The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1851-05-06 00:00:00

30 pa
The A

THE PAPAL AGGRESSION,

IMPORTANT MEETING OF PROTESTANTS

A highly influential, and, at this crisis, important pub-
lic meeting of the Protestants of this town was convened
by the Liverpool Protestant Defence Executive Com-
mittee last week, and was held in the Amphitheatre.
The meeting was called together " for the purpose of
supporting the Protestant members of the House of
Commons in adopting such measures as shall eventually
secure civil and religious liberty to all classes of her
Majesty's subjects, and which will preserve inviolate our
Protestant institutions." The meeting took place on
Tuesday.

Long before the hour at which the proceedings were
announced to commence, the doors of the Amphitheatre
were besieged by persons anxious to gain admission, and
when noon arrived the spacious building was in some
parts excessively thronged, and became inconveniently
crcwded at a later stage of the proceedings.
As soon, as the Chairman, T. B. Horsfall, Esq., the
Rev. Dr. M'Neile, and others who took an active part
in the business of the day, presented themselves on the
platform, they were loudly and warmly cheered. There
were noticed on the platform, besides those gentlemen,
Thomas Littledale, Esq., James Tvrer, Esq., Christopher
Bushell, Esq., Adam Hodgson, Esq., Dr. Trench. E.
Brodribb, Esq., C. Cotesworth, Esq., F. Shand, Esq.,
Valentine Smith, Esq., Rev. Dr. Hume, Revs. Messrs.
Hampton, Anderson, Rawson, Carpenter, M'Conkey,
Gardner, Green, Lawrence. Warr, White, Butler, Powell,
Matthias, F. Barker, Longueville, Hoylake, A Knox,
W. Tatlock, J. Jackson, F. Ould. Roberts, Walker,
Murphy, Parker. Fry, W. Milner, W. H. Wright : Jas.
Parker, Esq., W. Maples, Esq., Dr. Crighton, H. J.
Webster, Esq., W. Jones, Esq., M'Cormick, Esq.,
J. A. Tobin, DI . Lawrence Peel, E.g., R. C. Crosbie,
Esq., Thomas Grundy. Esq., Charles Inman, Esq., Rev.
W. H. Duck, James Holme, Esq., Robert Hughes, Esq.,
Peter L^ather, Esq., E. Jones, Esq., T. J. Glazebrook,
Esq.' Higgins, Esq., E. M. Pilcher, Esq., Duncan
Gibb, Esq., with a large number of the clergy and laity
of the town and district
The CR

