) But what, gentlemen, do I say to the
present administration ? As I have said in my address, if they
act fully anti fairly up to their professions, 1 shall give them
my independent support. (Loud cheers.) What is the alter-
native? Lord Durham and O'Connell! (Cries of "We have
nothing to do with Mr. O'Connell.") Aye, gentlemen, but you
have! You may flatter yourselves as you may; but if you
reject at once, without a hearing, the present administration,
to Lord Durham and Mr. O'Connell you must come. Is it for
the restoration of the late administration in its former state
that the radicals in England and the repealers in Ireland are
raising the anti-tory cry, and for which, indeed, Mr. O'Connell
is content to suspend, as he tells us, the vital question of repeal
and to confine his energies for the present-to the collection of
in anti-tory rent? Why, the late administration was as un-
popular, was as much the object of the invectives of both these
parties as the present government of Sir Robert Peel. That
"pressure from without," of which Lord Grey so heavily com-
plained, as impeding all his efforts for good government, first
forced Mr. Stanley out of the administration, forced out Sir
James Graham, the Duke of Richmond, and Lord Ripon, and
never ceased its operation. until Lord Grey himself was
intrigued out of office and thrown aside as no longer fit
for the purposes of the faction which is now clamouring so
loudly against the present administration. Even when thus
divested of the talent and the character which principally gave
to that cabinet its hold upon the affections of the country, it
was still the object of invective to the same party. Why, then,
are those parties clamouring for his return ? Why, but be-
cause they hope to receive some price for their assistance; to
purify it still further of whatever conservative character that
Party still retained, and to make it serve, per force, the pur-
poses of revolution and destruction to our established institu-
tions. The late government, as it was, intrigued with Mr.
O'Connell to obtain his support, what would it be if that go-
vernment were restored by his assistance? [Mr. Thos. Bolton
said that was only a little arrangement.] Ido not know what
that gentleman calls an arrangement, but it ended in cutting
and carving those measures which the government thought ne-
cessary for the peace of Ireland according to the diction of the
great-disturber of its peace, and with resigning to his discretion,
of the avowed enemy of the Irish church, the terms upon which
the tithes of that church should be adjusted. (Cheers.) lam
told, also, that I have never been a tine reformer, and that, in
fact, lam a complete tory in disguise. I will not dispute with
you about names, but I know this, that I was a reformer of the
reform bill, and am not a reformer according to the new lights
which have since sprung up. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentle-
men, you cried loud enough for the bill, the whole bill, and
nothing but the bill, and listened to no one who would not take
that text. But I find now that you are for the bill, the whole
bill, and very much more than the bill ; and that every one
who will not go along with you in fresh changes is no better
than an ultra-tory. I supported that bill as a very great con-
cession ; it was proposed as a very great concession—as an

amount of change far beyond the original intentions of those
who proposed it—beyond the original expectations of all reform-
ers. We were told that we were only to go so far for the pur-
pose of making an end of changes in our parliamentary system,
and for the purpose of finding a better ground to stand on.
That was the principle on which I made so large a sacrifice of
ancient feelings—feeling in which I had long shared with many
members of the late government itself. During the discussion
of that measure those who opposed it as too great a shock to
our ancient institutions, told us that, instead of satisfying the
appetite for change, it would be merely a stimulant to the de-
sire of further changes ; that it would serve merely as a step-
ping-stone to those who were then looked upon with apprehen-
sion by men of property, all over the country, as radical reform-
ers. I confess I hoped, and still hope, better things of the good
sense of the middle classes among my fellow-countrymen.
Lord Melbourne himself had told them, upon a late occasion,
that the reform bill was a very great experiment, and that it
remained yet for the moderation and good sense of the people
to show whether that experiment would he successful. With
him I yet hope and trust it may. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.")
Beware lest by insisting upon household suffrage, vote by ballot,
and annual parliaments, they should realise the prophecies of
those who opposed the reform bill. (A voice from the crowd

