The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

METROPOLITAN POLICE BILL.

Their lordships went into committee on this bill, and. Lord
MELBOURNE proposed several amendments.
The bill then went through committee; report on Monday.
The Loan CHANCELLOA moved the second reading of. the
Real Property (liability for) Debts Bill.
After a conversation, in which the Lord Chancellor, Lord
Lyndhurst, and the Duke of Wellington took part, it was-
agreed that the Limitation of Actions Bill and Inheritance
Bill should be read a second time without discussion, with the
understanding that their principles and provisions should be
fully explained before going into a committee.
Adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, MAY 30.
Mr. JAMES presented a petition from the vestrymen of
parishes in Carlisle, in favour of the introduction of the poor
Laws into Ireland.
Mr. Mena Kos supported the petition. He regretted the
noble Chancellor of the Exchequer was not in his place, be-
cause lie wished to put a question to him relative to the com-
mission about to be appointed on this subject. He looked upon
it merely as a means of getting rid of the question altogether,
and he believed a very strong feeling of that kind prevailed out
of doors.

After receiving several other petitions, the Speaker vacated
the chair at a quarter past two.
The house resumed at five o'clock.
WOOL TRADE.

Lord Moat)ETH gave notice, that he would (we did not catch
the day) move for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the 30th
George 111., relating to the wool trade.
- Mr. FITZGERALD obtained leave to bring in a bill for the bet-
ter transmission of property in Ireland.

IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT.

The SoLiciTon-GENERAL gave notice, that he would on an
early day move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish imprison-
ment for debt.

BELGIUM.

Lord PALMERSTON presented-; copy of the convention
between the King of the French and the King of the Nether-
lands, with an explanatory article. Ordered to be printed.
On the question that the Speaker do leave the chair,
Sir R. V YVYAN began by observing, that of all the questions
which had ever come under the consideration of the legislature,
the present was one of the most important. On former occa-
sions, when important questions affecting the interests of our
West India colonies were under consideration, the colonists,
though they had no share in the direct representation of that
house, had still among its members many who were found the
able and persevering advocates of their interests. Those inte-
rests were to no inconsiderable extent indirectly represented in
that house. But now the thing was greatly changed—the in-
direct representation was nearly gone. During the discussion
on the reform bill a motion was made by the hon. member for
Middlesex for the purpose of giving direct representation to the
colonies in that house, but that was without effect. The reform
bill passed without giving to the colonists any share in the re-
presentation. Thus, while the owner of a £lO freehold, or the
inhabitant of a £lO house, could claim his share in the repre-
sentation in that house, the colonist, who might possess ten times
as many thousands was totally excluded. That law was, he
contended, most unjust and most injurious to the colonies. But
as it was so passed, he hoped the house would abstain from any
interference with the colonial legislature, seeing that they had
no direct share in the representation. (Hear, hear.) The
present resolutions related to the internal regulation of the
colonies, and were, in a financial point of view, a direct inter-
ference with their admitted right of internal taxation. After
referring to the manner in which Lord North had been com-
pelled, in 1778, to give tip the haughty pretensions which he
had set forth on behalf of this country at the commencement of
the American war, and after reading several extracts from that
noble lord's speech on the pacification of the colonies,—a speech
which he said was received with so much dismay•and astonish-
ment by the house as to strike almost every man silent, —he
proceeded to notice the languae,e in which a certainpaet7
thin oo.intr~ Isere new in the -habit or speaking respecting their
fellow-subjects in the West Indies. The right. hon. gentleman
opposite had not said, but the hon. member for Weymouth had
said, that if the West Indian colonists resisted the will of the
united Parliament, they must take the consequences, and had
intimated that in that case they must not only not expect to
receive any assistance from the British government, but must
also be prepared to expect measures of active coercion. He
conjured the house not to begin by entertaining suspicions that
the West Indians intended to tell it. that they would use vio-
lence. It was in the power of the house to preach conciliation,
and to meet the colonists (who were a loyal and obedient class
of men) half-way, by supposing, until the contrary was proved,
that the laws at present in force among them for the protection
of the slave were as good as any which could be found on the
statute book of Great Britain. If the house pursued a different
course, it might be found that foreign aid might be of as much
use to the colonies as it was found to be to the United States at
a time when the fleets of France and Spain combined together
and swept the Channel. To show the temper by which the le-
gislature of Jamaica was animated towards this country, he
read to the house the instructions which it gave to the com-
mittee of delegates which it had sent to England for the pro-
tection of its interests, just before they departed for our shores.
