The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-08-28 00:00:00

- THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

aggerated statements of the noble and learned lord, he (the
Duke of Wellington) did not hesitate earnestly to entreat, and
earnestly to recommend, the house to agree to the motion
of his noble friend. (Loud cheers from the opposition benches.)
The gable viscount had stated that the two parts of the present
bill—as well as the part which their lordships evinced a disposi-
tion-to consider as the part which they seemed to think it was
their dirty to reject—were intimately connected and identified
with each other. Now, lie had listened attentively to the course
of. argument used upon the present occasion, and with equal
attention he had perused the documentary evidence which the
government had thought proper to lay upon the table of the
house: but, notwithstanding, he must say he was wholly unable
to trace the connexion alluded to. (Cheers.) The more he ex-
amined and considered the more convinced he became that,
even taking into. view the frightful degree of spoliation which
the bill would perpetrate, and carry to account everything
which could be wrung from the unfortunate subjects to whom it
referred, the whole amount which could be procured, and to
procure it it would be necessary to destroy the funds created un-
der another bill—would not exceed £10,003 a year. (Hear,
hear.) And was it for such a purpose, he asked, that the whole
establishment was to be destroyed ? (Loud cheers.) The
noble marquis opposite said niu;•11 of the receipts of the Irish
clergy. b 4 by, on the average, there was not more than three
hundred a year fur the whole of them. (Cheers.) The noble
marquis was pleased, on a former occasion, to say that the go-
vernment was entitled to his support, and to the support of
those with whom he acted upon the present occasion, because,
although it had announced its intention ofintroducing the mea-
sure at an early period of the session, it had received their sup-
port up to the present moment. It was quite true that he and
those with whom he acted had,given the government their sup-
port, and done all in their power to for-Ward public business, but
he protested against its being supposed that by that circum-
stance either lie or they were to be debarred from exercising
their judgment upon the pres(it or any other measure to which
their attention was called. (Cheers.) He had given his assent
' to many of the measures introduced by the government during
the session, but he opposed the noble lords opposite on the pre-
sent question, and on another still under consideration, because
he deemed it his public duty so to do. (Cheers.) He (the
Duke of Wellington) could assure the noble viscount he would
much regret to find him (Viscount Melbourne) persevere in the
resolution he announced of not carrying into effect. the measure
before the house should he be defeated upon the approaching
division., (Hear, hear.) It was his desire to give the noble
viscount every support in his power in the carrying on the
kieg's business, but the noble viscount was not to expect from
him that, with a view of enabling him to effect that object, he
should fail in performing the duts, he owed to his sovereign and
his country as a member of their lordships' house of parliament.
(Cheers.) In conclusion he must say that, considering the
`manner in which the measure had been brought forward in the
other house of parliament, aid taking into view all that passed
either in parliament or beyond its walls upon the subject, he did
think it was not
.quite fair that all the responsibility for the
failure of the bill in its present shape should be thrown by the
noble viscount upon those of their lordships, who, upon the ap-
proaching division, should vote for the rejection of the clauses
now before the committee. (Loud cheers.)
Lord BROUGHAM said it would be quite nugatory for the
noble viscount at the head of the government to attempt to
carry on the bill after the omission of the clauses under consider-
ation. They were money clauses, and, as_a matter of form

their rejectiOn by the Hou.Se of Lords secured the abandonment
of the bill in which they were entertained by the House ofrom-
moos. (Cheers from the ministerial benches.)
Lord LYN DHURST.—No, no; certainly not. (Loud cheers
from the opposition benches.)
Lord DUNCANNON desired to know if the noble duke was

aware of the condition in which this bill would be left by the
omission of the clauses? If they were struck out it would
be-
come a bill simply for the collection of tithes, and it would'pro-
ceed to effect the object in a manner far more severe and op-
pressive than that at present in force. Ho hoped the noble
viscount would persevere in the intention he announced, be-
cause if he did not he thought he would be acting disrespectfully
towards the other branch of the legislature, and insulting
towards the people of England and Ireland. (Cheers.)
The committee then divided upon the amendment, when the
numbers were—
Contents..
Non contents
Majority against ministers _ —,97

The house Laviiig resumed, adjourned at HaF-past Two
o'clock. . _

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY.
The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock.
Several petitions wore presented to the house—,some of them
from the radicals of Glasgow and other places, praying the
house to reject the municipal corporations bill, as altered by
the other house of parliament.
The customs duty bill, and some other bills were forwarded a
stage,

