The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-07-02 00:00:00

DIED.

..e'2 08
,18.

8 Od.

lOsper 14.

28s. do.

2s.do.

8.P.15.~1d.

30s Od v Id.

Sales
This Day

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15
194
93
233

221
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PACKET LIST.
GENERAL POST-OFFICE, June 28.

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At Ballyshannon, aged 89 years, Mrs. O'DONEL, relict or
Con O'Donel, Esq., the lineal descendant of the Chief of
Tryeonnel and eldest sister of the late O'Connor Don, of Bele-
nargre. •
On the 16th April, at Madeira, LOUISA JANE, youngest
daughter of ANDREW WINGATE, Esq., Glasgow.
On the 29th May, on board the pabket-ship Virginia, on her
passage hence for New York, Mrs. MARY MOORE, late of
Manchester.

On the igth ult., at Aylesbury, in his 83rd year, Mr. JOSEPH
NASH.

On the 12th ult., at Maida•cottage, Elgin, Scotland, aged 86,
the Rev. FRANCIS BARCLAY, late minister of the parish of
Sandisling, Shetland.

Same day, at 106, Mill-street, in his 73rd year, JOHN CUM-
MINS, Esq. _ _

On the 15th ult., deeply lamented, Mr. PETER JACKSON,
tallow-chandler, Wigan.

On the 16th ult., at Scotby, near Carlisle, aged 22 years,
MARY JANE, second daughter of the late Mr. JONATHAN
FONDER, of this town.
Same day. near Clonakilty, aged 120 years, Mr. JOHN
SKULLY. He retained ttp comparative enjoyment of his
mental faculties unimpaired to almost the last moment of his
existence.

Same day, aged 2 years and 3 months, MARY FRANCES,
daughter of Mr RICH. CASIDY. of this town ; and on Thurs-
day last, aged 10 months, SIMON PETER, brother of the
above.

On the 18th ult., at Carlisle, aged 78 years, PETER NICHOL-
SON, Esq , author of several valuable works on mathematics,
architecture, &c.

Same day, at Leeds, in his 87th year, FRANCIS CARBUTT,
a member of the Society of Friends.
Same day, at Lyme, aged Ss, Mrs. SUSANNAH OLIVER
formerly of Bridgewater.

On the 20th Mi., at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, aged 24, CATHE,
RINE, daughter of the late Mr. JOHN TAYLOR, Rye-hilh.
Nursery, Newcastle, deeply lamented.

Same day, at 28, Berkeley-street, aged 25, Miss AGNES
COOPER.

On the 21st ultimo, at Colstream, Mr. JOHN HAY, father
of Mr. Hay, architect, of this town.
01 the 22nd ultimo, at Abbotsford-place, Glasgow, aftar a
protracted and painful illness, and in tne prime of her life,
Mrs. ALEXANDER, the wife of Mr. John Alexander, of the
Glasgow Courier.
Same day, ELIZABETH, wife of Mr. WILLIAM FADZEN,
No. 17, Devon-street.
On the 23rd ultimo, at Maida Hill, London, aged 36, GEO.
FOLEY HODGKINSON. Esq., late of Calcutta.
Same day, aged 15 weeks, MARGARET JOHNSTON, the
infant daughter of Mr. WILLIAM BARRY, St. Michael's
Hamlet, Toxteth-park.
Same day, at Burton-on-Trent, JOSEPH PEEL, Esq., of
Knowinere, in the county of York, youngest sou of the late
JONATHAN PEEL, Esq., of Accrington House, in this county.
Same day, aged s 6, JANE, wife of Mr. J. B. SMITH, and
daughter of Mr. J. KENNEDY, Nelson-street.
On the 24th ultimo, at Rugby, CHARLOTTE, widow of the
Rev. JOSEPH KNIGHT, Church Missionary, Nellore, Island
of Ceylon.
Same day, at Camberwell, THOMAS 1 OBIAS, eldest son of
TOBIAS BROWNE, Esq.
On the 25th ultimo, at Ramsay, Isle of Man, MARGARET,
relict c f the late Mr. NATHANIEL RIMMER, of this town,
and daughter of the late Vicar General CABBON, of that

Same day, at his house, Rodney-street, aged 50, JAMES
FOSTER, Esq.
Same day, aged 25 years, CATHERINE, wife of Mr.
VERII.L, of Everton.

