The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-05-28 00:00:00

~:o-r'

ber of parliament. He would now then desire to throw
all party feelings to the winds, and not only now, but at
all tuture elections. His friend Mr. Brown came forward
on no political grounds, but siniply as an addoeate of free
trade. Mr. Brown was known as a merchant to the Whole

commercial world, and he was a great landowner' too; in-
deed, he was much mistaken if Mr. Brown, with theother
members of his family, was not possessed of a Urger rental
in land than many of the squirearchy in the county.
(Cheers and his,es.) But Mr. Brown was not a mats to
promote his own interests as a landowner, over the com-
mercial interests of the country. He would not detain
them, but conclude by calling upon all to rally round the
standard of freedom of trade, and to rush to it with hearts
beating high to protect it; and if they did so, the cause
of freedom of trade would most assuredly triumph.
(Cheers.) He seconded Mr. Brown's nomination, and
then closed his observations.
Col. TEMPEST next rose to move the nomination of
William Entwisle, Esq., and was met by deafening rounds
of cheers, which continued for some time. He concurred
in all that had been said in compliment to the memory of
their lamented representative, Mr. Wilbraham. He had
then, he said, the honour to recommend Mr. Entwisle as
a candidate. He was a gentleman of sound conservative
principles (cheers), and had eminently distinguished him-
self by his talents at the university, a sure presage of his
ability to represent the great interests of this important
county in parliament ; and if he was returned, he was sure
that he would serve the county honestly and faithfully,
for he was a man who was anxious to promote not this or
that particular interest, but every branch of British in-
dustry. (Cheers.) He maintained that it was necessary
that the kingdom should at all times protect itself as much
as possible from the neces.,ity of depending on any foreign
state for any material portion of the supply of bread for
the people ; for if they should become dependent on others
for a supply of food, it would be in the power of the coun-
tries depended upon so to increase its price as to cause a
scarcity, and that might end in producing a famine in
Great Britain, or at least a state bordering on famine.
All knew the importance of commerce and manufactures,
but they also should know it was necessary they should
go hand in hand with agriculture, if they would desire to
promote the general prosperity of the British empire.
Most persons also knew that the home markets were the
best and wealthiest for the manufacturer to resort to, and