KERRY PETITION.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL rose for the purpose of denying the au-
thenticity of "The Patriot's Curse", or that it had been used
as an instrument of intimidation at the late Kerry election.
Colonel PERCEVAL said that however untrue the specific
charge with regagd to the "Patriot's Curse" might prove, yet
the general allegations with regard to intimidation at the elec..
tion of Kerry were capable of substantiation. As far as the
evidence before the committee went, with the exception of the
" Patriot's Curse," it, in his opinion, went to prove intimida-

tion.
Mr. O'CONNELL contended that the Knight of Kerry shrunk
from the proof—that he (the Knight of Kerry) ought to know
that politics were excluded from the altar—and that the present
bishop of Kerry would be the last man on eartli to let such a
matter paseover unnoticed.
Mr. PRAED defended the conduct of the Knight of Kerry,
and contended that-this vas not a case for, an election committee,
or into which Mr. Fitzgerald should be called upon to institute
an inquiry at his own expense. It was a case which from the
facts stated in the petition, required that an inquiry should be
entered into at the public expense, as in the case of Great Yar-
mouth.
Mr. O'CONNELL denied that there was any similarity between
thi 4.and the Great Yarmouth case.

The petition wag then laid on the table.
The marriage act amendment bill passed through committee.
The letters patent bill was read a third time and passed. The
lectures publication bill was. read a second time.
MR. RCCKINGHAM'S COMPENSATION BILL

On the order of the day for the second reading of this bill,
Mr. V. SMITH said he held in his hand a petition from the
pirectors of tbe East India Company,, praying to be heard 'by
counsel at the bar of the house both against the principle and
the details of this bill. The bill chiefly consisted in a pream-
ble, in which the claims and grievances of which Mr. Bucking-
ham complained were set forth at length, which were pretended
to he founded upon the report of the select committee which
had sat upon this case; and it was against these details that tbe
East India Company particularly claimed to be heard. The
hon. member concluded by declaring the intention of the East
India Company and of the Board of Controul to oppose this
bill in every stage. They opposed it, first, upon the principle
of giving compensation at all to Mr. Buckingham, and, if they
failed in that point, then, as to the amount of compensation
which that gentleman was entitled to.
The petition was then read at length by the clerk.
After a short conversation between Lord Howick, Mr. Tulk,
and Mr. V. Smith,
Mr. TULK consented to postpone the second reading of the
bill till to-morrow (Tuesday). He had no objection to the re-
quest that counsel be heard at the bar against it. The only
question was when they -should attend for that purpose.
Mr. ROBINSON said the whole thing was anomalous from the
beginninir, and he should like to ask • the Speaker's opinion
whether the bill was a private or a public one?
It was eventually agreed that counsel should be heard against
the bill, as we understood, on the motion for the second reading
to-day.

MILITIA ESTIMATES.
Lord How rex moved that a committee, be appointed to pre-
pare the militia estimates.
After a few words from Colonel SIBTHORPE the motion was
agreed to.
-The house then adjourned at a quarter past twelve.

HOLE OF LORDS.—ToxsnA v.
The evidence taken before a select committee of the House
of Commons, relative to the weights and measures bill, in 1834,
the Dominica relief bill, and the marriage legalising bill were
brought up from the commons.' '
The royal assent was given by commission to the militia staff
bill, and some other bills.
Lord ASHBURTON presented a petition from the Chamber-of
Commerce, Manchester, against the imprisoninent for debt bill.
Lord JNDHUBST presented a similar petition front the
tradesmen of Kingston-on-Thames.
The Earl of DEVON moved that the house go into committee
on the weights and measures bill.

After a short conversation, the bill was referred to a select
committee.

Several bills were then forwarded a stage.
Clh commisStoNEßS
The second reading of this bill, which has for i:s object the
appointment of thirty commissioners to inquire into the state of
Public charities in England and Wales was opposed by Lord
Lyndhurst. The order was subsequently discharged, and a
message was directed to be sent to the commons requesting a
copy of the report on which it was founded.

AIUNLCIPAL cUIIPOIZATIQNS BILL.
Viscount INIEtt;uOBNE moved the re-commitment of this bill.
In.ttiescirntnittee, the Puke, of Wttt.INGIoN, after explain:.
ing the extended jurisdiction oYthe cOipiiratiou of Do ve rove r
the ancient Cinque Ports, and the effect which the operation of
the clause as it now stood would produce upon those places;
wishing to preserve to the Cinque Ports their ancient jurisdic-
tion, proposed three new clauses having especial reference to
them.

