The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-18 00:00:00

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ter hope of their performances. It were better to bear
the loss of honour incurred by stopping short in the
Dutch aggression, than to persevere in the moral iniquity
of its continuance. And, if the authority of Mr. Stanley
be worth that of a hundred Powlett Thomsons—that is,
if it be worth anything at all—we shall not long have to
speak of the Grey Cabinet, remodelled or not, as the
blind and reckless instrument of traitors at home and
abroad.

Catholics in the neighbourhood of Stonyhurst, in Pres-
ton, and the great towns. According to a return to the
House of Commons, ordered to be printed in July, 1830,
but which is, probably, very inaccurate, the number of
Protestant Dissenters is stated at 56,184.; Methodists,
55,083 ; and Roman Catholics, 144,244; the population
of the county being 1,336,854. The Protestant Dissen-
ters, therefore, are about a 23rd of the whole ; the Ro-
man Catholics about a 9th ; and the two united, Protes-
tant Dissenters and Roman Catholic Dissenters, are be-
tween a 6th and a 7th of the whole, which is, possibly,
not very far from the truth.
In Liverpool there are enumerated in the Directory
22 Protestant dissenting congregations ; 5 Wesleyan
Methodists, 8 other Methodists, and 5 Roman Catholics;
and there are 3 of the Scotch church establishment.

independently, the obvious inference is—no
voting should be adopted, and that the hoi
triotic elector should be denied' the open any
sertion of his principles,—but that any man,
men, who cannot vote honestly in the face of
ought not to possess the franchise ; in sh 4
voter who requires the shield of secresy she
facto disqualified.
We are utterly opposed to the ballot, a 5.
cherous,, insidious, and at variance with the
racter. Secret voting cannot consist with
the moral responsibility of the elector in th
his franchise, and the salutary suasion•of exal
exemplary reputation. However the pee
country may have been, for a season, so far
have given their suffrages to very, unworthy
tives, yet nur confidence in the patriotic at
Englishmen to those invaluable institutions
made us pre-eminent amongst nations, leaf
apprehension that there ever shall arise a
resorting to a mean and cowardly disguise
cise of a Briton's birth-right. No.
.Th 6 vo
may be suited and congenial to the habits an
of other nations, but it is alien ,to a people
been well 'described:—
" Pride in his port, defiance in his eye,
I saw the lord of human kind pass. by.'
But though the ballot be an instrument of
or theoretical good, it is easy to imagine hoi
it may be'employed to perpetrate mischief.
pose a candidate for a seat in Parliament u
tute of any substantive ground of merit, i
every relation—public and domestic, hostile
rests of the country, holding in contempt tl
doctrines of our holy religion, and yet det
place himself in the great council of the T
what means can he so effectually succeed
voting ? To aid publicly the pretensions of su
to be regarded as in any way identified witl
would subject an elector to deserved obloqt
ballot comes to his relief, and cloaks the disl
attaches to an infamous disregard of public p
It is plain, therefore, that the ballot may hz
and these by no means insignificant or unimp
the same character is another purpose for w'
be made completely available, and this it is,
which chiefly recommends the ballot to its ad
levels all distinctions in society—not by el
humbler classes, but by degrading rank, pr
respectability. The candidate who derives
from the lowest and least enlightened clas
would then stand on nearly equal ground
chosen representative of the wealth, loyalty,
gence of the community. The late election
rough supplies an illustration.
If ever the odious ballot be adopted in E
hope that the experiment may be tried, not'
stituent, but on the representative body: It
sionally be attended with some advantage, if
Parliament voted secretly, and thereby proti
selves from the intimidation of the mob, a
gerous than the influence of the aristocracy.
Conservatives would openly and secretly—th
report and evil report—support the best inte
country, there are some who, however they
titute their abilities in debate, would yet vc
and there are those, too, who, possessing
would be relieved from the necessity of pal
their votes, to the worst passions of the won
the community. Had the ballot been practised in
last session of Parliament, we are inclined to think
Mr. Ewart's vote on the Manchester inquiry, and ot
questions, would have been more becoming a repres
tative of Liverpool.

FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 18, 1833.

THE PACIFIC WARI—We beg our readers to observe
the singular infelicity which has attended the arguments
of the Ministerial hacks, in reference .to the attack on
the citadel of Antwerp. ,

When, upon the publication of the anti-national and,
unnatural convention between France and England, so un-
equi vocal a manifestation of opinion was made throughout
the country, by all those classes, who alone can be expected
to forth an opinion on such a subject, it was necessary to
set up some defence for ministers. Accordingly it was
declared, that they were 'the executive agents' of the
Conference in punishing the contumacy of the Dutch
King.

