The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-07-26 00:00:00

Tbe Ribtrpool Alanbar.

FRIDAF MORNING, JULY 25, 1R33.

Some rather important news from Portugal will be
found in another column. General BOURMONT and the
French officers had arrived ,before Oporto, and the most
active preparations were making for an immediate and
decisive attack upon that unfortunate city. It will be
singular enough if Don PEDRO should receive his quietus
through the very means resorted to by himself to conquer
the country from his brother, namely, the instrumentality
of foreigners. The English inhabitants were taking
refuge on board the ships in the river,. and the greatest
consternation prevailed among all classes. It would not
surprise us if the inhabitants of Oporto were to rise en
masse and compel Don PEDRO to capitulate or surrender
at discretion. It would, however, be a perilous discretion.
If the inhabitants were averse to the continuance of the
contest, they should have expressed their sentiments
sooner; they might thereby have averted the awful con-
sequences which now impend over them. If BOURMONT
should succeed in taking Oporto by storm, the victory of
Captain NAPIER will be a brief triumph indeed. It
Would not be bad policy on the part of the Captain, to
give his prizes a touch of careening in some English or
rench port, where in case of any " untoward event,"
lie might convert them first into firewood, and next into
money. The men must have pay, and the hero, be he
Pirate or patriot, must have his reward ; and in case of
Oporto being taken, we see no chance of obtaining this
reward, except by carrying off the vessels. It would
look very like robbery, it is true, but the transaction has
bad that taint from the beginning.

• Ministers have very recently been exhibiting some
rare and extraordinary specimens of retrenchment. Let
its take a glance at one or two of these.
Mr. JOHN WOOD, the member for Preston, whom, but
a few months ago, we recollect as a briefless and un-
known barrister, in chambers in Crown Office-row in the
Temple, where the whole establishment consisted of a
scrubby lad and an antiquated laundress, is appointed to
'succeed Mr. MITFORD in the office of Chairman of the
Commissioners of Stamps. In order to effect this object,
the present ministry displace Mr. MITFORD with a retir-
i.ug pension of £1,400 per annum ! Let it not be sup-
Posed, however, that we object to the well-earned remu-
neration on the part of a public functionary so justly en-
titled to it bv his services as Mr. MITFORD j all we mean
is to oppose ourselves to, and expose the line of conduct
.Lere acted upon by the pledged ministers in the teeth of
all their promises of retrenchment. They displace an
efficient and long-tried servant to make room for an un-
. derling of their own, of far inferior pretensions, at the
unwarrantable expense to the country of the pension al-
luded to.

Mr. Attorney PARKES," of the Birmingham Political
Union, and the private agent of the ministers during the
" glorious days," has been appointed Secretary to the
Commissioners for examininc, into Corporations.

Is it true that Mr_ RUSIITO,;, of Liverpool, is appointed
one of these commissioners ?

The Committee for enquiring into the conduct of dead
men, for the worthy purpose of finding some pretext for
robbing the living, or in other words, disfranchising the
burgesses of Liverpool, had not finished their labours
*when the last advices left London. The Commit:• e
passed a resolution that none of the evidence should be
published during the progress of the investigation, but
this resolution the liberal journals have treated with
scorn, and various garbled extracts have found their
way into some of the London and Liverpool newspa
pers. These scraps are in the highest degree inaccu-
rate, wrong names being given, and various facts being
confounded and distorted so as to make the whole ex-
tremely ridiculous and absurd.
On Tuesday last, the defence of the freemen was com-
menced by Mr. Nienor., the. honourable nominee of the
House, in a short but able speech, a faithful report of
which will be found in another column. It was expected
that the whole .of the evidence for the defence would be
concluded yesterday, so that, if the Committee be agreed,
a report may be presented to the House this very even-
ing. As we have said before, it is of very little conse-
quence what the Committee state in their report. In the
first place, we have pretty strong and cogent reasons
for believing that a majority of its members are totally
incompetent to conduct, or rather adjudicate upon an in-
quiry of this nature ; and .in the second place, they have
exhibited such traits of temper, obstinacy, ignorance and
partiality, that we should have little respect for their
verdict even if by chance it were to turn out favourably
for the burgesses. The whole affair, and what is of some
importance at the present moment, the expense of it,
must come before the House in a more formal way ; and
when it does come, we shall then take the liberty to
advert to the evidence, and the character of the witnesses.
Our readers may depend upon it that a full report of the
proceedings will be given in the STANDARD as soon as we
are legally warranted in doing so.
We cannot, however, allow this opportunity to pass
without expressing our unbounded admiration of the
skill, the unwearied industry, the legal research, and the
able and uncompromising manner of Mr. NiduoL, in
conducting the defence of our fellow-townsmen. He had
to contend with pomposity, obstinacy, vulgarity, inso-
lence, and unblushing falsehood; and yet he has made
out a case, which if the committee do their duty, without
fear and without bias, must terminate in the acquittal of
the slandered burgesses. But, be this as it may, the
freemen are immeasurably indebted to Mr. NicnoL. The
honourable and learned gentleman, though the son of a
distinguished judge, has no need to rest his renown upon
hereditary talent; for he has, on this occasion, proved
himself to possess. abilities of the very first order.