Lord Lvrnuoust was of opinion that, from the complicated
nature of the jurisdiction of the Cinque Ports, those ports
ought to be excepted from the operation of this bill, and that
another bill ought to be introduced at ah early period of the.
next session to regulate the corporations contained within them.
Such a bill would require great care and consideration iu the
details. lie had- reason to believe that the towns of Margate
and Muni:gate objected tO being thrown into the jurisdiction of
the county, owing to the heavy expense which it wfiuld entail
on them. He contended that on, this subject the house was
legislating in the dark.
Viscount MELBOURNE could not undertake. o say anything
about what might be done in the next session of parliament.
Perhaps the noble and learned lord knew more about that than
he did.

Lord LYNDHURST. -" If the noble lord will trust me, I will
undertake to bring in such abill."
Lord BROUGII A td.—Yes, just as you introduced this bill when
you were in power. (" Heat," and laughter.)
Viscount MELBOURNE understood that this was the great
source of complaint among these divided and subdivided corpo-
rations. The jurisdiction 'of sonic of them went far beyond
their natural limits. They levied rates and exercised jurisdic-
tion at a considerable distance outside of their natural bounda-
ries. With respect to the town of Margate, he understood that
it i was under the jurisdiction of the corporation of Dover. No
inquest could be held in that town except under the authotity of
the mayor of Dover. Margate was twenty miles from Dover,
and the distance rendered the connexion between the two towns
very onerous to the inhabitants of Margate. It there were any
inconsistency in the state of these two towns, lie thought this
it might be remedied in this bill, and without having recourse t
a new bill. He was of opinion that the corporate towns onlo
ought to be regulated by this bill, and that the other townY
separate from them should be thrown into the jurisdiction of the
county.
After some further conversation, Lord LyNnnunsT suggest-
ed that if these clauses were to be adopted, they ought to be in-
serted, not in this part, but at the end of the bitl.
The Duke of 'WELLINGTON concurred in the suggestion, and
therefore withdrew the clauses for the present.
The Earl of DsvoN, on the 15th clanse, proposed as an
amendment, that, in all corporate towns divided into more then
four wards, any resident voter possessing property to the amount
of £l,OOO in real or personal estate should be placed on the list
of persons eligible to serve as town counsellor, and that in ail
corporate towns with less than four wards, or without wards, a
person possessing 400 of real or personal estate should be
placed on the list of persona eligible to serve as town-counsellors
in such town. Ile thought that on every ground this was less
objectionable than the qualification proposed by his noble and
learned friend.

Lord BROOGH UT. —lf you are to have a qualification at all
I do.not object to this.
Lord LYNDHURST.--It is your own principle. It is-exactly
the principle adopted in a- will which had the sanction of the
present government,
Lord Bitotanam.—Yes; 'but ivhy do you take the only, bad
part of our bill? BY a curious Infelicity of selection you have
r.elected the only part of that bill which was objectionable. •
Lord LYNDHURST said he w ould not re-open the discussion of
the qualification, which had been so fully argued at both sides
on a former evening. He might however mention that of the
80 local acts of parliament connected with the corporations in
this bill, he had examined all but four, which he could not find,
and in all those he had read he found the principle of qualifica-
tion recognized. In many of those acts the qualification was
as high as £2,000 or £3,00'0, and in only six acts did he find it
lower than £5OO. Many of these acts vested high and import-
ant trusts, all of which would, under this bill, be vested -in the
alderman and town council. How, then, could it bu said that
where such powers were to be transferred, there should be no
qualification?
Lord BROUGHAM repeated several of his former arguments
against the qualification as it was proposed by his noble and
learned friend. He (lid not object so much to qualification as
to the principle that town-counsellors should be chosen only
from, the richest class in the town. As, however, a qualification
was to be at all, he would not object to that of the noble earl'
(Devon,) It mitigated the evil principle, as the Manicheans
would say, of his noble and learned friend's amendment. In
fact, it was a virtual repeal of that amendment; but the changes
which had been made in other parts of the bill were such as
made it a matter of doubt with him whether it was worth while
to j)roCeed with the bill.
The Earl of WICKLOW said, that the noble and learned lord
had omitted to answer the argument, that theprinciple of quali-
fication adopted was precisely the same as that introduced two
or three years ago in the Irish Grand Jury Cess Bill.
Lord IleTuuaroN contended that the principle of qualifica-
tion was not the same in the two bills.