"Not annual.") Ah I said his lordship, you say so now, but
believe me if you get trionnal parliaments this year, and induce
us to go along-with you so far, the next year the cry will be an-
nual parliaments, and those who resist them will then be stig-
matised, like those who now oppose triennial parliaments, as
mere tories in disguise. Perhaps we shall then be told, as we
are now, that we are throwing off the mask at last. Aye, and in
like manner universal suffrage will follow household suffrage,
and those who resist it will be but tories in disguise too. (Loud
cheers, and cries of " No, no.") They might say no, no, but the
whole course of history proved it. We have not to go far back

or to a distant country to discover in what manner those who
hare given the first impulse iu great changes were treated, like
Lord Grey, when they refused to go the length of the most re-

volutionary or what is now termed the most liberal measures.
(Mr. L. Heyworth here exclaimed, " We must have reform, if
it had not been for reform we should all have been savages."

hear, hcar.) Take care lest by too inueh reform, like the
people of a neighbouring country, they should return to the fe-
rocity of savages. (Cheers.) Again, gentlemen, let me warn

you against the real quarter from which dangers impend over

our country. It is idle to talk of danger from the domination
of the ultra-tories; against such a danger, reform in parliament

has fully secured us. Look again, I say, to the great active
adical body all over the country and to the active co-operation

which is lent to it by Mr. VCoutiell and his friends. Talk

of the tyranny of a military government! Let them look to
the tyranny of that ferocious and mercenary dictator in
Ireland. Let them look at the threats held out to every
person who shall vote in favour of the excellent and liberal
knight of Kerry, that he should have a death's-head and cross
bones fixed over his doors. This was the dictatorship which
men of sense, of property, should look to. (Cheers, and cries
of "Is it true ?" Mr. Shepherd answered, "It is—l have seen the
placards." Another voice, "Corporate reform.") Gentlemen, I
feel myself so much exhausted in endeavouring to make myself
heard above the clamour which has been constantly accom-
panying my address, that I cannot enter into much further
discussion. You will find in me, as you have always done, a
friend to the remedy of every abuse, but not one who, under
the guise of reform, would secretly have in his view the ad-
vancement of revolution. These are no idle words ; we are
told that we have appealed to cries for protection, that we have
raised a clamour about the church being in danger, and the
King being in danger; they wore, however, not mere cries,
they were too true. Do we not hoar an elective aristocracy
proposed, and made a popular topic by some who professed to
be the popular organs of public opinion in this town ?—and if
that were once the case might we not soon expect to hear of an
elective monarchy. (Great applause.) I know these things
shock you at present, but men were found to do many things
which at first they were shocked at. This notion may not find
much favour from those I see around me, but I know that it is
widely spreading among those who have influence without.
(Loud cheers, and a second cry of "Corporation reform.")
With regard to that subject, until I see more of the evidence as
to the state of the corporations of England, I must defer giving
judgment upon the case. I will not advocate such a reform as.
would degrade the corporation of Liverpool to the level of
somo of the corporations in Scotland. (Loud cheering.)
When I see the whole case before me, I will apply my mind to
remove in a liberal spirit every abuse that I may find, but until
then I give no pledges.—[Mr. L. Heyworth here exclaimed—
" Look around you, my lord. Why, if we are not free, we must
be slaves." This interruption was received with a laugh.]—
Were the public buildings and other works erected, or in pro-
gress, in this town evidences of a rottenness in the state ? Is
this great community, flourishing as it is, and the magnificent
funds solely apportioned to public purposes—do these testify to
the existence of abuses which can only be cured by eradication?
—(Laud cheers.) Your time is now pretty nearly spent, and
my strength is nearly exhausted. I only wish that none of you
may have to undergo the labour I have endured to' collect and
give utterance to my thoughts in something like a consecutive
manner under the expression of feeling exhibited by a liberal
and tolerant portion of this community which I now see sur-
rounding the hustings.—(At the close of his address, the noble
lord was greeted with the must enthusiastic applause.)