But a word anent the money. The witnesses in this
expensive inquiry are all paid by orders upon the trea-
sury. Jolls BULL, if you stand this, you are an ass in-
deed ! Here is a dip into thy pocket, merely to gratify
a few heartless and disappointed mountebanks in Liver-
pool, who, because they could not induce the freemen to
desert their best friends, would hang them if they could
by suborned evidence. Admirable patriots these!

The proceedings upon the West India question within
the past week have been entirely corroborative of our
own previous views-and opinions. Incertitude and ir-
resolution on the part of ministers; and on the side of
the natural enemies of the Colonists the same determi-
nation to commit injustice that has ever marked their
conduct, except when some paramount consideration of
momentary interest hai induced the concealment of that
determination, in order to avoid the risk of a premature
disclosure of their views defeating their ultimate object.
We should have thought our recent exposure of the ri-
diculous proceedings of one of the rival Anti-Slavery
bodies would have checked them in their course. But
we suppose the sanction of some additional numbers
in their meeting of Saturday last at Exeter Hall re-
stored that confidence which had previously, as we have
reason to believe, somewhat abandoned them ; and, in
consequence, we find repeated those unjustifiable, we
might say insolent, attempts to coerce the legisla-
ture in its functions, which have, on previous oc-
casions, stood prominently forward in their resolutions.
BY what right, we would ask, do the infatuated creatures
who constitute the majority of the persons assembling at
Exeter Hall on such occasions—under the sanction of
What law, or by what conceded privilege, do these people
assume to dictate to the Houses of Parliament the pecu•
liar mode in which they shall decide upon any question
affecting interests of such vast magnitude as those of the
colonies ? It is, in truth, almost degrading to descend to
such a question; nor would we, even for the moment
that we occupy in asking it, so far notice them, did we
not know, from past experience, how ruinous to public
-and private interests are the consequences of that med-

tiling which has been too long tolerated in these self-
styled, would-he exclusive, but most egregiously-mis-
taken advocates of the cause of humanity. Confessing
but little disposition to coincide with Mr. P,ELHAM in
his general views, we acknowledge the correctness of
those which he took on Monday night, in the discussion
upon the second reading of the West India Bill, when he
censured the meeting at Exeter Hall for passing a reso-
lution to the effect "that delegates should be summoned
from all parts of Great Britain and Ireland to watch the
conduct of the representatives of the people on this ques-
tion." Little as we have reason to approve of the conduct
of the "representatives of the people" on the major part
of their proceedings in the present session, we have yet
to learn in what respect benefit is to be derived from the
counsel or proceedings of such delegates in the adjust-
ment of West India difficulties. We would advise these
people, as we have done before, to limit their labours to
the honest conduct of their own affairs, and to leave the
" watching" of this business to those who have some
knowledge of the question; a matter which we are in no
way inclined to concede to themselves. Surely there
exists enough of embarrassment to overcome, without
admitting such impertinent interference as is here sug-

gested.
As the understanding existed that the second reading
should pass without much discussion—since the resolu-
tions admitted the principle, and the details could only
be advantageously discussed in committee—we were
surprised to see the opportunity made available by Mr.
BUXTON, Lord Howicx, and others, to introduce ex-
pressions which, if not savouring of actual dishonesty,
are little creditable to them, either in their capacity as
legislators, or as individual members of society. They
were not too severely treated either by Mr. BERNAL or
Sir ROBERT PEEL, in the observations which their re-
marks called forth froM both those gentlemen, and
especially from the latter, who seems to have with of
those forebodings which have pressed upon us from the
beginning, and through every step and stage of this
most vital measure.

