The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-03-03 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS.

Mr. MuLLINs moved the order of the day for the resumption
of this debate. The hull member, in the name of his consti-
tuents, rose to express his dissatisfaction with,
.and disapprolta-
tiozi of the conduct of the right hon. baronet and his colleagues
since their acceptance of office. He (Mr. Mullins) was unable
to discover any one good or solid reason for the dissolution of
the late parliament, or of Lord Melbourne's administration.
Mr. FINCH contended that there was ample ground for the
dismissal of the administration, and the dissolution of podia-
Ment. The house.had been told that one of die principles which
formed the basis of the Melbourne administration was a new
distribution of the revenues of the Irish church:, and that on
this subject Lord Julia Russell, Mr. Rice, Lords Lansdowne
and Brougham agreed iu opinion. This of itself was ample
'grounds for their dismissal. What was meant by new distri-
bution or appropriation? If he understood it correctly it meant
this—that if, after providing for the necessary wants of the.
Irish church—if after providing for the education 'of its mem-
bers, there should remain 'any disposable surplus, such surplus
should be given to the general purposes of education of, other
inhabitants, catholic as well as protestant. (" Hear, hear,"
from the Irish members.) Now, 'every, man was well aware
that the Roman catholic church only admitted of a system of
education conformable to its principles: therefore, if a portion
of the revenues of the protestant church were perverted to a sys-
tem of education subject to the approval of the Irriesthood, it
would in fact, be a diversion to Roman catholic purposes. These
was said to be public purposes (fear, hear); but it was the duty
of a government to act, consistently with the dignity of the
sovereign and the constitution of the country. Now, the King
were sworn to retain inviolate the rights and privileges of the
church (the privileges of its property of course included), and
if any administration
.was prepared' to counsel the King to in-
fringe those rights, or to trench upon those privileges, he (Mr.
Finch) was prepared to contend it would be in violation of the
coronation oath. (Cheers from the ministerial side of the house.")
He condemned such advice in the face of the house and of the
country, as at variance with national faith, the treaty of union,
and the terms of the coronation oath. He should on all these
grounds most strenuously oppose the amendment which. had
been moved.

Mr. G. BERKELEY supported the amendment.
Sir liUGEtt GIMSLEY said that be shouid not dischaige Iris
duty to the electors of the southern division of the county of
Derby, whom he had the honour to represent, if -he did net ix-
press his dissatisfaction at the scanty and insignificant mention
which had been made in the addreSs on the subject Of the dis-
tresses of the agricultural class—a class more-patient under their
sufferings than any other in the whole community. (Hear.)
He knew that they would be much disappointed atid•greatly
discontented with the omission, and he much feared that if his
Majesty's government should haite recourse to an appeal to
them again, it might be the means of preventing them affording
to the government that support which on the late elections they
had so nobly given. Approving, •as he did, of the principles
upon which, as he understood, redress was to be afforded, he
-regretted to.state that he much feared it would be insufficient
fur the relief which was indispensable. For the rest, concur..
ring as he did cordially in every topic upon which the address
touched, he should vote for it in order to counteract that .which
he regretted to designate a factious' opposition (hear. hear),
raised for the purpose of promoting the selfish aggrandisenient
of others, (Cheers.)
Mr. GILLON would ask those who wished to raise the cry of
"factious opposition," whether anything savoured so much of
faction as the dismissal of the late parliament. He would refer
to a paragraph iu the speech from the throne, in which his Ma-
jesty called the earnest attention of parliament to the condition
of the church of Scotland, and to the means by which it might
be enabled to increase the opportunities of religious worship for
the poorer classes of society in that part of the united kingdom,
He took upon himself to say, that unpopular A. the t0..7 party
were netoro in. g00n...4 tuts declaration would make them in-
finitely more so. (" Hear, hear" from the opposition.) The
passage to which he had referred appeared to him to indicate an
intention on the part. of ministers, under the pretext of afford-
ing spiritual instruction to the poor, to attempt to strengthen
the dominant sect in Scotland, and treat as nothiug the claims
of the dissenters. •