" It will be the duty of the committee, if they find emancipation
to be the general desire of their fellow-subjects, not to oppose
to that desire a resistance which will be unavailing." From
that instruction he inferred that the course pursued by the le-
gislature of Jamaica would be submission. The document pro-
ceeded—" The committee are required to make themselves ac-
quainted with the views of the emancipationists, and if it shall
be found that they contemplate the dissolution of colonial so-
ciety, they will Only require that compensation should be made
to the colonists to the amount of the labour and the property
which they have to lose. The committee will also insist that
the expense of the police and the police magistracy for the libe-
rated slaves shall be defrayed out of the national treasury.
They are to protest in a decided manner against the interposi-
tion of Parliament in their internal affairs, for the Assembly of
Jamaica is ready to discuss the question of emancipation on the
principle of compensation, but will not yield its legislative
Sanctions to any other party, except under the pressure of
violence, which it trusts will not be used." ( Hear, hear.)
The numerous meeting which was held on Monday last at the
London Tavern, proved the deep conviction which existed in
the minds of the thinking part of the community, that if the
plan of the right honourable gentleman were carried into effect,
inevitable ruin would certainly fall upon the country. The
right honourable gentleman had told the house that the in-
crease in the quantity of sugar grown in the colonies had al-
ways been regularly followed by a corresponding decrease in
the numbers of the slave population. Now, if the object of his
resolutions was to lessen the amount 'of sugar grown in the
colonies in order to increase the number of the black population,
bad he considered how the decreased importation of sugar into
Great Britain would lessen the revenue of his noble colleague
the Chancellor of the Exchequer? Did not the right honour..
able gentleman also know that, besides the injury which would
thus be occasioned to the o..eneral revenue of the empire, the in-
come of private individuals must be greatly reduced by his plan,
which, in destroying the means of consumption at present ex-
isting in the West Indies, must also destroy the numerous coin-
mercial and manufacturing interests which by different rami-
fications were connected with them ? The plan of the right
honourable gentleman was moreover destructive of the very
principle upon which it was founded,—he meant the abolition
of slave-labour; for, if the quantity of sugar imported from
the West Indies was too small for the consumption of Great
Britain, our merchants would be driven to the necessity of pro-
curing it from the Brazils, and by so doing would encourage slave
labour in that country, though they had abolished it in their own.
He understood that the Anti-Slavery Society had recommended
their friends in Parliament to support the government proposi-
tion, but he did not know how far that support could be relied
on. However, he should say a word or two on that subject pre-
sently. It was unreasonable to expect the 'West India body to
act till they knew the feeling in the colonies on the subject.
