The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1851-08-12 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

A TRARRSMAN.—The following is the "change in the fashion,"
to which our correspondent refers, and a very good " change"
it is—and will, no doubt, be welcome to many tradesmen's
tars :—" It is now." says the Morning Post, " generally
known that her Majesty has go great a dislike to the accumu-
lation of ' bills' that no account incurred for her personal
use or that of the royal children is permitted to remain in
arrear a single day atter the limited period (three months)
for its discharge has expired. The establishment of this
practice has, we are informed. been productive of the most
beneficial consequences at the west end of the metropolis
especially, where it has been the custom to contract enor-
mous accounts-current with the leading houses. It is now
considered an evidence of the highest ton to follow the ex-
ample of the Court in putting an end to the system of indefi
nite accounts; and so desirous are the aristocracy to second
the wishes of her Majesty in this respect. that in many of the
establishments of the nobility and gentry similar directions
are given."
X. G.—The tenancy is clearly void, and the parties may be
expelled.
ANx.'ous.—No more ships will be sent in search of Sir John
Franklin by the Government.
L.—lt depends upon the exact terms of the agreement, which
may be stamped at any time upon payment of the penalty,
by applying at the Stamp-office.
C. F.—You are liable to be sued upon the bill, although you
have received no consideration.
A LADY.—There is a winter garden in Paris something similar
to that proposed to be made of the Crystal Palace.
"AULD LANG SYNE" has our best thanks. His conjecture is
correct
1M- We shall be happy at all times to receive communications
on subjects of local or general interest; and if our friends
will be good enough to authenticate the same by their signa-
tures, for our own satisfaction, we shall feel obliged.

tiberpoot -z)tanbarb+

TUESDAY MORNING, AUG, 12, 1851.

THE SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

WE propose to ourselves an annual task of review-
ing the Session of Parliament ; and, this year at
least, if we only noticed good measures, the task
would not involve any very extraordinary labour.
English history celebrates several parliaments by
particular epithets. We have had the Long Par-
liament, that was something more than a Venetian
Senate,—the Convention Parliament, that was a
Provisional Government,—the Barebones Parlia-
ment, that was a common rabble,—and the Parlia-
ment that would allow no barrister to sit, and on
which the profession has revenged itself by qucting
its acts as those of the parliamentum indoctum. or
the illiterate parliament. But the Do-nothing Par-
liament was (beyond competition) that which was
prorogued, we hope for the last time, on Friday.
Six hundred and fifty-six gentlemen (for the two
seats for ill-used Sudbury are pot yet given to the
London University or the College of Maynooth)
have sat from the beginning of February to the
beginning of August, and have done scarcely any-
thing. The Speaker in bis address described the
session as a " laborious" one, but its laboriousness
was only shown in the extreme elaboration of trifles,
and the House of Commons seemed by its dilatori-
ness to agree with Macbeth—

The labour we delight in physics pain.

The Bill against the pretensions of the Church of
Rome was expected before the meeting of Parlia-
ment with the utmost anxiety by the nation. Even
Lord John Russell's speech, in moving for leave to
bring it in, was in the spirit of his letter to the
Bishop of Durham ; but the bill itself was as like
what the nation expected as the armaments of the
German Landgrave were like his promises, who is
said to have issued a manifesto against Napoleon,
and raised, to effectuate it, thirteen men and a fiddler.
Thanks to various assistances from without, the bill
has . gone some way towaris being an effectual
measure ; but Sir Frederic Thesiger is solely to be
praised for the fact that it is not inoperative and a
laughing stock. The ministers must really have
meant to deceive the country.: to pass an act of
Parliament merely against one particular bull of
the usurping Bishop of Rome, and not to extend it
to any other hulls, was mere trifling. Sir Frederic
Thesiger saw this, and carried his amendment, that
"all such bulls" should be equally prohibited; and
the first fruits of Sir Frederic's labours are that
Priest Wriale has altered his account at his
banker's, from the name of the •` Lord Archbishop
of 'Fuam" to that of the "Most Reverend John
WHale"—the " Lion of the fold of Judah" (as lie
was blasphemously named) having not the slightest
desire to run against an indictment under the act.
Already, therefore, the ex-Attorney-General's clause
has had excellent effect. The most remarkable
circumstance about the late Popish impertinence
has been that they venture to attempt in a Protestant
country what they dare not in a country entirely
Popish. This determination of Popish sovereigns
to refuse the domination of the Romish Church has
not been a thing of yesterday. Don Pedro de
Ronquillos, the Spanish ambassador, told James IL,
by order of his court, that if he estab-
lished Popery he would repent it; and when
James indignantly asked bim, " Did they
never in Spain consult with their confessors ?"
Don Pedro answered, "Yes, we do, and that is the
reason our affairs go so ill?" But what Popish
Spain would not tolerate in the seventeenth cen-
tury, Protestant England was expected in the nine-
teenth to submit to. The Ecclesiastical Titles
Assumption Bill, however, is passed, and it rests
with the public to see that it is effectuated.
Of the various strange incidents to which the
complete imbecility of the Administration gave rise,
the most remarkable was the sudden elevation into
notice of some of the smallest men of the house,
by their being enabled to beat the ministry. Like
Charles XII. they fell by— .

A doubtful quarrel and a nameless hand,
for surely the last man who might have hoped to
upset a ministry was Mr. Locke King, and the last
question likely to be carried against them was a
point of the Charter. Yet so it was. On the 24th
of February, Lord John Russell pretended to resign
because Mr. Locke King had carried a resolution
in favour of a £lO household franchise. The
Whigs in this case were like Mr. Mantalini poison-
ing himself to obtain a further allowance. They
knew that the Queen was averse to a dissolution in
the Exhibition year. They knew that no Protec-
tionist minister in his senses would dissolve in seed
time, and give the farmers the choice of deserting
their candidates or losing their substance. They
knew, in short, that they must be sent for again,
and so, to obtain forbearance for the remainder of
the session, like Mr. Mantalini, they " poisoned
themselves positively for the last time—demmit
Doubtless this proceeding was visible enough to
Lord Stanley, and he accordingly refused office.
His lordship, however, in his explanation, spoke as
a sine qua non of " official experience" being needed
in a government. We cannot for an instant see
the necessity. Official experience seems to us to
wed men merely to forms and routine—to make
them red-tapists, but not statesmen. Pitt had little
official experience when be was recalled from the
western circuit to become Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and there was as little official experience
about Bolingbroke or Harley ; while, on the other
hand, who will doubt the official experience of Lord
John Russell, who has stuck to office with indomi-
table perseverance; or Lord Palmerston, who has
been in every ministry of all sides of politics since
" the memory of maxi runneth not to the contrary?"
The people of England will freely forgive in an
administration the want of such experience as was
likely to be gained by a connexion either with the
Whigs or with the followers of Peel.
The first use of their reinstated position made
by the minister 6 was an attempt to carry out their