THE NEW PARLIAMENT.—An analysis of the new
Parliament is given as follows :
Tories or Conservatiies
Reformers Tr;
Radicals (English and Scotch)
Repealers 4-3

Total 658

This analysis gives, however, by no means an exact
idea of the division of parties. We shall endeavour to
supply its deficiencies by a few remarks.
In the first place, the Tories are understated. In the
list of the Times, which was copied into the Liverpool
Albion of Monday last, we findenumerated as Reform-
ers, Mr. Bethell, for Yorkshire; Mr. Wilson Patten, for
Lancashire; Mr. Chapman, for Whitby; Mr. Forster, for
Walsall; and several others who are decided and avowed
Conservatives. It is surprising that the Editor of the
Times should not have known, that Mr. Bethell and Mr.
Wilson Patten, lost their seats in 1831; for opposition
to the Reform Bill—though not at all surprising that the
Liverpool Albion should have copied his blunder, even
when affecting our own county. • , •
A list far more preposterotisly incorrect is given in the
Liverpool Chronicle of Saturday last, which agrees nei-
ther with fact nor with itself. In it many Reformers are
stated as COnservatives, and many Conservatives as Re-
formers. We do not pretend to a very exact acquaint-
ance • with the
.politics of each individual member, in a
House ,containing so many, hitherto, unfledged politi-
cians, but nevertheless, we select the following as among
the errors there exhibited,

Of the dissenting congregations nine are put down as
Baptists; seven as Independents, and only two as Unita-
rians, who are the least numerous, but far the most en-
terprising. The Roman Cathglics, of course, are very
numerous from thdvicinity pf Ireland, and the ancient
remains of old Lancashire families settled here.

TO this plea there were at least three answers, each
independent of the others, and each sufficient without
thw others.

1. They were not the agents of the Conference : for
the Conference protested against their acts, by the mouths
of a majority of its members.

If, then, the number of enrolled Dissenters is so small,
their whole numbers (excluding the Methodists) not being
one-fourteenth of the population, whence, it may be
asked, the amazing influence they exercised at the late
elections ? To this the answer is very plain. Their
power consisted in union and zeal : the weakness of the
church in disunion and indifference. The Dissenters
being chiefly collected in the great towns were united
with most formidable energy in the pursuit of a common
object. The churchmen, as usual, divided and lukewarm.
Hence, a member of the least numerous and least popu-
lar sect in this town obtained a surprisingly unanimous
support from the different bodies of Dissenters. Roman
Catholics, who abhor the heresy of Socinianism, poured
forth to vote for him who denies the divinity of Christ.
Quakers, Baptists, and Independents; all maintaining the
strictest. Trinitarian orthodoxy, united in the same cause;
and one of the most influential dissenting ministers in
the town felt himself compelled to go with the stream,
and was obliged, at the eleventh hour, to tell Lord San-
don that he could not fulfil his previously expressed de-
sire of voting for him. Negro slavery was the alleged
plea for part of this unanimity ; but no one, of course,
now conceives that it was a well-grounded one. Lord
Sandon is pledged to abolition quite as deeply as Mr.
Thornely, (whose address only advocates emancipation,
with compensation, as .soon as possible,) and will, even-
tually, prove himself more the negro's friend. It answered
an,electioneering purpose to misrepresent Lord Sandon
as an opponent of negro emancipation; but no honest man
can put his hand upon his heart, and conscientiously
affirm that he believes him to be so.

2. Had they been the agents of the Conference, the
Conference would not then have directed them to act, for
the Dutch King had accepted Lord Grey's suggestion on
one of the points in dispute, and had offered to cede his
own on the other. •

3. Had they been the agents of the Conference, the
Conference could not have directed them thus to act, for
its mediation was essentially pacific and, what is some-
what singular, declared to be such by the ministers of
England and France, the two identical powers which have
now acted upon it by force of arms..
We challenge our radical brethren of this town, or any
other members of the fraternity of disorganization, to
disprove these allegations. • •
Indeed they were speedily found so formidable that the
ministerialists thought proper to shift their ground, with
considerable agility. And we must do them the justice
to say, that they showed no deficiency of circumspection
or of wisdom—as wisdom is estimated among them—in
choosing; the new position they were to take up. They
ihouglit with themselves, "this is a commercial nation: if
we can show that we are making war for a British object,
if we can institute an effectual appeal to the pocket, the
cry of justice and honour will be deemed a mere chimera,
and we may let it take its own way t" Accordingly we
were told, that the Dutch war had nothing to do with
Belgium—nothing to do with the Conference—nothing
to do with " the dignity and interests of France :"—Mr.
Stanley—we blush for his sake to say it—Mr. Stanley
asked at Lancaster : •