All parties had been taken by surprise. The grand question of
emancipation in the abstract had been admitted by the colonists
--nay, their friends and advocates allowed that the time for
emancipation had arrived; hut then it must be conducted upon
just and prudent principles. Ile did not believe that slavery
and Christianity were inconsistent; but when we admitted Dis-
senters of every description to teach the slaves, he did not hesi-
tate to avow his belief, that in practice, though not in doctrine,
slavery, and general and unfettered instruction in religion were
inconsistent, and therefore upon that principle emancipation
became unavoidable. He did not pretend to 'bring forward any
plan in relation to this subject—it was for government to do
that. With respect to the plan proposed by the right. hon. gen-
tleman, it was enough to know that merchants and others most
conversant with the West Indies had declared it to be one which
could not practically work. (Hear, hear.) He had alluded to
the adhesion of the Arfti-Slavery Society to the government pro-
position, but felt convinced that the plan would not eventually
satisfy them. Their fundamental principle, "that man could
have no property in man," must prevent them from concurring
cordially in a system which, according to them, while it ren-
dered the negroes free in name, kept them slaves in fact, by
compelling them to labour even during those hours said to be
assigned to themselves. The consequence of the imperfect sa-
tisfaction of the emancipationists would be, that we should still
have an anti-slavery question behind, fresh agitation, and re-
newed pledges at elections. (Hear, hear.) As a specimen of
the way in which it was sought to influence members upon this
question, he would refer to a letter addressed to an honour-
able gentleman by his constituents—it was probable that many
such letters had been sent, and not impossible that they had all
originated in one quarter (hear, hear); this letter, after in.
forming the hon. member that apprehensions were entertained
that government intended to make concessions to the West In-
dia body, instructed-him to wait on Lord Althorp and express
a lhope that the ministerial measure might be one of immediate
and entire emancipation. In the event of its being such, the
hon. gent was to support it; but if it were not of the nature
desired, his eonstitueets requested him to attend in his place and
support amendments calculated to render the plan effective.—
The honourable baronet called the attention of the house
to the condition of St. Domingo, one of the finest islands in the
world, which was now in the hands of barbarians, or little better'
and in which the effects of sudden and violent emancipation had
been the confiscation of property, en agrarian law, and every
kind of disorder. (Hear.) After alluding to the extent of
trade and commerce dependent on the colonies, and the im-
nierisestake of the West India proprietors in the present ques-
tion, the honourable baronet expressed a confident hope that,

despite of the factitious excitement, false popularity, and obsti-
naee prejudice existing in relation to the subject, the British
public would not allow of a destruction of property and an an- '
nihilation of rights which reposed on as strong grounds as those
of the smallest freeholder or greatest nobleman in this country.
Notwithstanding the hostile principles to which he had referred,
in spite of much popular prejudice, of pledges tendered at the
shrine of popularity at the elections, and of cabinet preposses-
sions, he trusted that his Majesty's government might yet be
induced to reconsider their plan. He did not intend to move
any resolution on that occasion, or oppose the motion for the
Speaker leaving the chair, because he neither wished to em-
barrass ministers nor check a fair investigation of the subject,
but he could not resist the opportunity of expressing his senti-
ments, representing, as he did, a place perhaps only second in
importance to the metropolis itself.
Mr. STANLEY assured the committee that he should, as far as
possible, studiously abstain from dropping a single word likely
to give offence to any individual or body of meu. The threat
which the honourable baronet held out as to our being com-
pelled to recall our resolutions by foreign interference,—the
charge which he threw out against those- honourable members
whose he was pleased to consider a
_pledged majority, because
they declared upon the hustings, as tney had done within those
walls, their fixed determination to labour to the utmost for the
abolition of slavery, (his conviction of the necessity of which
abolition the hon. baronet now, for the first time, avowed,)
these topics, treated as they had been by the hon. baronet,
were not calculated to produce a cool, dispassionate, and cau-
tious consideration of the question. The honourable, baronet
now declared that he had no objection to an abolition of
slavery, but it was an abolition of slavery " in the abstract,"
(" hear, hear, hear," and a laugh,) and if they were to
leave the question of slaves to the honourable baronet and his
friends, long indeed would it remain a question " in the ab-
stract," without being carried to any practical conclusion. If
he had commented on the conduct of any individuals or any body
of men, he did so to make out a ease of necessity for the inter-
ference of Parliament, arisi nee from non-performance aud neglect
on the pe.rtof the colonists with t expect to the recommendatious of
the mother country—a nun-performance which, as he maintained,
constituted the ground for that house interfering in the internal
and local regulations of the colonies. He still adhered to the
principle which he before laid down, and which had not been
controverted by the right hon. baronet; and he again asserted,
that he knew of no limitation to the right of Parliament to in-
terfere, save that which it might impose upon itself, unless it
had voluntarily abdicated the privilege, which could not be pre-
tended in the present case. He admitted that the expediency
of exercising that right was a different question, and he had be-
fore stated what he was now ready to repeea—namely, that ex-
cept in a case of absolute necessity, the house was not justified in
interfering with our chartered colonies. That necessity he had,
as he hoped, successfully demonstrated on a former occasion.