AIRMAN, in commencing the proceedings, said
they were met under very peculiar circumstances, and he
deeply regretted the necessity of their meeting at. all. He
ventured to express a hope that, in any of the observa-
tions made, it would be kept in view that it was not with
Roman Catholics, but with the aggression of a foreign
power, that they had to deal. (Hear and cheers.) When
they last met, they did indulge the hope that her Mates-
ty's Government would introduce a measure, for the re-
sistance of this aggression, which would be effectual for
the purpose, for maintaining the rights and liberties of
every British subject. But they had been disappointed ;
and they met then to express their determination to sup-
port those legislators, and those legislators only—(hear .
hear; and cheers)—who were determined to make efficient
the present inefficient bill. By even some of its most
strenuous supporters, the bill was admitted to be a mere
bill of protest, and he (the Chairman) had yet to learn
that a protest only would satisfy the Protestants of this -
country, when there was a clear majority of 343 in favour
of the measure. They had a right to expect something
more. (Applause.). They might, in this case, as well
protest against the assault of 'the midnight burglar ;
depend upon it, the more passive they were—protest as
long as they liked—the aggressors would never be satisfied
until they had got everything worth their taking. (Loud
cheers.) He (the chairman) had been grievously disap-
pointed in the course adopted by Lord John Russell;
though upon what ground the Premier had abandoned
those principles which bad met with the approval of the
people of the country he had not been able to discover ;
for no arguments had yet been uttered, either at public
meetings, or in the House, which should have induced -
the Minister to shrink from his original intention. There
had been a very common and childish apprehension of a
civil war, but he apprehended there was a much greater
chance of a civil war when the agitation went in favour of
repeal. (A voice : " No.") Why was not the repeal
granted if they were to concede everything for which the
people were agitating ? (Hear. hear.) But this was not all.
He thought the meeting would agree with him that the
reason for. the retrogression was not to be found in the
apprehension of a civil war, but in that moral cowardice
which bad not the courage to face the opposition. (Loud
cheers.) It would take up too much time to quote the
various fallacies which had been uttered upon this ques-
tion during the debates in the House, hut he might refer-
to oneor two. First, inconsistent as Sir- James Graham
was, he (the chairman) was not prepared for his making
what appeared a dishonest use of the names of those
gentlemen who were gone, but who still lived in the
affections of the people of Liverpool. DOn't let him cite
the name of Canning as one who would- have supported
this aggression, and opposed the resistance to it.—(no,-
no ;)—when they well knew that to his eloquence, more
than that of any other man, was owing the carrying of
the Emancipation Act, though he lived not to see its ac:
complishment. Why, what did Mr. Canning say in the
House of Comm Ons upon this very question ? Why, on
Lord Morpeth's motion he said, " The desire to prevail
is common to all classes, of whatever faith, and it is- per-
fectly true that the Catholic religion is predominant at
this day in most kingdoms of the world. Bilt, although
that be the fact, I deny that in any states not Catholic, that
under Protestant establishments, the Catholics have at-
tempted to raise their own hierarchy. For the truth of-
this assertion I confidently appeal to the history of modern
Europe r but, if the attempt were made, how is it to be
met ?—by reason ; and, if that he not sufficient, by •
force." (Cheers.) And yet this was the man whom
Sir James Graham dishonoured by quoting in support of
his own views. (Hear.) Now, he would follow with
another statesman, Lord Aberdeen, who bed said•that the
feeling of the people of England was " irrational !" He
(the Chairman) had a great respect for Lord Aberdeen,
and when he read this observation he recollected instantly
the story of a poor gentleman, who, becoming irrational
in the real sense of the term, (deprived of his reason,-)'
was placed' in an asylum •, and when a friend, who went
to see him, asked him what he was doing there : " Oh !"
he said, "it's a slight difference of opinion ; I thought all
the world was mad, but all the world thought I was mad,
and they were too many for me." (Great laughter.)
Now, (pursued Mr. Hors'all,) I* mean to say that Lord
Aberdeen thinks we are all irrational ; we all think that
he is irrational ; and I only hope that you will prove
yourselves too many for him. (Loud applause.) The
' next gentleman was Mr. Fox, who thought that the
Legislature had no right, to interfere at all with the
Roman Catholic religion, but only with the Church of
England, because the latter was endowed ; but he quite
forgot that the State contrihutes to Maynooth, and grants
the Regiunz Donum to the Dissenting ministers of Ire--
land. (Hear, hear.) The next Senator to whom he
alluded was the one who moved the amendment, Lord
Arundel and Surrey ; and he would read what he said
when be spoke, not very long ago, on Mr. Watson 'S bill::
—" His honourable friend who had just sat-down had said
that the Church of Rome was antagonistic to Protes-
tantism. He perfectly agreed with him ; and as long as
the world lasted it would continue so, until Protestantism,
was extinct." (Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, (continued
the Chairman,) we have no idea of letting Protestantism
be extinct, and that is the reason we are here to-day.
(Cheers.) Again, Mr. Anstey stated that "we have been
accused of omitting the second commandment; now, Ii
have the book with it in." lam vets glad Mr. Anstey.'
had the book ; but, still, that is not what we have to deal
with : we have to deal with what the hierarchy would,.if
established, enforse in this country. If Mr. Anstey will
refer to the Christian doctrine published by Cardinal
Bellarmine, by order of Pope Clement VIII., so late as
the year 1838, he will there find the second commandment
entirely omitted ; while in a large volume on the same
subject, by the same cardinal, it is omitted too. In 1815'
an explanation of the church doctrine was published at
Rome in six different languages, with the same omission ;
while, to come nearer home, the Archbishop of Paris, so
lately as 1846, published for the use of his diocese a cate-
chism, and in this also the second commandment was
, omitted. But, gentlemen, if they would keep on the con-
tinent, we should not have so much to do with it. In-
stead of that, however, they ame to Ireland, and we have
three catechisms published there, one by the Right Rev.
Dr. Doyle, another by the Right Rev. Dr. Butler, and
another by Dr. Reilly, (another Catholic bishop,) in every
one of which the second commandment is omitted. It is
with the hierarchy, then, who would introduce into-this
country a catechism of this character that we have to deal.
(Cheers.) We are met constantly by the common argu-
ment Lhat it is only a spiritual jnrisdiction which the Pope
wishes to exercise in the country. but the Church perfectly
understands the mode of bringing the spiritual power to
work upon the temporal, and a remarkable instance of
this has juSt occurred in the kingdom of Sardinia, in the
case of Count. Santa Rosa. Depend upon it they will in-
terfere, too, if you give them the power. with the temporal
affairs of this country. Two or three weeks ago I was
travelling on the railway, and fell in with a very intelli-
gent barrister, who said " the people of England are not
aware of the consequence of the establishment of the
hierarchy. What is it that the Pope proposed to do ? To
have the appointment of the bishops and archbishops in
England, and, through the propaganda, he will govern this
country ; issuing through them his orders to the bishops
and archbishops, who, without asking the why or the,
wherefore, are bound to carry them out. lam an Eng-
lish Catholic, (said the barrister,) but lam opposed to