CONSERVATIVES MARRED AS REFORMERS.
Sir H. B. Neale,l for L •n Hon. W. S. Bernard, forßandon.
Mr. Stewart, J yiniglon*
Mr. Welby, for Grantham.
Sir E. Knatchbnll, for Kent. Mr. Ewing, for Glasgow. •
Mr. Foley, for Herefordshire. Gen. Arbtithna, for Kincardine-
Mr. Lane Fox, fur lltlston. • shire.

Mr. Egerton, for North Cheshire.

Again, Sir G. Skipwith, for Warwickshire, and Mr. M.
A. Taylor, for Sudbury, are marked as Tories, though
Reformers.

Furthermore, after marking 153 members as Conser-
vatives in the list, the Editor of the Chronicle calls them
in his summary'only 144.

The real number of decided Conservatives will be
found to be, we conceive, 160 or 165. There is also a
small party placed between 'the Conservatives and- the
Ministers, consisting chiefly of men who have been To-
ries : such are' Mr. E. Denison, Sir A: Agnew, Sir Eard-
ley Wilmot, Sir C. Coote, Mr. Beilby Thompson, Mr.
Sergeant Spankie, Mr. Philpotts, Mr. Hodson, and
others.

" What? Ought we not to endeavour to establish a
free mac igati on of the Scheldt, and the admission of Bri-
tish manufactures into the heart of Germany ?"

It might have been hoped that Catholic emancipation,
and the repeal of the corporation and test acts, would
have tended to conciliate the Dissenters, but it has not
done so ; and the result of concession, though it cannot
justify needless restrictions, does, in some measure, fulfil
the prophetic anticipations of those who affirmed, that all
former appeals for religious liberty were, in point of fact,
nothing but restless appetencies for political power.

Now let us consider the weight and value of this argu-
ment, and we appeal to no other tribunal, than the know-
ledge and judgement of the merchants of Liverpool.
1. We are a commercial nation; but not, it is to be
hoped, a mercenary one, to such an extent as to wrest
from Holland the freedom of the Scheldt,—a privilege
whiclishe purchased from Austria at a high price, and
the seizure of which therefore would be an act of rapine,
—of absolute, unblushing, unmitigated rapine.
2. To the.most atrocious violence, we should, in this
way, have been adding the meanest hypocrisy : for we
should have maintained the pretence that we were acting
on behalf of the rights of Belgium, while in fact we were
•
pursuing underhand our own nefarious, purposes.
3. Can Mr. Stanley say, if we do take the Scheldt
by violence from-Holland, and so induce her to close the
Rhine, we shall be one jot better provided than we are at
present, with an inlet into Germany for British manu-
factures?

Again, the Irish Reformers who are counted at 37,
ought to be divided into Tithe Extinguishers, Condi-
tional Repealers, and Ministerialists. . The tatter class
does not comprise above ten or twelve members, at the
outside. We believe the true number of Conservatives
for Ireland to be 28, and of those who will probably sup-
port repeal there are near 50.
Will any moderate man contemplate the elements of
rude and jarring strife now about to be thrown together
in the House of Commons, without remembering at the
same time the important truth, that Revolutions are ge-
nerally brought about by active though small minorities
—and then look forward to the coming years without a
shudder ?

The remedy for this evil state of things must be found
in the union of Churchmen. The weapons of their
warfare must be those of their antagonists,—unanimity
and zeal. The government must purify the church from
those blemishes which, though they have been assimi-
lated to spots upon the sun, are still sufficient to mar
its
,beauty. Discipline must be restored ; pluralities
restricted—poverty relieved—superfluity curtailed as far
as it can be consistently with the rights of private pro-
perty. But, above all, patronage must be conscientiously
exercised by the laity, the Government, and the Bishops.
Corporations must not confine their favours to sons, and
brothers, and nephews, and cousins of the fourth degree
—merit must have something to do with all church ap-
pointments ; and then, if the clergy will clothe themselves
with zeal, and consider themselves, 'as they ought, the
religious instructors, or, if we may venture to use the
term, schoolmasters of the people, all will be well. The.
church will not only deserve but command success. Con-
scientipus dissenters from her communion will have no
just cause to complain, and her unconscientious ene-
mies must be resisted and subdued. All Protestants
must unite in preventing the debasing restoration of
Popish ascendancy, and every man Who values the
blessings of a constitutional monarchy must lift up his
arm to defend it against the insatiate ambition of a small,
but determined, _republican faction, that is evidently re-
solved, per fas aut nefas, to subvert both the altar and
the throne.