According to the hon. baronet, neither chartered colonies nor
legislative assemblies ~could justly object to this latter inter-
ference (but he begged. to inform the hon. baronet that they did
object to it,) because, said the hon. baronet, the slave trade was
a national question, in which your bankers and monied men,
your navigation, trade, and commerce were involved; but as
to the abolition of slavery, that was a merely local question,
bounded by the limits of each island in which the system pre-
vailed, anal therefore the empire at large had no right to meddle
in it. Why, then, if this were a strictly local question, what
was the meaning of all those
He
that had been presented
to Parliament? (Hear.) He spoke not now of the petitions
for the abolition of slavery, but asked whether those on the part
of the West India body itself did not prove that this also was a
national question, otherwise why petition the legislature? No
Parliament, no government ought to resist, or could resist time
weight of public opinion on this subject. He did not wish to
speak the language of complaint, but he must say it was impos-
sible to negociate with a body such as the West India deputa-
tion, which attended to hear proposals with authority to object-
to them, but without authority to offer any suggestion, or pro-
pose any modification in a titan which they rejected. He
stated to the deputation distinctly that it was the intention of
government to carry into effect safely, and if possible with
their concurrence, a complete extinction of slavery, and that
such extinction must form the basis of any plan on which
ministers would consent to act. The deputation declared that
they had no power or authority to propose any plan. (Hear.)
He teat it due to the government to state, that it had not been in-
sensible to those points which had been raised in the way of ob-
jection to the government plan by the West India body. Three
points of objection had been started to that plan by ihe West
India body. The first was, that we in this country were legis-
lating for the absolute and immediate freedom of the negroes,
and that we were imposing upon time colonial legislatures the
odious and invidious task of apparently restricting that freedom,
and of continuing for a time a portion of that slavery which we
had declared should altogether cease. The second objection
was, that without a temporary ascription of the slaves to.the
soil, it would be impossible fur the colonial proprietors to culti-
vate the soil througn the agency of the negroes; and the third
objection was, that the mode of cultivation proposed by the plan
tended to give an additional dearness to the ground, and lied
also a tendency to be a tax upon provisions, and that so far it
would be burdensome and oppressive even upon the negroes
thhis
niNsiealjy,sveesst.To those three objections of the West India body
government, though debarred of all discussion
with that body, though unassisted by any suggestions from it,
had given that dagree of attention which they deserved; and it
would be seen that in the changes that had been made in the
measure of government those objections had been duly consi-
dered. Ile thought it right thus far to vindicate his Majesty'sgovernment against the charge which had been raised against
it, of recklessly disregarding the feelings and wishes of the
West India body. His Majesty's government was prepared to
pay a due regard of deference to the wishes of that body, and
they were anxiously desirous to receive their suggestions upon
this subject. Their suggestions they did not receive,—they had
endeavoured to attend to their wishes, as far as they found that
they had been indicated. There was one part of the plan of the
government which, both on the part of the West India body,
and on the part of those who were anxious for the more imme-
diate liberation of the slave,—there was one part of the plan
which by both those parties had been objected to. He (Mr.
d~mtauley) stated, when he had the honour of proposing this plan
amountopret
o which the nouz, that the.o wale but two modes of ropaying the
r
hS—ichnlly, wase intended to advance to the West India
p
that that repayment must either be borne
by the produce of negro labour, or that it must entirely fall upon
the revenue of this country, and to the latter alternative he
stated at the time that it would be impossible for the govern-
ment, or Parliament, or the country to consent. (Hear,- hear.)