Sir Ho warm DOUGLAS was labouring severely under
the effects of the injury he received last week, so as to be
able scarcely to stand, yet the worthy baronet refused a seat
which was offered to him, and stood supported by his friends.
When he came forward he was received with three times three
most hearty cheers from his friends, echoed back by the crowd
outside the hustings the moment they learned Sir Howard was
about to address the electors. Sir Howard said he was very
thankful for the kind consideration of those whom he had the
honour to address, in requesting that he would be seated, but he
felt it to be his duty to adopt a posture, even at personal incon-
venience, suitable to the present importance of the occasion,
and he could not remain standing while addressing those by
whose aid he hoped to succeed in the great cause of which he
was the strenuous and undaunted advocate. (Cheers.) With
every feeling of his heart and every faculty absorbed in the in-
tense interest which he took in the proceedings of this day—a
day which, both here and elsewhere, was big with the fate of the
monarchy, the church, and the constitution of England, (loud
cheers, he had not a thought to bestow on the personal dis li
-
abilities under which by accident he at present laboured; on the
contrary, he felt only painful apprehension lest these disabili-
ties might interfere with the great and important struggle in
which they were all engaged. (Renewed cheers.) But, thanks
to public sympathy, the characteristic of a free people, he was
relieved from apprehension and took comfort in knowing that
his personal misfortune would bring no injury to the common
cause. He should never again be happy, if under any circum-
stance he should fail in exertions, either mental or bodily, to
promote the interest of the common cause. (Hear, hear.) lle
had to thank the constituency of this great town for the kind
reception which the beloved individual whom be had appointed
his representative, had met with during his canvass. and he was

especially grateful to them for the expressions of good feeling
which had been conveyed to himself. Ile was sure it was
unnecessary that, on the present occasion, he should enter
again into a repetition of his political principles—they had been
explicitly declared here and heretofore, and he trusted that his
friends and foes would both believe that, at the end of a life de-
voted to honourable and useful pursuits, he would practically
comply with, and carry into effect, all the professions which he
had so repeatedly made, (cheering) and that he would, if elec-
ted, prove himself to be an useful, industrious, and assiduous
servant both to his constituents and to the state. (Loud cheers.)
But he felt he must say something of principles at the present
moment, and he would remind the Electors of one of the clos-
ing sentences of his last address on the occasion at which- Ire
had first appeared before the Electors of Liverpool. He had
used that expression in order to show that he was firm in his
principles, by being there willing and ready to reform any real
abuses, and to redress any real grievances. The figurative
language he bad applied in that sentence was, he thought, most
appropriate as addressed to a shipping community. He
had then stated, that "he was fixed in principle, but he had
not anchored by so short a cable as not to allow himself free
motion without the risk of losing his anchorage." In short,
that ho was not one of those who was not able to yield to those
coming events which he foresaw were forthcoming. (Cheers.)
The application he now made of this sentence was that when
any thing purporting to be an abuse, or alleged to be a griev-

ance, was brought before him, his first question would be,
was this or not a real grievance, wes that a real abuse, or was
there in the matter submitted to him any cause of dissatisfaction
which ought to be removed. His next inquiry would be,
whether this abuse might be usefully remedied,—that grievance
beneficially redressed, or the supposed cause of dissatisfaction
removed, with the maintenance of his principles and the preser-
vation of the fixed institutions of the country,—if, in short, he
could say for himself that all this might be done with safety to
the monarchy, the church, and the constitution, then he would
say that this abuse should be corrected, that grievance ought to
be redressed, that cause of dissatisfaction must be removed.

(Loud cheers.) In the course of this day's proceeding allusion
had been made to the recent change in the ministry of this
country, a change which, it had been said, was effected by leger-
demain. (Hear, hear.) If the late ministry had been over-
thrown by any indiscreet act from without, or bad been overset
by any party for factious purposes, then the alleged cause of
the cung' might stand ; if the late ministry bad been crumbled
from power from any other cause but their own imbecility, then
the King could not have come forward with the grace, the dig-
nity, the justice, the moral force which he had exhibited in the
exercise as an honest man of his high and undoubted preroga-
tive in the free choice of his ministers, and in the spirit of the
British constitution to release, from further attendance, a por-
tion of the legislative body of the country, and appeal afresh to
his people. (Loud cheers.) Still less could the present minis-
ters, either or any of them, if they had been parties to any in-
discreet attempt for party purposes to overtnrow their predeces-
sors,—still less in such a case could they have come forward
with grace, dignity, and justice, or with the confidence,
they did, to obey the call, unsought and unsolicited, of their
King, and throw themselves upon the country for support.
(Great applause.) Ile did not speak this in any spirit that could