no advantages that foreign markets offered, if to be only
got at the sacrifice of the corn laws, would ever compen-
sate the manufacturer for the loss he would sustain by the
injury done to the home producers, the best and wealthiest
customers. He was not wrong in saying that no nation,
ancient or modern, ever prospered, that neglected its own
agriculture, and thereby prevented itself from providing
its people with a sufficiency of bread. (Hear, hear.) The
country had been raised to its high station by attention
having been paid to all its interests, and every branch of
British industry ; and it was by the same course being
now pursued, that the country was enabled to retain her
proud position. All these great interests wee. eo Inti-
mately united, that they could only stand or fall together.
At the earlier meetings of the Anti-corn-law League, it
was made a boast that the manufacturers we e able to buy
up all the land of the aristocracy of England. Now if
this were true, it surely proved that the manufacturers
had been most successful, and it also proved that the
corn-laws could not have been very prejudicial to their
interests. (Cheers.) They now cry out for cheap bread
in order to lower the rate of wages, thus proving that
with them cheap bread means low wages. (Immense
cheering.) At the earlier meetings of the League the
most reprehensible language was applied towards the
landholders, and if the people had not had the good sense
in a great degree to disregard the hints and insinuations
thrown out, the most disastrous consequences might have
followed. (Cheers.) The farmers were insultingly called
a senseless race, with heads as thick as the clods they
cultivated ; indeed all means were used to set class against
class, and men who so acted, he had no hesitation in say-
ing, were the worst enemies the country could have.
There was no doubt the League had in some few instances
been joined by men of high standing, and possessed of
great wealth; but if such persons would only look back
upon proceedings that took place in the earlier part of
the French revolution, when men of title and wealth gave
encouragement to the promotion of revolutionary plans,
they would see it was possible to raise a storm which,
when raised, might be beyond their power to control.
He might also mention that a great delusion had been
practised in making very false statements as to the man-
Der in which the price of bread was affected by the rent
paid for land ; for competent men had made the most
careful calculations, from which they felt themselves jus-
tified in asserting that Bs. or 10s. was the most which the
rent of an acre of land added to the price paid for a quar-
ter of wheat. Now, if they would take away the refuse,
and allow for the other well-known reductions which the
farmers were called upon to bear, it would be found that
rent did not add more in the proportion to the price of
bread than twopence to the price of a stone of flour, and
that was all that the " grasping landlord" got for his
share. (Loud cheers.) There was a great difference in
the statistical accounts given of the number of persons
employed, and the amount of capital invested in land ;
but if they would only go into an agricultural district,
they would find that every tradesman and working man
were dependent on agriculture, and this dependence was
found to exist to a great degree even in manufacturing
towns. Were not the manufacturers, therefore, much
beholden to the country classes ? (Cheers.) They might
depend upon the truth that commerce was more support-
ed by the agricultural than the manufacturing classes,
and that if the corn-law was a monopoly, it was a mono-
poly by which the greatest numbers were benefitted. If
they calculated the amount of capital invested in agricul-
ture, it would be found to exceed that in manufactures by
hundreds of millions. Some of the League have said that
they seek a repeal of the corn-laws in order to raise up
the agricultural interests of other nations, and so enable
them more largely to purchase our manufactures. Now,
although he might not say that such could not be done,
he was entitled to say that sach an object could only be
accomplished by the commission of a grievous robbery of
our own nation, inasmuch as foreign states possess great
natural facilities for increasing their productions, which
are denied to the people of this country. (Loud cheers.)
Those nations have now, however, pronounced their de-
termination to promote their own manufactures, and they
will act upon that determination. Tue sun, indeed, in
its course, might be as easily stayed as the endeavours of
foreign nations to relieve themselves to the greatest pos-
sible extent, from a dependence on others for the supply
of articles with which they may be able to furnish them-
selves. It was, therefore, the interest of all that we
should call for a fair protection to our national industry.
If they gave way now, they would show that they wished
to destroy our matchless constitution, which has ever been
the pride and glory of our people, as it has also been the
envy and admiration of the world. (Loud cheers.) If,
then, they wished to destroy an empire with which all
that was great and glorious was associated, then let them
vote for the Leaguers' candidate; but if they wished truly
to serve the interests of commerce, and nobly to uphold
the British empire in its envied integrity, then let them
give their hearty support to a conservative, to his honoured
friend William Entwisle, Esq., whom he had the greatest
pleasure in proposing as a candidate for the representation
of South Lancashire. (immense cheering.)
Sir THOMAS BRANCKER.—( Cheers. ) Mr. High
Sheriff and electors of South Lancashire,—Before I pro-
ceed to second the nomination of my friend Mr. Entwisle,
allow me to express my full concurrence in everything
which has fallen from the High Sheriff and every other
gentleman who has addressed the electors, as regards a
testimony of respect for the memory of our late departed
friend, Mr. Wilbraham. Gentlemen, I had the honour
of enjoying the friendship of that distinguished individual :
and I cart safely say that he was not half sufficiently
known; that those who knew him the best valued him
the most; and that in him this county has lost a member
who was worthy the confidence reposed in him ; his fa-
mily and his friends have lost a son, a husband, a father,
and a friend, than whom there was none better living in
this kingdom. (Loud applause.) Having paid that tri-
bute of respect, gentlemen, to the memory of Mr. Wil-
braham, I now come forward to second the nomination of
Mr. Entwisle as his successor. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
notwithstanding the pains which have been taken by the
Anti-Corn-Law League, notwithstanding the pains which
have been taken by those who call themselves liberals, to
shake a large purse in the eyes of the electors of South
Lancashire,—(loud cheers,)—notwithstanding the pains
which have been taken by those who, when they are
beaten, are full of accusations against us of bribery, cor-
ruption and intimidation, but who, when they come to
practise, practise the very contrary of what they preach—
(loud applause,)—gentlemen, I say, notwithstanding the
large purse which these parties have shaken in your faces,
I know the Conservatives of Lancashire too well to doubt
for a moment that they will be influenced by such a
proceeding. (Loud applause.) Gentlemen, my friend,
Mr. Ewart, appealed to tories, to conservatives, to radi-
cals, and to all parties, to unite together to return a liberal
free trader to parliament in the person of my friend, Mr.
Brown,—for Mr. Brown is my friend, and Mr. Brown I
highly respect. (Applause from both sides.) But,
gentlemen, I do not call upon Radicals, because I know
that my call would be in vain, but I call upon Tories, and
Conservatives, or whatever they are called,—for my own
part, lam a bigotted old Tory. (Cheers, and laughter.)
I call upon Tories and Conservatives to merge all minor
differences, if any differences there be, in their common
cause. (Loud cheers.) Radicals never split from their
party, however much they may dislike their candidate.
Therefore, though I am a bigotted old Tory, and may
perhaps think that one candidate goes too far, and ano-
ther not far enough, I would stand by my party, and vote
for the candidate whom the majority bring forward.
(Applause.) With regard to Mr. Entwisle, gentlemen,
with him Ido agree. (Loud applause.) He has been
called an old Tory 30 or 40 years ago, for anything I
know. I agree with him fully ; and lam quite satisfied,
if you return him to parliament, you will return a gentle-
man who will serve you well, who will not merely attend
to one interest, but to all alike. (Loud applause.) For
I say it is a gross delusion which leads men to set one in-
terest against another, to suppose that they raise up one
interest when another is declining. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, a short time ago, we heard somebody cry out for
bread ; a while ago, we saw some loaves of bread marched
up the street, and nobody seemed to want them. (Ap-
plause.) I suppose those loaves were produced for the
purpose of using them, as it might be called in learned
language, as the argumentum ad bellyum. (Loud ap-
plause.) But, gentlemen, I hope the South Lancashire
electors will not be swayed altogether by their bellies ;
they have other interests to take care of besides them.
(Applause.) My gallant friend, the colonel, who preceded
me, has so well explained the views both of myself and
the party with whom I act, that I will not detain you fur-
ther than to say, that I most heartily second the nomina-
tion of William Entwisle, Esq., as a fit and proper per-
son to represent this division of the county in parliament.
(Loud cheers.)
Wm. BROWN, Esq., rose and was received with ming-
led cheers and hisses, and spoke so low for a short time
as to be inaudible at a short distance. When silence was
restored, he was heard concurring in the tribute of re-