Mr. C. Beuce would not have risen but for the remarks of
Mr. Gilion, who had asserted that a great majority of the inhas
bitants of Scotland were averse to the change lately made iu
the councils of his Majesty. The hon. member was in some
degree justified in his observations by the returns from Scot-
land (" Hear." from the opposition); but still he begged to
assure the house that in Scotland there existed a great diver-
sity of opinion on the subject. In the, towns, whilst the num-
bers were against the change, the representatives of property
were favourable to it. (Hear, hear.) He appealed to the great
constituency of Ediuburgh, to that of Glasgow, and other places,
where it was well known that a great majority of the existing
property recognised and was satisfied with' the late change.
(" Hear, hear," and "No" from the opposition.) If this were
Mlle case in towns, what was the case as regarded the counties
of Scotland ? (" Hear, hear," from both sides of the house.)
Look at those counties which had returned niambers favourable
to the late government, and see by what narrow majorities that.
had been effected, as in the case of Herldingtonshire and .tbe
county of Perth. (Loud cheering from the opposition.) It
could not be asserted that in those counties very large numbers
of the constituency did not express themselves favourable to'
the present ministry. In Invernessshire the sitting member
had also been returned by a narrow majority, and it was well
known to his hon. friend that there were walking about the
streets, impulled, a greater number of persons favourable to a con-
servative government than could have turned the election, if they
hail not been deterred from coming forward by peculiar circuin-
stances. The paragraph of the royal speech relative to religious
instruction of the people in Scotland, which had been objected to
by the hon. member fur Falkirk, exhibited a regard for the best
interests of his fellow-countrymen, which he (Mr. Bruce) was-
well convinced would he hailed and responded to by the people
of Scotland as exhibiting a regard for the best interests of the
country. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Vox MAULE replied and supported the amendment.
Mr. Macsuae, as a new member, had listened attentively to
the arguments adduced on both sides of the house, but had been
unable to extract from the speeches of the honourable gentle-
men opposite any one reason for supporting the amend-
ment of the noble lord. The amendment appeared to pledge
the house to the opinion, that in consequence.of the dissolution
of parliament the progress of reform had been interrupted. It
certainly appeared to inconsistent to represent the people
as warmly attached to reform principles, and at the same time
to say that the progress of reforms could run' the slightest risk
ofinferruption from an appeal to the country. If lion. mem-
bers opposite• were anxious to have measures which, in their
opinion, would advance the cause of reform, assuredly they
(ight not to complain of the dissolution. If they desired to cir-
emulate more widely the doctrines which they professed, where
could they find a better opportunity of doing so than in address-
ing their constituents from the hustings? (Hear, hear.) He
could not concur iii the address upon this point, because he had
not the least apprehension that there was likely to be the slieht-
est interruption to the progress of sound constitutional reform,
which lie presumed to be the doctrine entertainer' on his side of
• the house. (Ilear, hear.) The Ilan. gentleman who had just
sat down had asked by what mystery it was that the present
ministers 11,und themselves in possession of the places which
they occupied. His answer was by no mystery at all, but by
the simplest zoerse of things tharcould be brought within the
Conception of the humblest individual. (Hear.) When Lord
Melbourne placed himself at the head of the late ministry, he
declared, in his place in the House of'Lords, that he considered
the presence of Lord Althorp in the House of Commons, as
leader, so essential to the existence of the government, that he
would not have taken office had not his lordship consented to
continue in that situation. (Hear.) Again, when Earl Grey
resigned office, he declared he could no longer carry on the
government of the country after having lost the assistance of
Lord Althorp, whom he called emphatically his "right hand."
(Hear.) If Lord Althorp was considered fiy. Earl Grey as his
right hand when that nobleman's administration was in its in-
tegrity—when it had not suffered the loss of the secession of the
noble lord, the member for North Lancashire, and other indi-
vidualv—he might reasonably be considered the right hand of
the cabinet which succeeded. If this were the case—if, as his
lordship said, lie would not have taken office had not Lord
Althorp consented to continue leader of the House of Com,•
mona—was it sui prisin that when that noble lord was translated
to the other house the king should be unwilling to embark the
fortunes of the kingdom in the is reek of the late administration ?
He had listened with satisfaction to the declaration of princi-
ples made by the right hon. baronet at the head of the govern-
ment, and it he acted upon those principles he should receive
his 'suppoit. One of .our best constitutional writers had ex-
pi essed an opinion that the utility and dignity of the House of
Commons would be best preserved by preserving
a happy me-
dium which would prevent it on the one hand from becoming an
aristocratical senate, and on the other degenerating into a de-
mocratic assembly. That happy medium he trusted the right
hen. baronet would ibe able to preserve for the present house.
(Hear. hear.)
Lord DUDLEY STUART regretted the dissolution of the Mel-
bourne administration, and had no wish to join in a factions
opposition to the present government. The noble lord had upon
the whole no particular objection to the address except upon
the subjects it left untouched. lie disapproved of that part of
the amendment which expressed a censure upon the dissolution
of parliament. Ile believed that was a very unusual proceed-
ing. He did not believe that the progress of reform had been
endangered by the dissolution. In conclusion, he would vote
for the amendment, hut lie was sorry that it bad not been framed
in a way which would have aowed him to do so with inure satis-
faction. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Sergeant Goureuele thought the amendment which had
beets moved was a false and pretended amendment. (Cries of
'• "No," and cheers.) He repeated that it was a false and pre.
tended amendment. (Renewed cries of " and ?beers.)
Ii was framed with the view of obtaining from the unwary a
few votes—(laughter)—it was framed for the purpose of inducing
some hon. members to vote for the einendnieut, with . the idea
that they were only adding to the address something like milk
and water, as the noble mover of the amendment hail styled it
—but which he (Mr. Sergeant Goulburn) called gall, bitterness,