We are unwilling to extend our observations upon the
impolicy and injustice of the details, as they stand be-
fore us up to the moment of going into committee. We
think we should have no difficulty in suggesting much
that might be found deserving of the consideration of
that committee ; but, at the moment we write their
labours will have been somewhat advanced ; and know-
ing the individual talent and experience of the majority
of the persons appointed to watch the question on the
part of the West India interest, we are inclined to hope
for those concessions to justice, and to the national wel-
fare, as well as to the real benefit of all concerned in the
colonies, whether proprietor or negro, which may weak.
en, if not avert, the evils that must inevitably attend the
maintenance of the provisions of the bill in their present
shape. There is only one point on which, at this mo-
ment, we would venture a suggestion, that may be said
to apply alike to the Government, as propounders of the
bill, and to the various and varied interests of those,
whose property is the object of its enactments—we mean
the appropriation of the compensation fund. Without
abandoning in any material degree the views that we
have heretofore expressed upon this part of the question,
we see much of intricacy in its adjustment, and a fair
and justifiable ground for differences of opinion thereon.
What may be finally settled as the principle of division
is, perhaps, at this moment, as little decided as on the
first announcement of the original resolutions. The re-
presentatives of the several colonies naturally contend
for such an appropriation as may suit the especial inter-
ests under their charge. The minister ought to have,
and we see no reason to doubt that he has upon this par-
ticular question, a desire to do equal justice. The capa-
city to judge may, nevertheless, be doubted ;—and,
therefote, we are inclined to the belief that some means
might be devised,—but in what precise way we admit
that we are not quite prepared to say—to refer the ad-
judication of the fund, as to its proportions to the several
' classes of claimants, to some appointed body, alike inde-
pendent of the minister or the claimants, --a sort of jury,
which should award to each that portion of the general
fund to which an impartial examination into their several
cases might lead.
Before our next publication some considerable progress
may be expected to be made in Committee. We sin-
cerely hope that the hasty and inconsiderate construction
of the bill may be moderately shown and candidly ad-
mitted. If so, the provisions to which we have unhe-
sitatingly applied strong terms of condemnation [may
give place to clauses that may be calculated to soften the
inflictions to which, under any circumstances of mitiga-
tion, we still look forward with feelings of considerable
anxiety.

There are some persons who entertain a notion that
the present members of the reformed House of Com-
mons are so well satisfied with their own qualifications,
and so well contented with the honours they enjoy and
the emoluments they receive, or expect to receive, that
very little would tempt them to vote themselves legisla-
tors for life. Appearances are favourable to this notion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, on Tuesday night, voted against
Mr. TENNYSON'S motion for a repeal of the septennial
act, and the gentle Lord HOWICK observed, on the same
occasion, "that great care ought to be taken lest this
House of Commons should be dissolved !" The house
adopted the suggestion—took "great care" of itself—and
refused to sanction any measure having for its object the
shortening of the duration of Parliaments.

It is on these premises that some people build their in.
ferences that the representatives of the people would no
object to having a life interest in their present seats.--
There are many reasons why they should desire this be.
sides the mere expense of an election. Lord Howtcx
meant more than he intended, or more than he was con-
scious of, when he expressed his concern " lest the house
should be dissolved." It was not the cost which this soft-
headed young gentleman had in his eye—it was not the
trouble ofcanvassing, or begging, or bullying, or spouting,
and all that, which aroused the sensibilities of Ilowicx, but
the more serious apprehension that should a dissolution
take place, he and others would run the imminent hazard
of never being returned again. The house contains
about two hundred members, who are members fur the
first time. Of these new-made statesmen there are some
sixty or seventy of the most extraordinary creatures ever
seen in one collection. Where they have come from—
where born—or where bred, we defy any man to deduce
from their conversation or manners, for such conversa-
tion or such manners have never been exhibited before
in any assembly in this country. They misuse the KING'S
English most abominably, in open defiance of every rule
laid down by the schoolmaster. It is difficult to decide
whether they are most ignorant of the forms of the house
or the rules of grammar. Formerly strangers visited the
gallery to listen to the fervid eloquence of PITT, the indig-
nant declamation of Fox, the lofty grandiloquence of
BURKE, the polished rhetoric of CANNING, or the sarcas-
tic sallies of the late Mr. HENRY BROUGHAM, anti as they
listened they were pleased, gratified, surprised, aston-
ished, and delighted by turns ; but now strangers go to
the gallery, as children do to a twopenny show, to be
amused, to have a laugh, (alas! that it should be at the
expense of the nation,) to witness the drolleries of COB-
BETT, the pretensions of SILK BUCKINGHAM, the gabble of
JOE FIELDEN, the sermons of Mr. FAlTuFuL,the unknown
tongues of Mr. GILLON and Mr. BANNERMAN, the foolscap
oratory of Sir JOHN KEY, the nostrums of Sir SAMUEL
WHALLEY, the blunders of Lord ALTHORP, the miserable
chirpings of Lord JOHN. RUSSELL, the tallow-shopery ar-
guments of Mr. POWLETT THOMSON, and the small-beer
friskiness of Mr. FRANCIS JEFFEREY, of the Edinburgh
Review, now Lord Advocate for Scotland. To be in-
structed by any thing that proceeds out of the mouths of
any of these men is out of the question. There is more
valuable information to be acquired by watching the
movements of Mr. JOHN GULLY. No, no, strangers do
not go to be instructed; they go to get five shillings
worth. of laughter for the two-and-sixpence they pay at
the door.