TH E LiVERP

spect which thd preceding- speakers had paid to the
memory of Mr. Wiltirahim. From the character of the

gentleman by whom he had been nominated and seconded,
it would be seen that all political partizanship had been
put aside, and that he presented himself as a candidate,
only as an incorruptible advocate of Free Trade, and of
the right which every nation ought to enjoy to exchange
its produce for that of another; for by the cultivation of
this principle they best cultivated relations of peace and
good will between nations, and thereby prevented the
taxes and other evils which were consequent on wars, pro-
duced by a want of such a friendly understanding. He
wished to carry out the maxim that had been sanctioned

by the Premier—to buy in the cheapest and sell in the
dearest market. If it should be their pleasure to make
him their representative in the Commons House of Par-

liament. they would never find him offering a factious
opposition to any good measure, whether it might happen
to have been proposed by Conservative, Whig, or Radi.
cal. He would never seek the smiles nor fear the frowns

of any administration. He could not take upon himself
to answer all the arguments from the opposite side. It
had been said we should not put our dependence on others
for a supply of grain, to which he should say that he de-
pended upon our soldiers to find or make us markets in

every part of the morld—(cheers and hisses)—for he
felt sure if the present source of supplies was cut off,
others would speedily be obtained. They spoke of
prices of food where wages were low ; let them, then,
look at Ireland, and endeavour if they can there to raise
the rate of wages, for there were two millions of per-
sons who would be glad to be employed for 6d. a day.
Again, if they cross the Atlantic, they will find that the

operative there can set his 4s. a day. (Cries of " But
they come bac i again!") He knew that they did return,
because they don't like the climate, or rather because they
are influenced by that instinctive feeling of attachment
for the land of their birth (what the learned called amor

palrice) that prevents them from availing themselves of
the advantages offered elsewhere. There were persons
who were disposed to regard the aristocracy as incum-
brances, but be did not so, for he (bought them a neces-

nary spOlte in the wheel, and he would not be the man to
distu.b them in their possessions. Mr. Brown then con-
tinued at considerable length to speak upon different

matters connecting themselves with his notions of free
trade; but as the arguments by which he supported his
assertions had nothing of novelty in them, we shall
inflict no loss on the reader if we bring him to the close

of his observations, when he reiterated his assur-
ances, that if elected one of the representatives of the
Southern Division, he would endeavour to discharge
the duties so as best to promote the welfare of all