His Majesty's government, therefore, had proposed that, one-
fourth of his time being at the disposal of the negro, the produce
of his labour in that time should go to liquidate the advance
made by government and to remunerate time proprietor for his
ulti mate loss in the full emancipation of such negro, and they
had further proposed that the proprietor should pay an interest
for the money during the period that it continued advanced to
them as a loan. There was another alternative, certainly---one.
too, that had been suggested by the West India body, namely,
that the loss of this £:15,000,000 should be borne entirely by the
resources of this country; but that was an alternative to which,
ashe had already said, Parliament would not be disposed to accede.
His Majesty's ministers found that a great and well-founded
objection had been urged by the West India proprietors against
this part of the plan, as making the nominal paymentout of
, the wages of' the slaves be consice red as the repayment of this
loan, while the real repayment of it would be made out of their
(the West India proprietors') own resources. They found, on
time other hand, that, on the part of those who sought for the
snore immediate emancipation of the 'negro, there was a strong
feeling that, during that portion of his time which was to be
left at the disposal of the negro, he should be at liberty to en-
joy the full benefit of the exercise of' his own energies and
resources. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible, on the one hand
and upon the other dot to feel the force of the objections thus
made against this portion of the plan, and as both parties, how-
ever opposed in other respects, concurred in this manner in ob-
jecting to this part of the plan, if it should be found that the
West India body would not object to make such a provision
as would compensate this country for at least a large portion
of the interest of the sum thus advanced, and if they would
not object to an increase in the taxation upon colonial pro-
duce, his Majesty's ministers, under such circumstances,
meant amonast other alterations to propose that the proprietors
should be altogether relieved from any obligation to repay the
money thus advanced to them, and that no deduction should be
made from the wages of the negro for that purpose either.
(Hear, hear.) They proposed that during the negro's
ap-
prenticeship of twelve years this reward should be held out
to him as an inducement to habits of persevering indus-
try and exertion,—namely, that by the payment of a cer-
tain amount of the produce of his labour during the time
at his own disposal, time period of his apprenticeship. should
be redeemed; that was to say, that when he had,- in this
way, paid the sum agreed upot} as compensation to his master,
he 'should be discharged from the remaining portion of his
twelve years' servitude, and amongst other advantages em-
braced in this alteration, it would afford to time negro an op-
portunity of proving himself a man of persevering and indus-
trious habits. (Hear, hear.) In that way his Majesty's minis-
ters proposed to submit to the house such a modification of the
plan as did not introduce a material alteration into the resolu-
tions now before it. It appeared to him that it would be only
dealing fairly with both parties interested in this question,.and
with the house, .to state at once the coarse of proceeding with
regard to which 'his Majesty's ministers had made up their
minds in consequence of the introduction of this alteration into
the.plan. They intended to propose that an additional amount
of duty should be charged upon sugar. (" Hear, hear," and
some cries of " Oh,") He was well aware that such a proposi-
tion was not free from difficulties and objections. He knew
that Meamount-of duty on sugar at present was high, and that
it would be well if it could possibly be somewhat reduced.