„..,
The amendment was put and agreed to.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE asked whether, if the existing
mayors and aldermen were to be continued, they should becon-
tinned without the qualification of town-counsellors, as now
proposed?

Lord LYNDHURST replied in the negative. The qualification
of the mayor and alderman must be continued, or they could
not continue to hold those situations.

Lord BROUGHAM.—But if those officers were to be appointed
for life, as his noble and learned friend proposed, they might be
continued without a qualification. He had been informed of
one corporation, the mayor of which was insolvent. He had
not taken the benefit of the Insolvent Act; but he was quite
insolvent, and had not paid his creditors. Of the four alder-
men, the settler alderman was an uncertificated bankrupt ; the
second alderman was, a pauper, and actually receiving parochial
relief. There was another, who was also insolvent, and in fact
there was only one who was in solvent circumstances. Now,
under these circumstances, he 'wanted to know whether such
men would be continued without a qualification ?
Lord LvNDHVIIST said, that according to the bill, if the town-
counsellor became bankrupt or insolvent, he lost his appoint-
ment. The same principle would apply to the mayor and al-
derman.
After a short conversation, in which the Marquis of LANs-
DOWNS, Lord BROUGHAM, and Lord WHARNCLIFFE took
part,
Lord LYNDHURST repeated the loss of his qualification would
be followed by the loss of his appointment. He could be re-
moved by a quo warranto, or, if it met the views of the noble
lords opposite, he would not object to have the mayor and al-
dermen make a declaration as to qualifications in the same way
a 4 the town-counsellors. _ _ _

~The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished to have them placed in
the same situation as to a declaration as those who were
elected.

The Duke of RICHMOND begged of noble lords to reconsi-
der the decision as to continuing the old corrupt aldermen .as
members of the town council. It would be a source of endless
dissension in the several towns, for there could be little doubt
that they and the new members of the town council would not
agree. -The noble duke also objected to that clause by which
the duty of arranging as to wards should devolve on the neigh-
bouring county magistrates. It would only make the magis-
trates political partisans. Why not leave this to the King in
council, or to the revising barristers under the bill.
Lord WHARNCLIFFB objected to the term " corrupt" as ap-
plied to the old aldermen, a large portion of whom had dischar-
ged their duties most conscientiously.
Lord LYN DHURST would not object to the duty of arranging
the wards being left to the revising barristers under the bill,
but it would be necessary in that case that they should be paid
fur their-additional trouble. As they could not propose any
money clause in that house, he hoped the noble viscount would
not object to undertake to have the necessary remuneration
given. If that were done, he would prepare the clause accord-
ingV is y.
count MELnocRNE assented.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH read the substance of a clause to the
effect, which he would propose on the bringing up of the report.
On the 59th clause, Lord Lyr4DHURST proposed as an amend-
ment, that the town-clerks should hold their offices as heretofore
for life, or during good behaviour, which was in practice the
same thing. This amendment had been proposed by a noble
lord in the other house and rejected, but he believed (heir lord-
ships would, after the other amendments which had been made
in the details, see the expediency andjustice of agreeing to this
also. _ _

Lord Baoucliast complained of the course pursued by his
noble friend in bringing in this destructive clause. The alder-
men, whether old. and corrupt, or fresh and young, were nothing
but tools in the handsof town-clerks, for them to work withal,
and now it. was moved that tha very persons who. had been the
life and soul, the guides and directors of the ancient' system,
against which the outcry had been so general? should be re-
tained in all their pristine power and authority. He knew
there was no use in opposing the amendment. It would, let
him say or Jo what he might, be cairied against him by the
usual majority—by three to one. He regretted, therefore, that
so much time had teen lost. If the business of the town-clerks
had been done at once, an infinite deal of time and trouble
'would have been sparell. Ifitvas in vain for him to argue—in
vain to say that this amendiromat utterly destroyed the bill; the
worse was, the better they would like it. Many of their
lordships had openly declared their disgust at the principle of
the bill, aid when he afterwards heard them say' •they were
nevertheless willing to go into Committee, his heart sank within
him. He said, that if the bill was not destined to be sunk
down by a blow. it was determined it should perish by ex-
haustion ; but new after this process of exhaustion came the
"al blow from his noble and learned friend. He repeated,
that he !limed, nothing. from offering arguments to their lord:
ships. If a man were to speak to them with the silver tongue
of an angel, or address them trumpet-tongued, the melody of
the oneur the clangour of the other would avail nothing. They
would not hear the voice of the charmer charm he never so
wisely. Their lordships would still play the part of the deaf
adder. In conclusion, he said that he hoped the people of
England would know who it was that gave them this bill. and
who it was that offered thesis the other.
Lord,.WHARNCLIFFE reminded the noble and learned lord,
that in his Scotch burgh reform bill town-clerks were per-
mitted to hold office for life.
Lord LYNDHURST regarded the speech of his noble friend
more as an attack on town-clerks than an argument against the
amendment.
In the course of the discussion on this clause,
Lord 13:tour:Ham asked why it was to be taken for granted
that the mpnabers of the new town-council were to be' less capa-
ble jtulgds of the persons whom it was their interest to ap-
point town-clerks than the members of the old rotten cor-