and-party faction. (Cheers.) The real question he believed
in his conscience was whether the present ministers should be I
ejected from office. This question was indeed conceded by the
supporters of 'the amendment, and uaturallv raised another—
ought the House of CoMmons to force the King to take back
against his will the Melbourne cabinet? (Cheers.) He (Mr.
G.) believed it amounted to an interference with what he had
always understood to be the undoubted prerogative of the King,
—(cheers)—and he-could not but express his condemnation of
the disingenuous endeavour which was made to conceal under
false professions the real object intended. (Hear, hear.) The
gentlemen-opposite" professed to hive greai respect for the pre-
rogatives of the King. They admitted , that the King was en-
titled to a free choice in respect to his ministers, but what sort •
of choice, let him ask ? (Cheers from the opposition.) The
King. forsooth, was free to choose certain individuals, whom
they (the gentlemen of the opposition) prescribed, but he was
to be uuder the aobligation of rejecting every other individual,
whatever his capability for office might be, howsoever great his
talent or integrity. (Cheers and laughter.) This was the sort
of freedom which' the g'eritleinen on the other side of the house
Would- concede to his Majesty. (Cheers.) If hon. members
on the oppbsite side disliked the present cabinet what would
.they put in its place., Would they take the seals from Lord
Lyndhurst and restore them to his predecessor in office? And,
would airy one for a moment make a comparison between those
persons? Would they wish to restore the noble rejected mem-
ber forllampshire to the Foreign-office? On these questions
he was'repared to go with the noble lord and the opposition
to the country. What would be the consequence if the present
cabinet ministers were ejected front office ? Could any ad-
ministration be foruied which would give satisfaction to the
house and the country? (Hear, hear.) tie was very well
aware that him. gentlemen on, the other side, who farmed tho
weakest of the three parties in that house, both in point of num-
bers arid talent, had formed the notion of being able to govern
by the alternate assistance of the other two. That party had
been churn of all that once gave it credit in the eyes of the
country ; for he willingly admitted that Lord Grey had to a
_great degree-possessed the cou fidence of the people. The couns
try reposed great confidence in the talent, integrity, and high
character of Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham. (Hear,
hear.) But they had seceded from the Melbourne cabinet,
and they would not join it should it be restored to-morrow.
The intention of the weakest party in that house was to govern
by the assistance of the other two parties. When they wished
to destroy they would have plenty to help them; they might
then be sure of assistance of the hon. and learned member
for Dublin, the bon. and learned member for Southwark, and
the hon. member for Middlesex, awl their aid would be required
much oftener, he was afraid, than that of the conservatives.
(Hear, hear.) But when they wanted tupreserve and uphold,.
then-would they appeal to the high awl' manly feeling of the
right hon. baronet, the member for Tamworth. They would ask
him to come to their succour, and to lend them the aid of his
superior talents. (Hear, hear.) They would address the right
hon. baronet in the following terms :—" We know that you will
do exactly the opposite to that which we should in the same cir-
cumstances. You will not withhold your support. fur the pur-
pose of embarrassing the government. We know what your
opinions are. You have never disguised them, and you would
scorn to alter them; and we therefore claim your aid when we
wish to preserve." Thus would the weakest party in the house
endeavour to carry on the government. (Hear, hear.) Now
he thOught that there was something excessively mean in such
conduct. (Laughter.) He was sorry to be obliged ,to use a
plain phrase; but ho thought that nothing could be more con.
temptible than an attempt on the part of the weakest body in the
house, both in numbers and talent, to govern by relying at one
time on the'aid of the right hon. baronet (the member for Tami
worth) and his party, and on other occasions by claiming the
support of those whose undisguised object was the destruction of
the institutions of the country. The learned serjeautthus con-
cluded:—lt' was of some impatience in his mind that the indi-
viduals who would he affected by reforms should be convinced
that the persons who proposed these reforms did it with a friendly
though firm purpose; that they did not, in fact, intend to destroy
wkat, they professed to reform. (Hear, hear.) He was himself
a zealous and devoted member of the Church.of England, and
he Are one should have no objection to a reform brought about
by those in whom he could confide, whom he knew to be at once
hOnest and decided reformers of real abuses, resolved whilst
they refocused' not -to destroy awl subvert. (Cheers.) This was
the feeling which he was convinced prevailed in the country
both with. espect to church reform and corporation reform. He
would conclude by directiug the attention of the hon. and learned
member for Dublin, and other reformers in the opposition, to a
passage in, M.r. Soathey's work on the Progress and Prospects of
Society, in Whiciiit was stated, that if ever the constitution were
destroyed, it wouldbe by a combination of the forces of popery,
dissent; and infidelity. The hon. and l&rued,rntleman then
. resumed his, seat amidst much cheering.
Mr. GISI3.I)RNE spoke at somelength ru support of the amend-
"meats
Lord Howler( thought Sir Robert Peel hail shown himself
on various occasions fatally ignorant of the art ofs--that of when
to give way. He. (Lord willingly confessed that he dif-
fered less with the right honourable baronet than with many
of those in whose comnany it was now his (Lord Howick's) for-
tune to be
,placed. Bat the character of one member of an ad-
ministration was not to be taken as that of the whole, and he
found that by far the greater part of the members of the govern-
ment were then of extreme opinions. Lord H.. concluded by
declaring his intention to vote for the amendment.