On the 26th ultimo, after a long illness, in his 27th year, Mr.
WILLIAM JAMES, joiner.
On the 28th ultimo, at her son's residence, Duke-street, Edge-
hill, Mrs. WHITEHEAD, aged 71.
On the 29th ult., aged 78, Mr. STEPHEN WALMSLEY, of
Everton, after a long and severe illness, which he bore with
Christian fortitude. _ . _

On the 30th ultimo, at Sanydmount, Dublin, Capt. THOMAS
HOLMES, of Whitehaven, aged 63, many years in the West
ndia trade.

LATEST DATES AT LIVERPOOL.
Direct. I Indirect Direct. Indirect
Australia . .. Feb. 27. Lima
Bahia .... .. May 8. MaranhaM
Barbadoes „ 22. Mauritius
Bombay .. May 1. Mobile
B. Ayres .. .. April 15 Monte Video. .. April 12
Calcutta .. I April 20 N. Orleans .. June S.
C. G. Hope .. May 5. New York
Charleston , , June 11 Pernambuco ' May 14.
China .. Mar. 16 Rio Janeiro .. April 28.
Demerara .. May 20. Savannah .. June 9..
Havana .. May 31. St. Helena
Jamaica .. „ 24. Valparaiso . Mch. S.
Laguira .. May 13. I .. Vera Cruz

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Qat Riberpoot Aqatitiatti.

TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 2, 1844.

The state of parties in the legislature at this mo-
ment presents for our consideration one of the most
singular anomalies ever witnessed in any country.
Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham, in the one
house, and the Duke of Wellington in the other,
virtually sway the destinies of this country, the le-
gislative bodies having been converted into the
mere instruments of their will, recording determi-
nations with which they are absolutely forbidden to

interfere. And in what consists the power which
enables these statesmen to assume and hold such a
position ? Ministers have in neither house a large
body of sympathising and trusting friends, acting
with them from motives of affection for their persons
and character, and confidence in their genera! po-
licy. On the contrary, no ministry perhaps was
ever so weak in this respect, and commanded so
little the enthusiasm and love of those who, never-
theless, are constrained to their support. Upon
some vital principle they are at issue with every
section of their friends, and upon none are they
united with all. Upon the questions of Education,
Church Extension, Factories Regulation, the New
Poor-law, and some other questions of importance,
their views are most unpalatable to the majority of
those through whose influence they hold place and
power ; and yet with respect to no questions are
they more decided and dictatorial, and we may add
more omnipotent, than with respect to these, in
which they are supported only by enemies or con-
strained and disgusted friends.
It is not then its popularity out of doors, or the
confidence which it enjoys within the walls of Par-
liament, which constitutes the strength of Sir
Robert Peel's ministry, and enables it to dictate its
measures to all parties, and in contempt of all. No
ministry, we repeat, ever enjoyed less general popu-
larity, or less of the confidence of Parliament, than
this ministry does. We much question, indeed,
whether, if it can be said to enjoy popularity and
confidence at all, these do not flow in a greater mea-
sure from the "liberal" and destructive party than
from Conservatives. By what means, or upon what
principle, then, is it that Sir Robert is able to wield
the baton of office so proudly, and surmount diffi-
culties and opposition with such apparent ease and
success ? How is it, above all, that humbled, de-
jected, down-looking Conservatism walks chained
and crouching at his heels, through whatever de-
gradation he chooses to impose upon its head ?
What is the influence which has converted all the
flourish of lofty principle and unbending consis-
tency and patriotism, lately so rife upon every hust-
ngs, into this abjectness of slavery ? The influence
of fear upon Conservative breasts, stronger than
principle—strong as selfishness itself., Sir Robert
has but to glance—with that peculiar and meaning
look which he so well knows how to use—tow irds
those benches where sit the determined Cobden and
his enthusiastic supporters, and country gentlemen
are ready at the hint to sacrifice independent action,
to fly in the face of recorded opinions and even
pledges, and to say " aye" to whatever the minister
chooses to dictate as the price of his forbearance.
If a body of Conservative members are anxious to
snatch from some meditated infliction the West
India or any other interest, the minister has but to
point significantly to a continuation of the income
tax, or to hint at retirement to a private station, and
the object of their anxious care is resigned, with
grumbling perhaps, but still resigned, to be dealt
with at his pleasure. And if upon some measure
of concession or expediency the demand upon the
obedience of his usual friends be too great to be at
once submitted to, we see forthwith from amongst
the opposing ranks, a tender of support gleefully
held out, to to enable Sir Robert Peel and his evil i
genius, who holds the seals of the Home-office, to
defy and override the honest opinions of the few of ,
their party who dare be honest. I
This is a painful picture to contemplate; but it is
one which the Conservatives throughout the empire
must contemplate boldly and at once, or they are
lost. A Conservative government acting upon Whig '
principles—is this the thing for which we have
fought so long and so stoutly ? It is not. This is
not such a government as that which we hoped to
set up when we drove from office the late incapable
administration. This is not such a government as
that for whose maintenance in office and in useful-
ness we submitted to the imposition of an income-
tax, and to the sacrifice or temporary forbearance
in the assertion of principles ever held to be a por- 1
tion of the character of Conservatism. But why do I'
we urge the contemplation of truths so painful ?
Not surely without some effort in view to repair the
evil. On the contrary, we feel that such an effort is
necessary and is within our reach. Once more, and
earnestly, we must apply ourselves to the registries,
and strengthen ourselves there, that when an appeal
to the country is made—and that cannot be far dis-
tant—we may have at our disposal such an array of
strength as will enable us to select, with a determi-
nation not to be deceived or cajoled, honest and
faithful representatives of our opinions ; and be
spared the indignity of returning the pledged sup-
porters of this or that, or any ministry, which des-
pises and boastfully sets itself above public opinion.
Let every man, who has a claim to be put upon the
register, see now that his name is placed there. Let
every Conservative bear in mind and act upon the
injunction of one who knew well its importance—
let every Conservative who wishes for truly Con-
servative policy.