foreign interference, and I assure you that will be the ef.
fect of it."—(Applause.) Mr. Horsfall then gave, as a
sample of the mode which he would have recommended
to her Majesty's government, a recital of the affair which

recently took place in Corfu, one of the ton►an islands,
where a gentleman who, in full canonicals, laid claim to
be the Archbishop of Corfu, (by the Pope's appointment.)
took possession of the cathedral, and ousted the bishop
previously recognised, was, according to the direction of
Sir Howard Douglas, the Lord High Commissioner,
waited upon by the inspector of police, and advised to quit
the island by the same Austrian steamer which had con-
veyed him thither. This was the way the English Go-
vernment ought to have acted, and if there had been right
men amongst them they would have done so. (Cheers.)
He would conclude with the following lines, which had the
other day met his eyes

" Again the warning voice is heard,
The hour of strife is near ;
What seeks lie, with his mitred pomp,
That rank Italian here?
What sought they in the former days,
When last that mission came?
The will, the craft, the creed of Rome
Remain for aye the same."
Mr. F. STIAND moved the first resolution—" That, in
the judgment of this meeting, the -measure now proposed
by her Majesty's Government, in the matter of the papal
hierarchy, is wholly inadequate to meet the necessities of
the case; that, therefore, in the exercise of their privilege
as citizens under a constitutional government, they desire
publicly to express their earnest anxiety concerning the
progress of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in committee,
convinced that nothing can so effectually tend to the
peace and honour of the country, under the Divine bless-
ing, as such plain and unequivocal legislation as will pre-
serve in their integrity our Prcatostant institutions." Ho

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

held it to be the duty of every Englishman who loved
civil and religious liberty to uphold their Protestant con-
stitution. When he last addressed a public meeting it
was in favour of the sentiments uttered by Lord John
Russell, but now he was there to censure the measure
which he had brought forward. His letter proved to be
" sound and fury, signifying nothing." (Applause.) He
declared that no independent country could pass over the
insult offered to England by Rome, and he saw very little
difference between the recent attempt of the Pope on this
country, and that of Charles Edward the Pretender.
(Applause.) He trusted the result of their meeting
would be to remedy many of the deficiencies in the bill
now before parliament. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRODRIBB seconded the motion in a long speech,
and, as a free-trader, defended the principles which he had
always professed, but denied that the free trade members
of parliament represented the sentiments of the majority of
those who held free trade principles in reference to the
aggression of the papacy. Nothing but a sense of public
duty could have induced him to come forward on the
present occasion, fearing, as he did, that the expressiOn
of his opinions might bring him into collision with many
of those with whom, politically, he had hitherto acted.
The terms of the papacy, as expressed through Cardinal
Wiseman, to spiritual jurisdiction over all baptised per-
sons, however irregular their baptism, or heretical their
opinions, he was prepared to resist to the death. (Ap-
plause.) If others (he continued) are children of the
Crusaders, we are children of the Reformers ; and there
was a principle in the Reformation which is capable, even
now, in these days of falsity, of resuscitating, if need
be, all the energy of body and mind which achieved its
mighty accomplishments ; and which shall, in its second
and final effort, consummate a still higher triumph.
That principle is truth. (Hear, and loud cheers.) Its
form is the right of private judgment. With this stone
will we slay the Philistine, who has thus dared to defy the
etudes of the living God. (Tumultuous cheering.)
After showing the necessity of religious toleration, he
proceeded to distinguish between Roman Catholics and
Papists, declaring the latter to be unfit subjects of any
state, where civil and religious liberty was enjoyed. He
next proceeded to show the extraordinary powers claimed
by the Popes, as the representatives of God upon earth ;
their supremacy of the law, and their power of deposing
kings and destroying heretics ; read the oaths taken by
archbishops, bishops and priests, and argued that they
were bound to carry into execution the behests of Rome,
and then drew a fearful picture, and read a long catalogue
of crimes of the deepest dye of which successive popes
had been guilty. Their examples had been followed by
all the orders of the clergy, and it had been proved that
even the confessional had been made the medium of de