Mr. G. PRICE spoke in favour of the address. He said, the
whips as a body were certainly the weakest party in the state;
and if a government were attempted to be formed from the
remnant of the Melbourne administration, they would! be obliged
undoubtedly to lean on others for support. from whom they dif-
fered in opinion, and whose political fierceness would rage to
such an extent that their government could not possibly exist
for a fortnight—those who joined them most be their masters,
and harsh and unscrupulous task-masters they would find them
to be. (Hear.)
Mr. I'. S. DUNCOMRE replied to the observationi made on
the metropolitan borough constituencies by the right hon, the
president of the board of trade, (Mr. A. Baring) and contended
that the wealth and intelligence of the metropolis was fairly
represented. ag
Mr. BARING 4!.1111* ed.
Sir JAMES Gil.: awl had, like his noble friend Allow'
4,.,.,+.in'tnem, then in many of the members
of the administration. Entertaining, then, the. opinions winch
on that and un other occasions he bad frankly avowed, there
would obviously be great inconsistency in his voting for the
amendment of the noble lord. Considering the effect of his
vote—considering the prObable consequences of the present
government being a second tinie in one week left in a minority,
he should long hesitate before he gave his sup-port to the amend-
: went of the noble lord. If he could agree that the overthrow
of the administration would not be the consequence of adopting
the amendment, he might be disposed in some respects to qualify
his support of the address. It was his misfortune not to have
been able to place confidence in the administration of Lord
Melbourne; the present government, •howevet, had Made large
and ample promises of liberal measures, and he would maintain
that they possessed greater facilities and more extended means
of carrying such measures into full effect than any ministry the
• formation of which he could .coatemplate. The declarations
which he•made in relation to the support or the opposition to
any government amounted to this, that he had pledged himself
that he would vote against any motion having a factious
tendency. It was the duty of the administration to produce
their measures, but was it not in fairness the duty of the house
to abstain from str,king without hearing them, and would it not
be still More unjust to strike fur the purpose of preventing their
being heard ? (fear, hear.) That was the position with which
he set out, and to that he was prepared to adhere. He had that
night conic down to the house ata great personal inconvenience,
and suffering nuke much pain, to explain the grounds upon
which he was 'prepared to oppose the amendment; it still re-
mained for him to notice the point to which be wished more
particularly to refer—he wished to give the most direct contra-
diction possible to a rumour which had been recently set afloat.
The propagatiOn of such rumours might form part of the new
tactics of opposition (loud and continued Theering)—such might
be the tactics of an opposition which he could no otherwise
describe than as a Babel opposition, in which all languages
were spoken, in which the tongues of the young and old were
heard, in which the radical and the repealer both raised their
voices. If other motives were wanting, the mere existence of
such coalitions would induce him to declare that he was not
prepared to unite with such opponents of such an administra-
tion. (Hear, hear.) But to return to the rumours of which
he had been speaking. Those seeds, when once sown, often
rose and spread to a bitmidable extent. They might be cast by
the way side, but they nevertheless occasionally germinated and
even produet:dfeuit ; lie was, therefore, anxious in the most posi-
tive manner to deny that, directly or indirectly, he, or any gen-
tleman included within that section of the house, had received
any communication from his majesty's government, but none
had been tendered by him, or any of those with whom he was
in communication. (Hear, hear.) If any further explanation
were thought necessary, he was then prepared to offer it. It
had been sneeringly said, that some members would act con-
scientiously: Was it thought, when the fate of the country was
suspended in a balance, that men would consider mere party
attachments as paramount to every thing? Might not, indepen-
dent.support Le given without unlimited confidence? (Loud
cLeering.)
Mr. O'CONNELL was compelled by a sense of duty to his " Un-
fot-imitate country'2 to trespass on the attention of the house.
The learned gentleman's speech in support of the amendment
embraced a great variety of subjects.
• Mr. SHAW (Dublin Vniverbitv) iu a short reply, said that
he did not thick that the learned-member (Mr. O'Connell) had
spoken with his usual power, or made his usual impression on
the house.
Mr. O'llw TER rose amidst great and continued interruption,
to which, after uttering a few sentences, he gave way. '
The house then divided, when the numbers appeared—
For the amendment 309
For the original address 3:12