pledge him to be a thick and thin supporter of the newly-formed
Government. lie had not permitted his friends and supporters
to mad any pledge from him, and no man, nor any set of men,

should obtains pledge from him. Ile pledged his religious

principles to the national church, into which be had been re

ceived as a member of a Christian family. lie pledged his
loyalty to the mild and moderate monarchy under which he had

been born and bred—to the reigning and constitutional King;

and he pledged his devotion to the coiistitutiou of the country,

both in church and state: he meant the altered constitution in

state, as related to the formation of Parliament, now the law of
the laud. That law he would cause tube observed, and through
it endeavour to obtain good government, to promote the happi-
ness of the people, and to ensure their true liberties. By the
letter of that law be considered it to be the final constitution of

Parliament, hut not as a means to exact ends other than those

which its very letter expressed.—(Hear, hear.) If the present

Government should act honestly in principle, on principle he
would support them; if they deviated from that course, and did
not fulfil tne just expectations of the country—if they truckled
to agitators—(cheers)—if they compromised with radicals—
(cheers)—ha would give them his firm and decided opposition.
(Loud cheers.) In answering the call made upon them by the
Monarch, by the recent exercise of his great prerogative, let the
constituency take care that by their choice the Ministry selected
should have a fair trial. He did not hesitate to say, (if a fair
trial was afforded to the present advisers of the crown,) that the
monarchy was saved—(cheers)—that the church was preserved.
and that the constitution was maintained. (Immense cheering.)
For it was impossible that men, possessing the characters of
those composing the present ministry, could deviate from the
principles which it had ever been their glory and their boast to
advocate. He should hope, however, they would not be pre-
judged, for at least it was impossible now to say whether or not
they would go far in the reform of abuses where abuses may

exist—his only apprehensions were that they might go too far;
that there might be some little trimming to the radicals, or some
yielding to clamour front without. This, however, ought not to

prejudge their acts. The parliament now to he chosen by the
people was the jury by whom his Majesty's ministers were to
be tried—the Sovereign was the ju►lge, and there was also a
Judge above to whom all must answer. If the jury,—the grand