THE following statistical remarks upon the subject of
non-conformity, from the British Magazine, may not
be uninteresting to our readers at the present time.
The Wesleyan Methoaists; who do not consider them-
selves dissenters, and who profess only to supply the
manifest inadequacy of the established church to supply
the poor with religious instruction, .had, according to the
minutes of Conference in. 1831, 246,157 members in
England and Wales. The. other Methodists are stated
in the circular at 53,060 ; and the minor sects may
amount to 7000. But, as Many.Of these latter societies
live in Ireland and Scotland; the whole number of mem-
bers belonging to the Methodist societies in England and
Wales may be fairly estimated at about 300,000.
Ac-
cording to the statements of an Independent, the author
of "The Church Establishment founded in Errour," the
number of Methodist chapels in England and Wales is
3,911. The same writer calculates the number of cha-
pels of the three denominations of Presbyterians, Inde-
pendents, and Baptists at 2,807, to which if we add 397
chapels of Quakers, and 169 of Unitarians, we have 3,373,
as the whole number of dissenting congregations. .
The chapels of the Methodists, therefore, are to those
of the Dissenters as 13 to 11, and as there are 300,000
Methodist members, there will be, by the rule of three,
258,000 dissenting members of congregations. The
whole of these are adults, and calculating the males at
one-fourth of the congregation, we may fairly reckon
the whole dissenting population, men, women, and child-
ren, at 480,000, and the Methodists at 550,000, which
rather exceeds the'calculation lately made in .a Liverpool
paper by a Dissenter—estimating Dissenters and Me-
thodists at 490,000 each. The Roman Catholics having
increased very much lately by the influx of Irish may be
computed at 400,000, and have 388 chapels.
Now, to compare present with past times, and to show
that the number of actual enrolled Dissenters lias4ot in-
creased in proportion to the increase of poptiWn, we
may observe, that in the reign of King William the con-
formists were estimated at 2,477,254, the non-conformists
(excluding Roman Catholics) at 103,676, so that the for-
. mer were above twenty-two times as numerous as the
latter. The population of England is now 14,000,000,
and if we calculate the Methodists at 1,100,000, and the
Dissenters and Roman Catholics at 900,000, we shall
have 12,000,000 non-dissenters, which is just twenty-
Jive times the number of the non-conformists. •
The proportions in Lancashire, as might be 'expected,
appear to be greater, from the predominance of Roman

4: Now mark, reader I we may waive all these pleas ;
we may give them full credit for all.th.ey can claim ; we
may admit the full scope of their argument; or, at least,
we may refrain from exposing its monstrous and glaring
injustice; we may examine it on the score of their own
vaunted and beloved expediency alone,—and how do they
stand The King of Holland required; perhaps, two
florins a ton—we would not even discuss his proposition ;
we have destroyed his citadel ; we have just lighted up a
"little" war—we have almost pounced upon one 'British
object'—we exult in the near contemplation of one florin
a ton L—when lo ! the Scheldt is closed, and, what is yet
more unfortunate, no man can dispute the king of Hol-
land's right to close the Scheldt. Such is the consum-
mation which a righteous P‘rovidence has awarded to our
crooked, dishonest, and tyrannical policy.
And how is the Scheldt to be opened ? By another two
years of imbecillity and protocols,. or. by another two
months of bullying and Conventions ?—of blockades,
without war; of embargoes, without war ; of "prisoners
of war," four or five thousand, without war Truly the
movement men of this country may consistently main-
tain the possibility of sieges, captures, bombardments,
and bloodshed, without war ; for they have already proved
and exemplified the melancholy counterpart of that pro
position in this distracted country, arid in the sister island :•
namely, that we may have riots, agitation, lawless and
rebellious combinations, wholesale schemes of murder
and incendiarism, destruction of Confidence, stagnation
of industry, contraction of consumption and revenue, and
yet, be at peace. We have got a peace which is no peace :
why should we not have a war which is no war ? We
have got a peace in name, which is no peace in reality :
can we doubt their ability to crown their work, by giving
us a war in reality which shall be no 'war in name ?
In the meantime, the question is, shall we now have
another Walcheren expedition to open the Scheldt ? or
shall we sit down surrounded by infamy and protocols?