bauchery. Referring to the operations of the confes.
alone! in Ireland. the information which the priests re-
ceived in the confessional of intended murders, lie con-
tended that no such secret tribunals should be allowed,
and justified the expressions which had been used in con-
nexion with this subject by the Rev. Dr. M'Neile. After
some further remarks on this subject, the eloquent speaker
returned to the. Ecclesiastical 'rides Bill, which he cha-
racterized as wholly inadequate to grapple with the
difficulties of the times. It is not sufficient to fight the
shadow ; the reality, must be encountered. Power is
sought it must be denien. (Loud cheers.) No foreign
potentate must be allowed to rule in these dominions.
The Pope would rule through his Cardinal, hisarchbishops,
his bishops, and his priests. Their subjects would be the
credulous; the disloyal, the ignorant, the weak-minded,
the timid, the indifferent, the mercenary, the designing,
the ambitious, and the depraved ; their means would be
all the terrific engines of the Papacy ; their victims, all
who are opposed to them ; their allies, all foreign powers
hating England. (ifear, hear.) Their object, to divide
us; their end, our subjection, and their final dominion.
This must be resisted as we value our existence. (Cheers.)
Your battle-field is that whereon your ancestors before
overthew your haughty and insulting foe. Your specta-
tors will be the millions from all nations, come together
to witness how the might of fretedom and the power of
truth can drive back inextheir dark abodes, from which
they have once again emerged, as if unconscious of their
own deformity, all the forms of evil and of falsehood;
but, above all, you will have for your sure defence the
only God of heaven and of earth, who will in this make
manifest His glory. (Prolonged and enthusiastic cheer-
ing.)
The motion was put, and carried unanimously, amidst
loud applause.
Mr. VALENTINE SMITH came forward and proposed
the next resolution, which was as follows Convinced
that, as a nation, we are indebted, under God, to our Pro-
testant institutions for the many temporal and spiritual
Mercies we have so long enjoyed, and believing that the
tone of legislation and the course of policy pursued for
some years past have tended greatly to weaken those in-
stitutions, this meeting is of opinion that we have now
reached a crisis which imperatively calls upon the Pro-
testants of the empire to declare and to act upon their
fixed determination to make the Divine law of paramount
importance in their national politics."' He proceeded to
offer some observations in support of the resolution, but
had not been speaking over two or three minutes, when
he fell in a fit. Several gentlemen rushed forward to
assist him, and Mr. Smith was at once removed. This
occurrence produced considerable sensation, and, with a
view to allay it, there were calls for the doctor, Dr.
M'Neile, &c.
The Rev. Dr. M'NctLE then stood forward, and was
enthusiastically cheered. He said,—lt is satisfactory to
feel that it is no longer necessary to argue, as between
Ekigland and Rome, thin great question now before us,
and so long before the country. It has-been argued at
length by able and eloquent advocates, both in and out of
Parliament. The bulk of the British nation-have given heed
as an intelligent jury; and after weighing the evidence,
they have pronounced a verdict in unmistakable English.
" Guilty" has sounded from one end of the country to the
other ;- guilty on every count of the indictment,—arrogance
in the Pope, ambition and duplicity in the-Cardinal, inso-
lence to our Queen, and contempt of our church and na-
tion, guilty. The House of Commons is called to pro-
nounce sentence. A form of sentence, in the right direc-
tion, but wholly inadequate to meet the necessities of the
cases, the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, lies before the house
for its adoption. Considered as a summing up of the evi-
dence,.the speech of the Prime Minister, when introducing
the bill, was excellent. Considered as a sentence, the bill,
even in its original unmutilated form, fell far short of the
evidence. Is it not fit and proper, nay, necessary, and
should not the people of England say so, and say it so as
to be beard and felt, that in this great national trial, the
sentence given and executed must be in conformity with
the evidence and the verdict. (Hear, hear,.and applause.)
If not, we must insist upon having a new trial •, and a
high public duty devolves upon the people of England in
selecting a new House of Commons. The most upright
constituency may be deceived in a new and untried man ;
but the constituency who return a detected traitor, on any
pretence whatsoever, whether of free trade or protection,
deserve to be blotted in disgrace out of the national