inquest,—was packed with members disinclined to give minis-

tens a fair teial, and that thus they should be ovorthrown,—tlien

would the monarchy be lost, and the liberties of this country
ruined.—(Loud cheers.) He repeated, that if by a packed jury
the ministry should be beaten on the address, then he would
say that the first act of the second reformed parliament would
be a sentence of death upon the constitution of England,-,or,
at least, there would stand nothing in its stead but anarchy and
confusion. He turned with dismay from the contemplation of
the cloud which such an event would raise,--a cloud under
which the British sun of glory would rapidly sink never to rise
again. (Cheers.) H e could not but remind them that the day had
arrived, when, by their reunited efforts they had resuscitated that
bright gleam of conservative spirit which from this great town
showed itself over England on the occasion when he last ap-
peared before them,—(hear,)—and which had caused them to
look forward to brighter prospects. On the present occasion
the prospect was blighter than he could have anticipated. Tho
former occasion was but, as it were, the marshalling of the forces
for a great field day. He had then held the reins and felt the
power of his friends and supporters. The time of action had
now arrived, and it was really of combined importance. Thus
early in the field, all England looked to the electors of Liver-
pool to realize a victory, and he assured them that victory was
at their door. (Cheers.) Something had been said today, and
spoken, too, on levelling principles (laughter) about titles.
That could refer only to the noble lord, whose colleague he
hoped to be, (cheers,) and to himself. (Applause.) If ever a title
was conferred on an individual as a title of honour of which ha
was well deserving►, it was his noble friend. (Loud cheers.)
With respect to his own humble honour, it had been earned by
his father in the naval service of his country. It had retained
in him the holiest influences, that of filial obligation to emulate
his father's example, and in all situations of his life it had serv-
ed to swell Isis patriot bosom to exertions for the benefit of his
country, and he could assure the meeting that that bosom now
heaved with ardent patriotism—with lovel and reverence to his
gracious and good king, and devotion to his country. (Cheers.)
In his military capacity, he felt himself called upon to rebut the
insinuations and reproaches which had been cast upon the
present government. Much had been said of rank and file, of
a military government, of the Duke of Wellington's dictator-
ship ; indeed, he was surprised that Sir Howard Douglas had
not been described as the dictator of Liverpool. (Laughter.)
If he had learned in his profession anything, it was the subser-
viency of the military to the civil power. He had followed in
the train of the Duke of Wellington, and had seen that illus.
trious man liberating, from military despots, thousands of
hinnan beings in various parts of the world. Constitutional
freedom followed in the train of his victories, and supplied the
place of military despotism, absolute monarchy, and demo-
cratic tyranny. (Renewed cheering.) He (Sir H. Douglas)
had in his own person seen much of revolution in three or fear
countries, and, in common with his fellow-soldiers, had devoutly
prayed that such a visitation might never befall England. He
had iu some countries witnessed the grossest tyranny under ab•
solute monarchy, and he bad returned with veneration to the
mild and moderate monarchy of the nation which gave him
birth. In other countries he had seen the people groan under
the tyranny of the privileged orders, and, with gratitude is
Providence, he had turned to his own land, and there found the
aristocracy, instead of being tyrants, were the guardians of the
British constitution. He had seen a furious democracy tyran-
nising with unmitigated power over the people. From those
countries he turned round and regarded with admiration the
manner in which democratic power was so intermixed and
mingled with the other two branches of the state, preserving the
body politic confided to the whole. (Loud cheers.) He had
seen, also, a country under a state of military despotism, only to
rejoice that, in his own land, military power was subjected by
the constitution to civil control. (Loud cheers.) In remote
countries, under both foreign and British government, he had
seen the manner in which the blessings of civilization, the cul-
tivation of learning, the progress of religion, and the advance-
ment of the arts and sciences had been aided and assisted by
means dispensed from these isles. These blessings had bee*
bestowed under the British constitution to generations that
are now no more, and he trusted would be continued to millions
yet unborn. He bad hoped, witnessing these things, to
return in the evening of his days to the happy land from
which these blessings flowed, and to have found that eoua-

try thankful to the Disposer of all Good for the happiness
which they themselves enjoyed, and were enabled to extend
to others. (Hear.) He had, however, found a reckless spi-
rit of thanklessness amongst the people for the blessings of their
constitution, and an ill-considered desire for what they called
reform,—desires, which, if gratified, must ultimately shake,
to their very basis, the institutions of this country. (Cheers
and dissent.) Against that spirit he now set himself opposed,
even at the advanced period of life to which he had arrives, and
he had acquiesced in the requisition which he had received from
the " good old town," because he thought that not only the
commerce of the land, but the constitution under which that
commerce flourished, was in danger. He had been told, that
he was not a commercial man, end, therefore, was unfit to re--
present the interests of this commercial town. He might, per-
haps, have no difficulty in allowing how groundless was this
argument; but he was satisfied, in order to refute the insinua-
tion, to refer to the evidence adduced of his fitness from the fact
that the requisition he had received bore the signaturse of semi
of the first merchants in the world. (Cheers.) They bare
their own interests, and were competent to judge of his (Sir
Howard Douglas's) fitness, or otherwise, to represent this
great commercial community. Those influential gentleness
had thrown the shield of protection over him, and he hoped,
by the suffrages of the electors generally, that he should be @it-
abled in return to throw the shield of protection over these.
(Cries of" You will.") Considering there was another candi-
date to address the meeting, and many personal reasons warnedt
him to conclude, he, therefore, did voluntarily conclude, be-
cause, perhaps, it might be necessary to reserve himself in en-
der to reply to such questions as it might suit the pleasure et'
other gentlemen to put to him.