Majority against ministers
The report was ordered to be received this day.
The announcement-of the result of the division was received
with loud and long-continued cheers from the opposition side of
the house.
_ _

Before our re-admission'into the gallery we understand a con-
versation took place to the following effect :
Lord
J. RUSSELL inquired whether it was the intentien of
the right hon. baronet the Chancellor. of the Exchequer to moves
on bringing up of the report this day, that the words of the.
amendment should be expunged from the address.
Sir R. PEEL was understood to decline, for the present, to
answer the question.
Lord J. RUSSELL said/that he considered the answer of the
right hon. baronet as equivalent to an intention 00 his part to
divide upon that question, and he (Lord John Russell) should
advise all those who had this night voted in favour of the amend-
ment to be in their place to-day. (Cheers from the opposition.)
Sir H. PEEL, said,: he would give the saute excellent advice
to those hon. members who had supported tile original address,
and beg them to he at their posts, in order that they might
place themselves to-morrow in the same position as that which
the majority of to-night itow occupied. (Loud cheers.)
• The house then (at a quarter-past two o'clock) adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS; FRIDAY.
The house met at three o'clock, when a few peen.; took the
oaths.

At five o'clock the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the
woolsack_

Mr. I'lowden appeared at the bar, and presented to their
lordships certain papers from the India board:
The Dukd of AV ELLINGTON laid on the table returns of the
inapiiris and exports of th 4 United Kingdom for the years 1834
and 1835.

ABOLITION OP OATHS BILL.
The Duke of RICHMOND rose to mOve, in pursuance of a no-
tice ho had, given, the first reading, of a bill for the abolition of
certain oaths taken in various departments of the state. if their
lordships should agree to the first reading of the hill it was his
intention to move that it be referred to a committee up stairs.
The bill was read a first time, and referred to a COMITIIILee.

COLONIAL SLAVERY.

The Earl of Mt LGI;AVtr: rose toasi---soine questions of the
noble secretary lbr the .colonies (Lord Aberdeen) connected
with the subject of colouial slavery. lle observed by the Ja-
maica papers that in :he last session of the local legislature a
joint representation was 'made to the noble marquis, the present
governor of the island, from the council and the legislative body
as to the necessity of swearing iu a number of heal special con-
tables, but the noble ,oiarquts refused the application, and be