(Hear, hear.) But, believing as he aid that a trifling increase
in the amount of duty would answer the purpose. in question,
he felt that his Majesty's ministers were justified, looking back
to a former precedent, when a reduction of the duty on sugar
from 275. to 245. did not in any way affect or benefit the inte-
rests of the consumer, while it occasioned a considerable falling
off in time revenue, in assuming that the proposed increase would
not affect the interests of the consumers m this country, while
the revenue might be so increased as to compensate us for the
loan advanced to the West India proprietors, But if the effect
of the raising of the duty should be a rise in the price of sugar
in this country, it would be, of course, upon the consumers—
that was to saw, upon the people of this country—that the bur-
den would fall (for he did not contemplate, in consequence of
such increase of duty, any mates ial diminution in the consump-
them, especially
when
they
tion of sugar,) and, in his opinion, it ought to be borne by them;
andh ebe-1 ie
consideredve d ittvou would
eb e
gerheeactr tbl
benefitly borne
and
that
b
conveniencey
would be reaped from getting rid of the objection which had
been made to this portion of the plan. (Hear, hear.)' He had
seized the first opportunity to state this important modification
to the House, in order that the attention of Parliament might
be directed to it. He did not state it for the purpose of calling
now for the judgment. of the house upon it, as in passing the reso-
lutions now before it the house was not called upon to express any
opinion with regard to such a modification of the original plan.
'I hey were greatly mistaken who supposed that ministers or Par-
liament, without any reference to the feelings of the colonial
legislatures, were anxious to precipitate this measure. It was
in consequence of the vain efforts which had been made to in-
duce the colonial legislatures to act in accordance with the ex-
pressed wishes of Parliament and the country on the subject,
that they felt bound to legislate upon the great leading prin-
' ciples embraced in the measure, leaving the local details which
could not be filled up here to be filled up by the different local
legislatures. Without, then, refusing to the local legislatures
the settlement of that which properly belonged to them, when
we had forced the great leading principles upon them, their last
hope of preventing the freedom of the negroes was removed, and
after the excitement occasioned by this question had passed
away, he hoped and trusted that they would anxiously join with
us in making those local regulations that were necessary for
carrying the wishes of Parliament into effect. To them, there-
fore, was left the filling up hereafter of the details of that great
outline which we now feel it our duty to mark out for them at
once, and for ever. (Cheers.)

Colonel HAY contended that there was something in the
nature of the near() which required a stronger stimulus than
was supplied by the feelings of want or the motives of industry
to induce him to work. lie was as ready, he said, as the right
lion. gentleman to go into the principle of emancipation, but he
was not prepared at once to enter into that principle. (Hear.)
In his opinion the plan proposed by government would, if car-
ried, occasion ultimately the loss of our colonies, and deeply
injure the commercial and mercantile interests of this country.
lie had always toll his constituents that the immediate emau-

cipatiou of the slaves, without being preceded by a moral edu-
cation to fit them for it, would, instead of benefiting them, be
their destruction. That was his impression when he last met
his constituents—that was his impression now, and the plan
proposedby government was not one calculated to remove that
impression. The moral wants of the negroes should be first
attended to, and then they might be fitted to be placed in a state
of society with a prospect of going on temperately and dispas-
sionately. He did- not doubt the good, intentions of those
by whom the cause of negro emancipation had been espoused in
this country, or. that they really believed that cruelties were
practised on the slave populafion in the colonies, but he must
deny the existence of that system of cruelty and oppression which
was but too generally supposed. He spoke after a residence in
Barbadoes commencing in the year 1814 and terminating iu 1832,
and he could state most certainly that during that period he never
saw one instance of cruelty practised; on the contrary, the great
proprietors acted with the greatesemildness and moderation, and
though he was not prepared to deny that the small proprietors
might stand in a somewhat different situation, yet he would con-
tend that any failing on their part ought not to be visited upon
the great proprietors in the colonies. It must also be remem
tiered that even in Barbadoes mildness and moderation had not
produced the best of conduct on the part of the negro popula-
tion. It could not be forgotten that the insurrection in 1816
commenced on the estate of a proprietor notorious as one of
the kindest and best masters lift the island of Barbadoes, and
could not,have arisen from any hardship practised on his part.