STATE OF IRELAND.—The following is an extract ;
a letter from a Clergyman in the county of Kilkeniv
to a friend in this town:—
" The Clergy cannot now obtain one shilling tithe fr),
the Roman Catholics, without law, and that I have never i;t
sorted to, but endeavoured in the strength of the Lord, to t'',l;,
patiently, if I could not joyfully,. the spoiling of my gt"`;!
I'heProtcstant payers of tithes in tins quarter are very fewls
even many of them arc quite afraid to pay. This count '"•s
a truly awful state, life and property alike insecure, thC
of the Clergy in imminent danger; burglaries or intirp;;
Committed almost every day. Ail the houses of the g0„1
barricaded, and some deserted by the owners. 3lagisteiq
power and authority actually despised, and in fact the las,"
the land a downright nullity. How any government e'
suffer a country to arrive at such an seine of wickefille,
while it possessed the power of preventing it, I cannot ace°
for. 01!

Only for the remnant which is left, we might expect that
whole country would be given up to swift and sure destructio

SLAVERY.—We understand that the attention of the refol
Parliament is likely to be much occupied with petitions
the West Indies, praying for the abolition of alavery itz
English factories.—lt is an extraordinary fact that the 11e8
Marshall, of Leeds, whose liberal and philanthropic views b
gained for them two seats iu the first reformed Parliao
should profess themselves strenuous advocates for the aholil
of slavery, three or four thousand miles from home, and sho
at the same time, sanction the atrocities which have beets
years perpetrated under their very noses, and in their owoi
tories. There is, however, one thing more extraordinary
than this, and that is, the amazing gullibility of John Bull.

THE outcry which the radical press, backed by such men
as Messrs. Poulett Thomson, Ewart, and Co., is making
for the ballot, cannot be regarded otherwise than as
grossly insulting to , Englishmen, and especially to that
portion of the constituency created by the late Parlia-
ment. It has always been the practice of the liberals to
laud and court the people whenever they could be made
instrumental or subservient to some purpose of selfish-
ness or party aggrandizement ; but when, as now, the
same purpose is to be effected by different means, the
people are stigmatised as base, servile, and dependent.
• What was the main argument upon which reform was
attempted to be justified? Was it not that the middle
and lower classes were competent to exercise, and, there-
fore, entitled to possess, the franchise ? But no sooner
is this principle conceded by the enactment of the reform
bill, and the great body of the people (exclusive of the
lowest orders) constituted electors, than the long-eared
gentlemen cf the press loudly bray:—" Oh the people are
too venal, degraded, and dependent,—too accessible to
corruption to be entrusted with the public exercise of the
elective right." Without troubling ourselves to expose
further the glaring inconsistency of the advocftes of the
ballot,—without objecting in limine to the argument
founded on the falsely assumed imputation with which
they would brand our fellow-countrymen—we would re-
mind these sapient reasoners that their deduction is just
as unwarranted and illogical as their premises are un-
true. If
-it be the fact, as they allege, that a great por-
tion of the electors are incapable of voting virtuously and

tookßria cgh
aorriagen, Toesd
ai a y.—Th
oe
Shore King,
ham. accomThepanie b Ladv 813
ring Princest Aug
accompanied} Lady Mary Taylor, took a carriage airingt'etof
wards walked on the promenades. There was a It
dinner and evening party, in celebration of the birthday of 1;
Royal Highness the Duke of (Loucester, who this day 71.
Rioted his fifty-seventh year —The state rooms in St. JailV
Palace have been entirely renovated, preparatory to the c",
mencement of the next town season. His 'Majesty's first le
.will take place the first or second week of February.

Up to this point, indeed, the measures of our ministry,
have done the work of the Men of the movement, with
rare exceptions, and consequently
.they have been sup-
ported by the men of the movement; with rare excep-
tions. For the past, we cannot accuse them of having
done all with their eyes open to consequences: but we
lament their weakness, and their deadness-to any loftier
principles than those of base-born expediency. For the
future, we have better trust iu their. intentions, and bet-