" REGISTER-REGISTER--REGISTER!"
~,...__

We have given elsewhere an analysis of the pro-
visions of the measure recently brought in by Mr.
W. E. Gladstone for the regulation of railways. Its
importance will readily be admitted, when the vast
interests which it is calculated to interfere with are
considered ; and we, therefore, offer no apology for
bestowing a few remarks upon the subject.
We cannot, however strongly impressed in favour
of the railway system, and recognizing the right to
something like inviolability of the property em-

barked in it, bring ourselves to believe that this bill
is to be denounced with the violence and bitterness
of tone displayed by some of our contemporaries.
We cannot, for instance, bring ourselves to believe,
with the Railway Times, that it is entitled to be
called the " Railway Plunder Bill ;" or that it is one
"invading the legal rights of railway companies—
interfering with their property—assuming over
them the most extensive, intrusive, and offensive
powers." A little arbitrary, perhaps, it may be,
as are all such interferences with property, nearly
every clause in an improvement bill, all par-
liamentary regulations of fees, &c.—as, indeed, is
every alteration of the standing orders of either
house of parliament applicable to railway or other
private bills. It certainly does go a little further
than some of these ; but, we contend, it goes only
in a direction long ago pointed out, and provides
what, to some extent, is imperatively called for by
a proper regard for the interests of the public, and,
moreover, what has been in many cases attempted
to be provided already by the legislature, although
successfully evaded by railway companies.
Let any dispassionate man glance over the clauses
of our existing railway bills, and say whether he can
entertain any doubt of the intention of the legisla-
ture, at the time of their being passed, to restrain ex-
orbitant charges and to keep down profits of work-
ing to a legitimate level. For what are maximum
scales of toll laid down but to insure such a result ?
For what are clauses inserted enabling parties, other
than the companies themselves, to put locomotives
and carriages upon the various lines, under given
conditions of remuneration and regulation ? True,
these clauses have been rendered null by parlia-
mentary omission, or undue and improper evasions
of their spirit and meaning on the part of railway
1 proprietors; but they serve, still, to show that the
1 governments who passed such bills did not mean to
promote permanent monopolies; and, if this could
have been considered at all doubtful, the direct re-
strictions imposed in some cases to the payment of
dividends of more than ten per cent. (which are got
rid of by the creation of new shares upon which
only a small per tentage of capital is paid up) should
be perfectly conclusive upon the matter.
It is contended, however, and most strongly by
our contemporary, the Railway Times, that govern-
ment has no right to step in, in the way proposed,
between the monopolies which have grown up, by
evasion of the spirit of acts of parliament, and the
public, who are onerously subjected to the arbitrary
exercise of their powers, unless it is prepared to
" protect their property against destructive compe-
tition." In other words, our contemporary, in be-
half of existing companies, says, " protect us against
the competition of rival lines—render our monopoly,
to a certain extent, a permanent monopoly, and you
may regulate our fares and compel us to increase
the scale of accommodation to be afforded to the
Ipublic." The unreasonableness of the demand is
1 palpable. In the first instance, government only
i asks for the power of interference with railways pay-
' ing above ten per cent. Where, then, can be the
great injury ? But it is absurd to contend that all
future railway enterprise is to cease in order to pro-
; tect existing lines in their ten per cent, remunera-
tion. No government can give—no government
ought to be asked to give—a guarantee so improvi-
dent and unjust to public interests.
Against many of the clauses of the proposed bill
we feel that serious objections may lie—especially
against that clause which allows to Government
compulsory powers of purchasing, and themselves
working, any line or lines ; that, in fact, few
of them are scarcely sufficiently matured; and we
regret, therefore, that they should have been proposed
at so late a period of the session. To some of them,
however, we must give our cordial support; and
particularly to that which insists upon accommoda-
tion being provided for third-class passengers—for
the poor—and that such accommodation should not
be of the paltry character afforded upon some lines,
but carriages with seats, and containing sufficient
covering from the weather. We want this much
upon a line very near our own locality; and for the
sake of the true interests of the proprietors of that
line, and of the public, we would urge upon the
former, without waiting for the probable necessity
under which they may be placed, to adopt the hint,
and thus obviate the possibility of the projection of
some injuriously competing scheme.