The fact, however, really was, that in Barbadoes, so long ago
as the period of the administration of Lord Combermere in
that island, public schools had been established in which the
negro, the coloured, and the white- children were instructed
together. (Hear.) Those schools, however, having been
demolished during the hurricanes which prevailed in the year
1831, before even the re-erevtion of private builings was com-
menced, subscriptions for rebuilding the schools were set on
foot in the island, and the gallant officer, the then governor,
Sir James Lyon, himself subscribed i:500, and they were
found again in full operation by the Earl. of Mulgrave when on
his way to the government of Jamaica. (Hear) With such
facts as these, he was entitled to deny,the allegation that there
existed in the colonies that want of provision for the education
and instruction of the slave population which had been so much
relied on as manifesting a disinclination in the colonists to hil-
l/rove the condition of the slaves. He had stated thus much
upon a firm conviction of his own mind arising front what he
had himself witnessed,—a conviction not prompted by any
selfish motive, for,. being unconnected with the: colonies, he had
no interests to serve beyond what he conceived tp be the whole
community,—interests deeply involved in the result of this
great and important question, which required the
,most calm
and deliberate consideration, lest should be inflicted the most
severe colonial blow that was ever felt in this country. (Hear,
hear.)
Mr. F. BUXTON remarked, that the West India body had
reason to congratulate theniselves on the acquisition of so able
an advocate of their interests as the hon. gentleman who had
just sat down. The right hon. Secretary for the Colonies had
on a former night made it a matter of accusation, as it were,
against him that he had once expressed himself favourably to
gradual emancipation. The right hon. gentleman had quoted
from a speech delivtred by him (Mr. Buxton) in 1823, but he
ought also to have referred to the resolutions which he moved
upon that occasion, and which declared that slavery was con-
trary to the' principle' of ' the British constitution, and to the
Christian religion. If, however, the.opponents of slavery were
inclined to concede somewhat to the West India interest on for-
mer- occasions, it should be recollected that they had not the ex-
perience which events had since given to the right hon. gentle-
man. They acted upon the promise made by Mr. Canning, with
the authority, he said, of- the West India body, that certain
ameliorations should instantly take place. The anti-slavery
party did not formerly show the rage which prevailed against the
ministers of religion in the colonies,—they did not know of the
existence of colonial church unions,—they were not aware that
negroes were punished for no other offence than worshipping
God,—that missionaries were hunted like wild beasts,—and that
children were torn from their mothers' arms, and tarred' and
feathered. The only charge which was now brought against
him, who used formerly to be considered too headstrong, was
that he had not gone far enough. He would endeavour to make
some compensation to the negroes for his former neglect, and
when that part of the measure which proposed that the negro
should work three-fourths of his time without reward came under
consideration, he would give it his decided opposition. The hon.
member here referred to the case of Henry Willis as a proof of
the cruelty which was practised under what was called the im-
proved system of late years. Mr. Betty addressed the gang of
slaves Of which Willis was one, and told them that if they went
to chapel they should be sent to the Rodney-hall workhouse,
which was a terrible punishment. A woman who heard the
order given, sighed, upon which Mr. Betty said, " We must
hand that lady out.", She was seized, stripped, stretched upon
the ground, and flogged. (Hear.) Henry Willis did attend
the chapel, and in so doing disobeyed orders; but his punishment
was dreadful. He was sent to the Rodney-hall workhouse, and
there flogged repeatedly, until his back became a mass of cor-
ruption, and he was compelled to lie upon his stomach. Sir G.
Murray instituted an inquiry into this case; but Mr. Betty said
that he had never exceeded the legal punishment—that he had
never inflicted more than 39 lashes at one time ; and he added,
" If the Colonial Secretary thinks I have done any thing con-
trary to law, let him submit my conduct to twelve honest plant-
ers, and they will convince him that I have only exercised the
undoubted right of a West Indian proprietor. (Hear, hear.)
In a despatch sent out by Lord Goderich upon that subject,
it Was declared that upon inquiry it turned out Mr. Betty had
been guilty only of exercising legal powers in an illegalmanner.