escutcheon. A traitor to what ? Why, sir, to that stan-
dard of glorious memory, which should fi'oat in letters of
gold over every hustings in the kingdom, "The Protes-
tant religion and the liberties of England." (Hear, hear,
andloud applause.) If some secret of union be not dis-
covered, if some talisman for coalitions, such as we have
not recently witnessed, do not reach the judgment and
prudence, and serious forethought of the country : if pre-
judices and jealousies, local and individual interests, and
personal preferences and dislikes, be allowed to separate
friends and brethren, just as if no common enemy exist-
ed ; and if, resulting from this, English parties in the
new House of Commons be so nearly balanced as to give
but a doubtful, and, at the best, but a small majority on
either side : then, what must be the inevitable conse-
quence ? Gentlemen should open their eyes to this in
time. The consequence must be, that the Roman Catho-
lic-members of the house—acting on critical occasions rs
one man, and with one object in view—will hold the key
of the eitadel. By giving or withholding support, they
will be able to retain or eject any ministry ; and if they
retain, it will be cautiously and cleverly, but very effec-
tually, dictating certain pro-Popery, measures and ap-
pointments as the price of their support. This is not
mere fancy. It is not the chimera of a bigoted imagina-
tion. (" No.") No, sir, it is the dark and too palpable
reflection of the past upon the future—(hear, hear) ;—as
any one may know who will take the trouble to reca the
compact of Lichfield-house notoriety, and to trace subse-
quent measures and appointments., especially the history
of a right hon. gentleman who bore a distinguished part
in that compact, and who novv after a disgraceful but,
thanks to the fidelity of Englishmen, an abortive attempt
at the Mint to desecrate the coin of the realm, is sent as
the unworthy representative of oar gracious Queen to the i
court of Florence. The rev. doctor then eloquently pro-.
ceeded to show that no concessions would satisfy Rome,
and continued :—We are told'that there is no use in le.
gislation, that no acts of parliament can be of any avail
in this question ; that if you-tolerate the Roman Catholic
religion at all, you cannot draw a line between what is-to
be tolerated and what is not; that, therefore, you roust
let it all in. There are amongst ourselves people who are
now holding this language. Is it really so ? Are we so
enfeebled—are we so lost ?: Is it come to this, that our
parliament, however willing, cannot protect the liberties
of the country? (Hear, hear.) We have decidedon re-
ligious liberty for ati.elassea; but we have not bet sight
of the foundation of the nature of things so far,. that if a
man tell us that fraud and rebellion form part of his reli-
gion,
that therefore we are to give liberty to rebellion and
fraud. (Hear, and applause.) Religious liberty is one
thing, but liberty to interfere with the religion of others
is another thing. Our forefathers were not afraid in this
way. We are told now, (I was told only a. few days ago
myself,) " hf you could succeed in having a bill passed
through parliament such as you desire, the very moment
you inflict a penalty on the Catholics, or anything con-
nected with their religion, that moment you turn the tide
of sympathy in favour of the persecuted, and do more
harm than good." Why, sir, had oun forefathers thought
that, they would have hesitated before they had tried to
turn the tide of national sympathy in favour of Popish
James by inviting the Protestant William. (Loud
cheers.) But they were not of this opinion. They had
a sense of right, and they believed that the nation would
uphold them in the right; and we believe so still, that it
we had but rulers in parliament prepared to do right, the
people of England would back them in the right. (Loud
applause.) Nay, the question is, if we have a parliament
and our members won't do right, whether the people will
not do right in spite of them. (Continued applause.)
But a very serious inquiry arises, however. Is it indeed
a fact that we have lost sight of the great principle that
government is an ordinance of God ? is it true that we
have adopted the principle, or the lie rather, that govern-
ment is an ordinance of the people ? (Hear.) Sir, this,
I say, is 'a grave question, and it connects Reef with a
grave and important history. In the ages of darkness
and superstition, of bigotry and persecution., which pre-
ceded the Reformation, the assumption of the Pope of
Rome was, that ho alone, of all autherities on earth was
appointed by Heaven. (Laughter.) You have heard
some of the quotations read from the canon law, which
justify me in saying this. The assumption was that all
ciYil magistrates, kings, and eraperox*,, wege appointed by