When that particularly discreet and modest indi-
vidual, Mr. William Rathbone, on a recent occasion,
was not the occupant of the chair, at a meeting
called to sympathise with the convicted conspirators,
Daniel O'Connell and others, having previously oc-
cupied a similar position at a meeting held to pro-
test against the then pending trial, we gave him
credit for something very like a spontaneous return
to a sense of what was becoming in a man invested
with the responsible duties of the magisterial bench.
But we knew not hitherto whether such were
really the motive or not.

The fate, however, it now appears, which has
just befallen a Mr. Cornelius O'Brien, like
William Rathbone, not a repealer, but who, un-
like William, attended such a meeting as that
lately held at the Liverpool Amphitheatre, had
" cast its shadows before, " and illumined
the mind of our own Solon. Mr. Cornelius
O'Brien couldn't take a hint; William Rathbone
could and did : and, as the result, the said Cor-
nelius no longer writes J. P. after his name. and
bustles in all the pomp of magisterial authority,
whilst his wiser brother of the bench of Liverpool
can still occupy his usual seat in the Sessions-
house, with the duties and dignities thereunto
attached. The awful fiat of Henry Sugden's secre-
tary has extinguished Cornelius, whilst William still
blooms and shines with undimmed beauty and re-
splendence. Unhappy Cornelius—fortunate Wil-
liam—more fortunate Liverpool for whom he is
still spared!

THE FUNDS, SATURDAY NIGHT.—The business at the
Stock-Exchange, to-day was extremely limited, and
prices had a tendency downwards. In the case of the
English securities the flatness of the market was occa-
sioned by the appearance of an influential broker, who
was supposed to be a seller. Consols for the account left
off 951 to 1 ; Bank Stock, 1971 to 1981 ; Three per Cents.
Reduced 994- to 8 ; Three-and• a-half per Cents Reduced.
1021 to 4-; Long Annuities, 121; India Bonds, 91s. to
965, premium ; and Exchequer-bills, 735. to 755. premium.
In the foreign market there was no particular feature.
Dealings were much restricted, and values were drooping.
Spanish Three per Cents. closed 341 to ; the Five per
Cents, 22i to ; Portuguese Converted, 46i to 472;
Peruvian, 261 to 271; Mexican, 35 to 4-; the Deferred,
15 to ; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 611 to 621;
the Five per Cents., 100: to 8 ; Danish, 88 to 89 ; Colum-
bian 131 to ; Chilian, 103 to 103 ; Buenos Ayres, 35 to
36 ; 'Brazilian, 82 to 83 ; and Belgian, 1021 to 1031 ;
EXPECTED VISIT OF THE KING OF SAXONY TO LI-
VERPOOL—The Mayor has received intimation that his
Majesty, the King of Saxony, intends to honour Liverpool
with a visit on his journey through England and Wales.
His Worship has in consequence been in hourly ex-
pectation of the Royal visit since Saturday ; but up to
the arrival of the latest train lass night his Majesty had
not made his appearance. The King was at Cambridge
on Thursday, and at Oxford on Friday ; and on Saturday
morning he proceeded to Blenneim, near Woodstock, the
seat of the Earl of Marlborough, where, we believe, he is
at present. His visits to the provinces have been strictly
private. He travels under the name of the Graf Von
Hohenstein ' • and his suite consists:of Baron tie Gersdoff,
the Saxon Minister resident in London, Baron de
Reichardt, Aid-de-Camp, and Dr. Carus, Physician to
his Majesty. The Mayor has forwarded a communica-
tion to his Majesty's private secretary, respectfully
ipnagi d. to
viL,
ei v ebrepl
eovle; at n
ids a
hn
sa nws
owres
ht.
requesting to be informed when the Royal visit will be
i
handsome dejeune at the Town Hallils s eoxin• Pr tetechnt
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itso morn-
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approachinga-
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