Now, be it borne in mind, that of the two hundred
new members, of some of whom we have made honour-
able mention, at least one hundred and fifty of them never
would darken the doors of St. Stephen's if another elec-
tion were to take place to-morrow. These inimitable

persons know this well. They see their fate in the
change which has taken place in public opinion. They
know that they are odious from one end of the country
to the other, and they read their doom in the pages of
every newspaper. It comes by instinct, therefore, that
they should hold by their rotten plank, and cling toge-
ther as long as possible. "Oh dear 1" exclaims my Lord
SIMPLICITY, " take great care lest the house be dis-
solved I—Heaven forefend !—a dissolution would ruin
us !—we would be undone, beggared, disgraced, hooted
at and despised for ever!"
And so you would, gentlemen. There is no mistake
about this. You cannot fall much lower than you are at
present. Ingenious as Lord ALTHORP is in contriving a
mishap and concocting a blunder ; and expert as he is in
tumbling into the mire and drawing his friends after him
—ingenious and expert though he be, still we defy the
noble lord to make the House of Commons more con-
temptible than it is at present. It is dyed in the yarn, as
Mr. MARK PHILIPs would say, and is weather proof. No
soap, or soft water, or sunshine can wash or bleach its
colour out. The five hundred jobs to which it has been
a party—the reforms that it has sanctioned merely for the
sake of patronage—the pretended love of economy, and
the improvident expenditure of the public money—the
millions voted away unnecessarily, and the assessed taxes
continued vexatiously—all these facts speak trumpet-
tongued not only against ministers, but against their
reformed parliament. Look at the pledges that have
been broken without the slightest hesitation or regret.
Dr. LUSHINGTON, of the Tower. Hamlets, WILLIAM
BROUGHAM, of Southwark, and fifty others, were all
pledged to a repeal of the assessed taxes, and they all
voted in their favour ! Are we lovers of pledges or
pledged members ? By no means ; but the pledge made
should be redeeMed, otherwise honour is a word without
meaning, and the promise of -a reformer as false as
" dicer's oath."
_ _

Hitherto we have been favourable to the. septennial
bill, but the character of the reformed House of ConiMons
is .an insuperable objection to it. If ever there ‘6's a
time when an appeal should be made to the nation, it is
the present moment. The mania of reform has passed
by ; the frantic dream of the revolutionist has been dissi-
pated, the hopes of the incendiary are subdued, and the
sober calm of reflection has succeeded to the roar of the
political tempest. The people see that the Whigs are
dishonest. They are a grasping, selfish, ignorant, and
being ignorant, a chattering, consequential, and arrogant
confederacy of quacks. They have not fulfilled any one
of the nine hundred and ninety-nine expectations which
they held out when they came into office. Their whole
official reign has been a delusion and a fraud. Their
struggle has been for place ; and being in place, to
keep possession as long as possible by every means,
shabby or nefarious, sneaking or impudent, reckless
or despicable. Lord BROUGHAM has contrived to ob-
tain more patronage, and confer more favours, than
any former Chancellor in the same period of time. He
was not content with his new Judges, new Commis-
, sioners, new official assignees, but he actually aimed at
changing the whole legal establishment of England. This
too was for patronage. Fortunately the bill was suc-
cessfully opposed; but if it had passed the peers, it would
have passed the commons, and it would have raised into
itinerant judges a Whole host of carping barristers of
the Whig order, and commissioned a whole legion of
half-starved and roguish attorneys to prey upon the poor.
This, by the way, to keep up the cant, was called the
" Poor Man's Bill," and so it was in every sense of the
word—a bill to make him poor, and keep him poor, for
life !
Such being the ministers, and such their minions in
the House of Commons, are we to be told that the Act
of Parliament, which authorises the duration of its own
existence to a period of seven years, ought to stand between
us and the right to send our present representatives to
another trial before their constituents. A house formed
during a moment of ferment—composed of the noisiest
demagogues—the idols of inebriated men—is not a house
where the property, talent, and respectability of the
country can possibly be fairly represented. Let its works
bear witness of its worth. Let us judge of it by what it
has done. Let us form an estimate of its deliberative