classes. (Cheers.)
Mr. ENTWISLE then came forward, which was the signs
for a hearty burst of cheering. After it had subiided, he
spoke as follows :—Mr. High Sheriff and Gentlemen,—
At the commencement of this contest I was indeed greatly

surprised to_find that the elgetory of
were called upon to record their votes in this struggle upon
one point alone, to which their attention was directed, and
that it was expected they would leave out of sight all those
principles of our constitution—(hear, hear)—all those in-
stitutions of the country which have been so long our glory

and our safeguard. ( Loud applause.) But, gentlemen,
my surprise has been much diminished, and I must say
that I much congratulate all the electors of this district
when I find that my honourable opponent is put forward,
with that one exception, upon precisely the same grounds
as those on which I appear before you. (Applause, and
a cry of " free trade," from Mr. Brown's party.) That
is the one exception which I mention, and I have been
met upon my canvass with the assertion that Mr. Brown
is a better conservative than lam myself. (Applause and
laughter.) And we hive heard just now—it has been put
forward by his own party—that he would give his support
to that ministry who now hold the reins of power in this
country. (Applause.) That is put forward as a claim
upon the votes of the electors of this district; and I say,
if there could be one argument more strong than another
in favour of those ministers, it is that both sides find it
necessary to appeal to their support of them and their
measures, in defence of their claim to your suffrages.
(Loud cheers.) I am certainly not much surprised that
that is the case. (Applause.) lam not at all surprised
that the contest has taken that turn. But I look back to
the circumstances in which we were left at the last election
in 1841 ; and when I see the circumstances under which
this country now exists, and the comparative degree of
great prosperity to which we have attained, I am not
surprised that great confidence should be attached to those
ministers who have rescued us out of a condition in which
our trade was depressed to an extent almost unparalleled,
when we were engaged in several wars, and when our
annual revenue was greatly deficient. (Applause.) lam
not surprised that great confidence should be attached to
those ministers who have restored peace to the country—
(hear, hear)—under whose government trade has been
extended, and by whom our revenue has been again placed
in a situation to be sufficient for the expenditure of the
country. (Loud cheers, and some of the leaguers called
out, " the income tax.") It is said, gentlemen', that this
is done by means of an income tax. lam not here to dis-
cuss by what means it was done. (Applause.) lam quite
ready, if you desire to know my opinion upon the matter,
to express my opinion, that that tax was a good tax, and
was imperatively called for by the circumstances of the
country at that time. (Applause.) Urgent cases, gentle-
men, require severe remedies. The remedy may have been
severe, but it has answered the purpose—(applause),--
and for the first time for many years the ministry has had
the agreeable duty imposed upon them of considering in
what manner the surplus of revenue shall be applied.
(Loud cheers.) We were riot troubled with any such con-
siderations under the late ministry. (Hear, hear.) We
have had just now a considerable detail with regard to
wool read to us in this meeting. I did not hear a great
part of it, and I was unable to catch the purport of it ;hut
I happen to recollect that there is just now passing a
measure for the total abolition of the duty on wool. I
don't know whether this may in some degree answer the
expectations of those gentlemen. (Applause.) But, gin-
, tlemen, it seems the great cry is to be raised upon the
subject of free trade; and in this instance the question of
free trade appears to be narrowed to the one individual
question of the repeal of the corn laws. (Applause, and
' no.") Gentlemen, I ask, is it so ? (" No, no."). Is
my opponent the candidate of the League, or is he not ?
(.* Yes," and cheers.) If it be not so, I would ask, how
is it that that gentleman has been making his progress
through the country attended by the most active, and
may add, I believe, the most able member of the League?
(Loud (Loud cheers from the leaguers.) We have had
hrise
own
us by Mr. Brown himself, almost as a part
Wilson, at one of their hebdomadal or
whichbymMeetr-.
s
so often
meet-
ings es cihn, tah
el large quotation
ropoii t from s speech
emaeetif
gl
fortnightly p
deliveredtir
e t
which has ee
time that has elapsed, and the experience that has
of the
repeated ;
hyetn, waiptphliaeldl tihnetificoirrceheohaltfa,
wenithaanitl atrhgeumfoernce
been gained on this subject, they have failed to convince