After a short pause, Sir Howse D Douot A I observed that as
no one seemed disposed to ask him any questions, he should re-
sume his seat, which he did amidst long and loud cheering.
Mr. Mona is next addressed the electors; but was received
with such disapprobation that he could scarcely be heard. We
understood him to say that he stood upon conduct and princi-
ple. When first invited to come down and offer himself as a
caniidate for the representation of this great town, it was upon
an express understanding at starting that, in the event of a con-
tested election, no undue influence should be used, no species
of bribery resorted to, to promote his election. *He was assured
by his kind friends that no undue influence should be resorts.ll
to, that no act of bribery should take place for any such pur-
pose. (Cheers.) On this understanding he consented, and he
begged to state that although the representation of Liverpool
was to him an object of ambition—although it was an object
dearest to his heart—he would rather loose his election than

resort—or that his friends should resort to any improper moans

. .
to obtain it. (Cheers.) He would trespass a little time en
their patience while he stated the principle en which he soli-

cited the honour of their suffrages. From education and prin-
ciple he was attached to the church of England. and it was lee-

cause he was attached to the church that he was desirous to

have it reformed. (Applause and disapprobation.) He was

sure that every friend to the establishment would wish to see a
better and mire equable distribution of its revenues. Wks

would not wish to see the labouring clergymen better paid t
(Cheers.) He knew gentlemen who had profited by all the ad-
vantages of an University education doing duty on the small

.. .
and insufficient stipends of £5O, £6O, and LSO per ennam, and
he was sure that no one would object to see these neglected

men better remunerated. (Cheers.) Being a friend to civil
and religious liberty, he would throw open the gates of the
Universities to all without reference to their religions principles

_ .
or feelings. (Disapprobation.) With respect to the Irish
church he would say, that those who opposed the measures of
last session are guilty of all the consequences that have, or

may ensue. (Loud and continued marks of disapprobation.)
Asa British merchant, he was naturally a firm friend to free
trade. To the subject he had given considerable attention,

he considered the principles of commercial policy correct which

allowed the importation of the raw material at the lowest pos-

sible rate. Its o'bjert ought to be to exchange those commodities
which can bo produced in one country fir the coninioditios

which can ba produced cheapest in another (applause) and
not for individual benefit, but the:great benefit of the world:

(Applause.) lie was an advocate of corporation reform.
(Cheers and hisses.) Ile did not allude to the corporation of
Liverpool, (Ho, ho!) for he had not been long enough here
to form a correct opinion, but he would say, that their revenue
Appeared to be judiciously and honourably distributed for the
benefit of the town. (Loud cheers.) Ile spoke of corpora-
tions in general, and he wished to see them thrown open to the
whole of the new constituency. He was oppose& to long par-
liaments, and was In favour of triennial parliaments. Had
the late parliament been favourable to a tory administration,
would it have been dissolved? It was dissolved because minis-

tern knew it would not suit them—because it would advocate

the rights of the people. (Oh! and disapprobation.) It it had
been subservient to the views of tho Cabinet, its members would
not have beau sent back to their constituents, (Oh!) so that a
good parliament will always be sent about its business by an
unpopular ministry and a bad parliament retained. (Disap-
probation.) He thought it quite right that every member of
parliament should return once in every three years to his eon-

stituents to see whether they will elect him or send up a more
efficient member. He was an enemy to taxation. (Mat? How
far ?) lie tueant to excessive taxation. (Cheers) His situ-
ation of Bank Director would show that he could not be op-
posed to necessary taxation—to provide for national expense,

and for national faith. (Cheers.) What he meant by exces-
sive taxation, was taxatipu which provided for sinecures. He
was an advocate for the repeal of taxes on knowledge.. The no—
ble lord who preceded him had alluded to the London Univer-

sity. lle held shares in that University—his brothers held
shares in it—all his family held shares in it—because they
believed that great benefit would result from the diffu-

sion of uaeful knowledge. (To be sure I) Mr. Evart
had an advantage over him. (Laughter.) Me could refer to
past conduct, but be (Mr. Mortis) could not. MY. Bwati bad