potations ?
Lord LYNDIJUTIST replied that the members of the old cor-
porations were likely to be more steady than the members of the
new toevu-councils. Under the former it was most probable that
the town-clerk would hold his office for life, but that was not so
probable under the latter.
Lord LYNDHURST'S amendment was carried bra majority of
68-404 voting in favour and 36 against it.
On the admission of strangers,
Lord LYNDA uRsT was found proposing an amendment to the
effect, that the power vested in corporations with respect to
church property should be confined to members of the esta-
blished church.
Lord BROUGHAM observed, that if, as was said, the member.
of thiestablished church were nine to one in Estgland, surely
there could be no real danger in vesting this power in the inha-
bitants of towns' generally, without any distinction whatever.
The Bishop of LONDON remarked that it was very true that
the proportion of members of the established church to the dis-
senters was as
,the noble and learned lord had stated; but the
dissenters. were generally congregated in the towns, and usually
belonged to that class of persons, out of whom the members of
the corporation would be chosen. If, however, those selected
to form a portion of the corporate body were invariably likely
to be conscientious and religious dissenters, he should have no
objection to their proposed control over this property ; but the
case was not an improbable one, that certain persons who might
be considered not so much a political as a religious class, be-
longing to the dissenting. body, would select a clergyman who
would not be likely to win respect to the established church.
Lord MELBOURNE could not see why, when dissenters were
admitted to be members of the corporation, they should not
nominate to the benefices under the control of the corporation
those who were the best qualified, particularly when it was out
of their power to select any other 'than a clergyman of the esta-
blished church. ( Hear, hear.) The worst choice Which they
:kdoltrpteesibly make, as members of a eorpora tion, would- he to .
eleeta the person who 'had the greatest leaning towards their
opinions in polities. They must appoiut a clergyman whose
faith is that of the established church—who is inducted accord-
irig to the rites and ceremonies of the church; and supposing
that they were men of a conscientious character, he did not see
why, if the patronage was to be vested in private individuals at
all, it might-not be safely vested in such persons. (Hear.) He
should be glad to know what course the noble lord would take
in the case of a corporation where the whole or the great major-
ity of its members were dissenters ? It appeared to hins that
' the apprehension of the noble and !earned lord on this head was
a shadowy one, without any substantial foundation whatever.
(Hear, hear.)
Lord PLUNKETT said that the charge of the right hon. prelate
against the dissenters was one which, it' well founded, must im-
ply a degree of baseness and profligacy which would nail warrant
them in treading back their steps and re-enacting such larva. as
the test and corporation acts. ( Hear, hear.) It filled him
with astonishment and regret that the right rev. prelate should
apt car to look hack with regret on his support of every liberal
measure which had received the sanction of the legislature.
Such an imputation as that which he had cast on the body
of the dissenters was an unjust, offensive, and odious one.
(Hear.)
'l'he Bishop of LONDON observed that he had not raid any-
thing against the body of the dissenters. What he had stated
was that a considerable number of them should be considered
rather as a political than a religious body. That assertion he
repeated, because every day's experience proved the tact.
( Hear.) The noble and learned lord, who appeared strongly
inclined to vent his wrath upon hisn, had stated also that his
support of liberal measures was pretended. and that he looked
bark with regret and remorse to his support of those measures
which bad for their objects the relief of his fellow-subjects from
the restraints under which they laboured. All he could say in
answer,to that accusation was, that he had given a cordial and
sincere support to the measure for the repeal of the test and
corporation acts on pulitical as well as on religious grounds:
(Hear, hear.) Although the consequences which be bad ex-
pected to flow from that measure had not resulted from it, yet
tie could lay his hand on his heart and say that if the act were
now proposed he should urge the same reasons, and give the
same vote in its favour. There was no act of his life which was
intended to emancipate his fellow-suhjects from thraldom to
which he looked back with anything approaching regret or
remorse. There was only une measure fur relief from what was
termed religious thraidrom, to which he was opposed, and that
was catholic emancipation; and he need scarcely say that if
that measure was evils brought forward he would oppose it as
strenuously and determinedly as he had ever done. (Cheers
from the opposition.)
Lord HosT,AND did not deny the prevalence of political feel-
ines among any part, or indeed the whole of the dissenters.
Ile believed they were actuated by political feelings, but they
were those of all who desired to uphold the free constitution of
the country; they entertained the feelings which called the
house of Flauoves to the throne of these. ;calms: The imme-