the people of this country. (Loud applause.) If the case
be so transparent, gentlemen, so palpable, how is it that
so many in this country have yet fdled to perceive it ?
(Applause.) Do these men possess a monopoly—hateful
as is the word—of all the sense in the kingdom? (Ap-
plause.) Is there no one able to perceive a plain argu-
ment, and reason from fair deductions, exceptthemselves?
(Cheers.) I deny that such is the case ; and I refer to the
opinions expressed in the House of Commons, who, as the
representatives of the people, still maintain these mea-
sures, as a proof that the intelligence of the country, and
those who are possessed of talent sufficient to decide the
question, are not yet convinced by the arguments of the
Anti-Corn-law League. (Loud applause.) I say that
that is a proof that their arguments are not so sound rs
they themselves fancy. (Applause.) Gentlemen, when
this subject was mentioned some short time ago, there
arose a cry of "Try it, try it." (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, it is precisely because I object to trials and
experiments unless they proceed upon sound grounds that
lam here to-day. (Loud cheers.) It is because I re-
fuse to go upon mere trial, upon mere experimental legis-
lation, which will run all hazards, and take all risks, to
to extend their particular interest, even to the risk of
damaging a very large portion of those in whose welfare
that of the country is bound up. (Applause.) Gentle-
men, that principle of making experiments is precisely the
principle which ever ruined ancient nations ; it is pre-
cisely that principle which leads to wild innovation upon
their laws and ultimately has a decidedly revolutionary
tendency. (Loud applause, and great uneasiness in the
league box.) I say it is because I dread the revolution-
.loleert
xeree siasas:tdgt
revolution-
ary tendency of those principles that I am here to protest
against them to-day. (Cheers.) Differences of opinion
will no doubt exist ; and I am not here to argue for the
purpose of converting any of those gentlemen by whom I
am surrounded, who have had ample opportunity of
making up their own minds ; but to give an opportunity
to those gentlemen who agree with me in their opinions, of
recording their votes, of testifying their approbation in
the manner prescribed for them by the laws of the coun-
try. (Applause.) I claim for them the right to be heard;
and I am here, offering myself, for the purpose of giving
them that opportunity which they have a right to demand
(Applause.) Gentlemen, I have mentioned to you one of
I
h
Surely,
reoghen,ani
alluded
commerce,
otldfemt
consider
the
entensr will
ricdi
eent,rho
tauhht
ruinous
have
le meff endeavour
circumstancesneonteshhytt
have
pvmtooeaoffsl
what I consider to be the inconsistencies of the advocates
btowwpwfelnhaeoni tunchospheteari
epbttmlahhbeeel
these gentlemen
restrictions
eei emh aoesrn
fortunesbad
,uhnodwe r
st t
ha t operationthe yhaveof tbheoesne verysn r
el.aels
been
ee
ns madesn desper-
ately large
p
it
e (Ap-
plause.)
in "
talent—how is it that, in common with manyP others, they
have succeeded in realizing the large fortunes they now
enjoy. (Applause. and a cry of " They got them out of
the factory slaves.") Surely, that alone is a proof that
the interest of our manufacturers has been consulted by
this country, and that room has existed for men to exer-
cise their talents, their industry, and their enterprise, in
the pursuits of commerce, which engage so large a part of
this community. (Applause.) Gentlemen, another of
their inconsistencies is this : the cry has often been raised
for cheap bread, while, at the same time, we now hear that
the landlords are not to be ruined, nor the farmers either.
I would ask you, how is that cheap bread to be obtained,
unless it be by the reduction of the price of corn ; and it
has been well shown, by one of the gentlemen who has
addressed you to-day, that the utter destruction of all the
rents of the kingdom would not suffice to make any con-
siderable or important reduction in that important article
of our food,—that the total removal, the abrogation of all
a result
rent would make but a very small alteration in • the price
of a loaf. Now, if that introduction of foreign corn should
apprehend would
be attended, as I apprehend it would be, by throwing a
large portion of the land now employed out of cultivation,
because n;
—(interruption
deny and
that cries
sy oc
hf
would follow, and they say " Let us only try," (Hear,
am very
Gweenllticeomnevnin,cleddtohnatt wthaenrtetshueltmltotr
follow ; and should they be allowed to " try," and my ap-
prehensions should prove more correct than their hopes,
I ask you, in what condition should we then be ? (Hear,
hear, hear.) Should we be able to retrace our steps ?
No : we have ruined a large portion of the community,