justice and its collective wisdom by throwing its errors and
blunders overboard, and making every allowance for its be •
neficial services. Where are they ? What has the reformed
Parliament done, that leaves any trace in our recollec-

tions otherwise than painful ? Is the Reform Bill itself
an item in the roll of merit ? We deny the assumption
—we resist the claim. We know of no class of men in

this country whom the bill has satisfied except the shop-
keepers, and they can hardly be said to be the most valu-
able, or respectable, or even tolerant class _in the state.
It has conferred no privilege upon the useful and indus
trious mechanic. It gives to the retailer of gin—to the
keeper of a disorderly house—to the lord of a tap or a
dram shop—a right to vote for members of Parliament;
but it withholds this privilege from every man, no matter
what may be his station in life, who does not live in a
house rated at ten pounds per annum in the parish books.
The Reform Bill was a fraud ; and those who bawled
loudest for, were most imposed upon by it. Universal
suffrage would have been preferable in our opinion; and
whenever we hear Lord JOHN RUSSELL again prating
about vote by ballot, as he did lately in Devonshire, we
shall hoist the banner of universal suffrage.
Bad, selfish, unjust, pitiful, mean, and fraudulent as
was the whole scheme of reform, still it is deemed the
sheet-anchor of the Whigs. They have nothing else.
to boast of. During the two years and eight months
they have been in office, they have given us " the bill,"
but "nothing but the bill." As to their Irish specifics,
and their Dutch protocols, and all their other follies, we
set them down as food for laughter. Why, then, should
such men be protected by a septennial bill ? Three
years, or at the most five years, is a sufficient period for
a political apprenticeship. With an able ministry and
an honest parliament seven years are not too much ;
but with such imbeciles in office, and such serviles in
parliament, one year is eleven months too long. At
any rate, to hear Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Lord ALTHORP,
and the Whigs opposing the repeal of the septennial act,
is enough to cause an eclipse of both sun and moon at
the same time. They have—every man of them—and
Lord JOHN the most persevering of the whole, advocated
triennial parliaments , with all appliances of swagger
and fustian to boot, for the last thirty years—but then,
the Whigs were not in office ! !

LONDON LATEST NEWS.

Wednesday Evening, Half-past Seven o'clock,

It will be seen that the Irish Church Robbery Bill is pro-
gressing through the upper house, and may be considered as the
forerunner of that general attempt to overthrow the religion of
the country, which under the auspices of the Grey administra-
tion will be made by the Destructives. We have had little of
moment here since we last wrote. Mr. Rothschild has brought
out his new Greek Loan, guaranteed by England, France, and
Russia. It bears a premium, as might be expected, seeing that
the English nation not having debt enough of its own, has been
made by ministers responsible for this new one, and will most
assuredly in the long run have to pay; for in the name of ail
that is pitiful, where can King Otho find resources in his new
anarchical monarchy ever to pay even the interest, when once
the funds reserved out of the principal are exhausted? This is
the settling day in our Consol Market; the fluctuations since
the last account have been about 3 per cent. One defaulter was
declared, and the price for the August Account ex dividend
closed this afternoon at 89% U.
The West India revolution measure comes on for discussion,
and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Buxton faction to strike
out the £20,000,000 compensation, it is supposed it will be car-
ried without any essential alteration. How it is to be enforced
is another matter.

We have seen a evariety of private letters from Oporto
and from Lisbon. The Marshal Bourtricnt had taken the com-
mand of the army of Don Miguel, and ere this we have no
doubt that a general assault has been made on Oporto. The
disposition of the troops is said to be excellent, and there can
be little fear but that the distinguished officer who now heads
them will put an end to the mercenary war now desolatirtg Por-
tugal. It is only to be regretted his services were not earlier
obtained. Portuguese Scrip is 103 i, and the Bonds are 75%,
Spanish Stock is 2OM. It seems that the progress of Don
Pedro's troops in Algarves and Alentejo has been much exag-
gerated, that the gentry fly at their approach, that a strong
force was mustering to oppose them, and that the cause of Don
Miguel was by no means desperate. Nothing material has been
doing in the Northern Bonds. Russian Stock is 10531, Dutch
49k, and Belgian Brazilian Bonds closed this afternoon
at 69N 704, •