diate clause which the noble and learned lord moved might be a
matter practically of very great importance; but the principle
involved in it was abhorrent to the constitution of the country,
and he ventured to say, notwithstanding the quarter from which
it proceeded, that it was contrary to all the principles and
maxims of the lac of England. -(Cheers.) If such amendment
were agreed ,i7on by their lordships (which was not very likely)
it were sanctioned by the Commons of England—the con-
sequence would inevitably be, that, after the abolition of the
test and corporation acts, a test might still he applied to all lay
patrons, which would have the effect of depriving them of their
lights. (Hear, hear.) In the persecuting acts against the
Roman eatholics the right of patronage in their advowsons was
abrogated; but in no other instance was that right denied. He
recollected a case which came before Lord Elden in which the
right of patrpnag‘e was exercised by a Jew amongst other inha•
bitunts of a certain place. This right was questioned, and Lord
Eldon decided that he had the right to vote, laying it down as a
rule that the security of the church was to be guarded only by
preventing any man being appointed who did not subscribe to
the thirty-nine articles, and who was not inducted by the die-
cesan. There was slipped into this clause a principle pregnant
with every species of intolerance; and ho was sorry to see the
right reverend prelate sanction a clause which, if agreed to,
would justify an inquisition into the religious creed of every
man in the country. (Hear, hear.) Last night he heard, and
certainly with astonishment, that; when the members of the es-
tablished creed were few, a proud and expensive church esta-
blishment should be kept up. To-night, however, it was held
that, when the number of dissenters was extremely small—when
they were in the proportion of one to nine as compared with the
established church, that was announced as• a strong ground of
exclusion against the dissenters, so that all was fish that came
to the net of the noble lord opposite. (Laughter.) He would
no longer detain their lordships; but he could not sit down
without expressing it as his opinion, that the greatest disgrace
to and stain on the history of this country were that it kept up
laws' of exclusion too long, and he felt it to be the proudest re-
collection of his life that he had done some little towards the
abolition of laws which, like the principle on which the present
clause was founded, were the sources whence flowed the bitter
waters of exclusion and persecution. (Cheers.)
Lord PLUNKET said that the more he reflected on the ten-
dency of this clause, the more justified he felt in applying to the
arguments of the right reverend prelate the observations which
he had done. It was an imputation the most flagrant and a
flagitious perverson of truth to assert that the dissenters would
exercise the trust reposed in the body to which they might be-
long, foe the benefit of the established church, in such a way as
`would overthrow the church. (Hear.)
'The Bishop of LONDON said that when he alluded to tl e dis-
senters, not as st religious sect, but as a political, bbciy, he
apprehended that it was not unlikely in certain cases, wnere
more than two candidates appeared for a living, that the poli-
tical body, acting upon principle, would choose the least effi-
cient. The noble and learned lord must be aware that there
were in that body persons who could hardly be classed under
the denomination of religious and pious dissenters. He was the
last man to say anything against the dissenters as a religious
body; but when it was proposed to vest them with new powers
affecting the church, he felt not only that he was right, but that
he was in duty bound to take the course which had given rise to
the noble and-learned lord's remarks.
After a few words from Lord Ashburton, the Marquis of
Clanricarde, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Duke of
Richmond, the question was put and the clause inserted,
Several amendments of a mere verbal nature having been
agreed to, the house resumed.
Lord MeLeouatalnoved that the report should be received
on Thursday.
Lord BROUGHAM suggested that it should be received to-
morrow, and that they should take the third reading on Thurs-
day.
Lord LYNDHURST thought that Thursday would be the better
day for the report. It was necessary that the bill as amended
should be printed.
Lord BROUGHAM said perhaps there would be no objection
to the report being received without discussion on Thursday, the
understanding being that the debate should be taken on the
third reading on Friday.
This arrangement was agreed to, 'and the report was ordered
to be received on Thursday.—Adjourned.
•