„ fl_A It C H S:3si

did not blame the noble marquis, who considered that he bat°'
no-alternative under the powers he possesSed. This, however'
was certainly at variance with the spirit of the act. He knry
many most respectable gentlemen- in the island, to whore bz
would be sorry to impute any disposition inconsistent with the
strictest sense of justice and humanity; but it might test be easif•
to judge of the effect of arbitrary power placed in the hands 0t
a master. When the noble lord, the present member for Lae.
cashire (Lord Stanley,) was at the head of the colonial depart
meat he (Earl Mulgrave) received instructions from him to ap-
point gentlemen to the local magistracy who were unconnected
with slave property, but to select them opt of each parish. No,°
this was striking at the very root of the whole good intended to
be produced by the appointments, because there might be
sa,
dozen fit men unconnected with slave property in one pari
and not one fit person in another parish. It. was a matter 0.
the most vital importance to the succesa.of the measure that tbd
local magistrates having controul antler the act should not Dd.
slave proprietors, and be hoped to hear from the noble earl tb,o,
he did not sanction such powers. Upon this important point DI
hail had communications from all classes, from the clergy, an
from slave proprietors themselves—all concurring that this WO_
essential to the success of the measure. There was another
point upon which he should also be glad to have the assurance,
of the noble earl, and he begged the noble earl to believe that
in anything he said he was nut in the least degree actuated bt,
i party spirit, for he was sure it 'was the Object- and wish of Kit
that this most interesting and' important question should be
brought to a successful issue. It was with the greatest satisfac,
tion that he heard in his Majesty'S speech an expression of frog
and confidence that the measure Would end in final success. w
some of the islands, particularly in Jamaica, there had been
considerable religious dissension, he would not say amongst all
sects, but there did exist great jealousy and much prejudice
against the missionaries and sectarians not belonging to tbe
Church of England, and not only against those, but even against
clergymen of the Church of Enilaud who were termed evange-
lical, He had received a letter from a beneficed clergyman'
whose name it would not be judicious to meution, stating that
be had been ordered to attend before a committee of the legis"
lature to be examined ; but when'it was learned that his an-
swers were not likely to answer the purpose for which he was to
be questioned, and that they went to a denial rather than the
establishing of any ground for imputation, he was told that be
need not attend. Ile was the more anxious to have an expres-
sion of the noble earl's sentiments, because he observed in some,
of the last colonial newspapers much satisfaction expressed at
the change of government in this country, and that the late ad
miuistration, " the protectors of canting hypocrites," as tb"y.
were called, were out of power, and " our friends," as the re"'
sent government were termed, Come into office.
The Earl of ABERDEEN was as anxious as the noble earl t 6
see the law as it now stood carried into effect. The first vote be
ever gave in parliament was in favour of emancipation, and bY
every means in his power he had assisted in paving the way to
that consummation he so much wished for. After a cursory
perusal of the correspondence of the noble mar iris the present
governor of, Jamaica, which he found in the office, he wrote in
three or four days after his appointment to that noble marquis,
recollecting that it was usual oft a change of government to