His (Mr. Buxton's) mind was impressed with the conviction
that a servile war would be the inevitable consequence of eman-
cipation being Much longer deferred. The speech of the right
hon. secretary would tend to diminish the danger, for the ne-
groes,. who were possessed of good sense, would see that it was
I their interest to conduct themselves peaceably. He could not,
however, forget that the report of the committee which sat last
session stated, that if the question were not speedily settled, it
was probable that the uegroes would themselves throw off the
yoke, and exterminate the white population. He hoped that
nothing would induce ministers to postpone the Settlement of
the question beyond the present session. No wisdom or power
could now avert the doom of slavery; but wisdom and foresight
might influence the mode of its termination. Slayery.might
end by violence or in peace. It might terminate as in
co
, Domingo, amidst the horrors of a servile war ; or as in Mexico.
in peace and safety, and to the benefit of all
.parties. The de-
termined spirit exhibited by the negroes during the late insur-
rection in Jamaica proved that there would be imminent danger
in again driving them to desperation. A refractory negro was
told to work, but he replied that he would never work again
without wages. The muskets of the soldiers were pointed at
him, and lie was again told to go to work; he made the same
answer as before, and fell pierced with balls. Ile mentioned
this not as an atrocity, but as a warning. When men could
thus brave death with the fortitude of martyrs and heroes, they
could not be kept in slavery. A thousand Acts of Parliament,
sanctioning slavery, might be shewn to him, but the negro was
unconvicted of crime, and therefore was free. The negro might
be in the lowest state of civilization, or,' as. Blackstone said,-
" in a state of nature," and prefer the pursuits of a savage life
to those of civilized society; but still he was unconvicted of
crime, and was therefore free. If it could be demonstrated
that the negro, when emancipated, would refuse to work for
wages, he would not the less claim for him the acknowledgment
of those rights which belonged to him by the law of God, and
had been taken away from him by the abominable cruelty of
man. He objected to the phraseology of one part of the right
hon. gentleman's resolutions—natnely, that which described
the masters as the pi oprietors of the saves. The slaves did not
belong to them, and never had belonged to them. When that
word should be struck out, he believed that he should be able
to support the plan which had been submitted to the house.
If, as he anticipated, he should vote against au amendment
embodying the terms of a resolution which he formerly moved.
it would only be with the view of promoting the welfare of the
negro, which was the object he had always had at heart. (Hear,
hear.)
Mr. WA RD proceeded to say, that in Guatemala and Mexico,
where colonial produce was raised, and where Africans had
been originally imported, there was not a single slave. In
• Mexico the government had extinguished slavery. by promot-
ing intermarriages between the African slaves and free Indian
women, securing emancipation either to the slaves or to their
issue. When the revolution broke out they reaped the advan-
tage of this proceeding, for the estates were cultivated by free
labourers. He (Mr. Ward). had seen the success of the expe-
riment of free labour in Mexico. On the question of compen-
sation, he held that without it the measure who'd be nothing
but spoliation. He was not one of those who held to the ab-
stract proposition, and said that we ought to celebrate his Ma-
jesty's birthday next year by giving liberty to the slaves with-
out compensation ; still less should he think of dismissing all
the military in the West Indies, and substituting teachers for
infants and adults. He was sorry to understand that the go-
vernment had given up the wisest part of the plan, that of the
slaves working out their freedom by wages. The hon. member
concluded by saying, that it was not on the West India pro-
prietors, but the nation, which had encouraged the system, that
he would place the burden ; and that without the co-operation
of the West Indians government could not hope to carry into
effect a plan which would realize what reason, philosophy, and
religion, had so lone- desired.
Mr. GODSON, amidst cries of "Question," and "Adjourn,"
moved, as we understood, the adjournment of the discussion.
The Chairman put the question that he report progress.
Lord ALTHORP intimated that the debate must take its chance
on Friday, after the discussion of the Bank charter.
The house then resumed, the other orders of the day were
disposed of, and it adjourned at 1 o'clock.