make also changes in colonial governors, and that one of the
noble marquis's immediate predecessors had been so recalled
without the least ground to charge bins with any misconduct--;
he wrote to the noble marquis, entreating him fur the sake of
the cause that had been entrusted to his charge, to retain his
government, and that he should have the full and hearty sup;
port of the government in the execution of the -taw. He had
not as yet had any answer from the noble marquis, but he was
in daily expectation of receiving one, and although perhaps the
noble marquis might consider his recal a matter of course cou-,
sequent upon the change of government, vet he (the Earl of
Aberdeen) still entertained a hope that the government and
the cause in which all felt so great an interest would have the
benefit of the noble marquis's assistance, to which he attached
no small importance. The first question of the noble earl ar
plied to the execution of the law as between master and appren-
tice, and whether this was to be left with the magistrates seat
out from this country, or to be partly entrusted to local inagis-
trates, the owners of slave property ? He had upon this point
already written to the noble marquis aroving of the answer
he had given to the representation that had been. made to hilt.
And he did not suppose that any change was likely to take place
the determination to which the noble usarquirhad come. At
the same time he considered that the case was one of great hard'
ship,. and one which was not at all contemplated at the passing
af..4he act. There had been only thirty magistrates sent out in
the first instance to Jamaica from this country. Now anyone
who was at all acquainted with the island, and the interests tci
be protecteslahere, even, indeed, with its-geography, must knovt
that so small a nourber of magistrates could by no means be
sufficient for the proper. execution, ofr Use la,w, Spa. experienc4
had proved-this to, be the case. His predieceasoe at the IV-on ialls
, office very wiselyaddedoonsiderably, to the number and having!
found this addition in.progress he himself added a few more, aid;
he hoped the appointments were now sufficiently numerous 11l
carry the law into effective execution, the entire number ot.
magistrates now appointed being sixty-one. Those who knee
the country would not consider this too many. With respect.
to the other question of the noble earl, as far as he could collect,
its import he could have no difficulty in answering it.- ITrifor''
tunately great animosity existed amongst the religious sects in
Jamaica, and he would not go so far as the noble earl in saying
that the zeal of some of them did not outrun their discretion,
but still he could assure the noble earl that they should all,hora'
the full protection of the law while in the exercise of their proper
duties • and he admitted that their exertions and motives were
generally highly laudable, particularly as connected with the
act of emancipation, for if the religious education of the slaves
be not attended to, and they were kept iu a state of ignorance
to the expiration of their apprenticeship, instead of their eman-
cipation being a blessing it would be the greatest curse that
could betel thetn. To those missionaries, therefore, against
whom great prejudice existed, the government would of course
be happy to give every assistance to pursue their laudable ob-
jects in safety and tranquillity.

A conversation ensued in which the Duke of Wellington, the
Earl of Ripon, Lord Brougham, Lord•,,Seaford, and the Earl of
Aberdeen, took part. The conversation was ended by :Lord
Mulgrave saying that the original number of magistrates in bis
opinion had been insufficient, their salaries were inadequate;
wn-eurrlnat -sixty wont,' be •
sufficient number: