The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-05 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

some small portion of his wages to his famishing wife
and children. Several of the retailers of beer have
here given up their trade for want of custom."
Again, p..xvi.: "The Chief-constable of this parish
reports, that he had received only three assault warrants
to serve during the last quarter, having been used to
serve at least twenty within the like period."

" From Bilston I learn that the commitments to Stafford
Castle, during the quarter between Midsummer and Mi-
chaelmas, were not one half, in the present year, of what
they were during the same period in the years preceding."
p. xvii.

Again: "bull-baiting has fallen off: shops are closed
which used to be kept open on the Sunday : the churches
are more largely,. punctually, and devoutly attended: at
Sedgley, a congregation is collected for a winter lecture
on Thursdays, at three -in the afternoon: baptisms have
been far more numerous : the marriages from Aug. Ist,
to Nov. 30th, in 1831 only thirty-nine, were in 1832, no
less than sixty-two. The number of communicants'has
increased greatly."
"If we could count the hearts, which have been truly
turned from sin to serve the living God,—if we could have
heard the prayers that have been put up in secret,—if the
tears which have been shed in penitence, and the pur-
poses which haVe been formed in faith, would admit of
being observed by any human sense, or measured by any
earthly arithmetic, I doubt not but that there might have
been laid before my Christian readers, an amount of
holiness and love, such as would fill us, under the pres-
sure of our affliction, with joy and thankfulness." p. xix.
The following passages are extremely gratifying : " In
many instances that we heard of„ and doubtless in many
more which are unknown, the poor had little collections
among themselves, denying themselves the necessaries
of life, that they might provide some of its comforts for
their sick neighbours." .p. xxi.
And again, relating to a donation of Testaments,
Prayer-books, and Tracts :• " The eagerness with
which these books have been sought for by the poor, has
been at least as great as any which has been shown for a
share in the relief afforded to their temporal necessities."
ibid.

May such results prove permanent and become univer-
sal ! And in this town in particular, which suffered
almost as severely, on the whole, 'as the mining district,
may the pestilence be found to have produced as salutary
effects in checking those tendencies to intoxication, which
are our national disgrace and reproach, as well as in
quickening the general sentiment of religion.

*This parish contaius upwards of 20,000 souls.

THE FACTORY. SYSTEM.—We were glad to observe,
that this question was taken up by the Albion newspaper,
in its number of last week : but we cannot help re-
marking the pettifogging spirit from which, while a long
detail of the merits of the case is given, all allusion is
omitted to the mode in which, and the man by whose no-
ble but almost single exertions, the mySteries of this
system have been laid open to the public, and general
attention is directed to it. Why cannot our contempo-
rary adopt a more gracious course ? Why is party-spirit
permitted to interfere in a question, which, up to this
point, has been dealt with as one of humanity alone ?
But even if room cannot be found in the ample pages of
the Albion for so brief an announcement, other sources
will be found in abundance, from which the public will
learn and know, that the man, the one man, who opened
the factory question, was Mr. Sadler, the nominee of a
borough-proprietor,—and that borough-proprietor, the
Duke of Newcastle !

In reference to the remarks which we made last Tuesday,
with respect to.the disorganizing doctrines of the pre-
sent day-,' we may observe that Society always has acted
upon the principle of union 'and co-operation, and cannot
possibly exist without it. It has been well argued in the
Working Man's Companion, that " it is the union of
forces, whether in a single manufactory—in a manufac-
ttiring town viewed in connection with that manufactory
—in an agricultural district viewed in connection with
the manufacturing town—and in a kingdom viewed in
connection with all its parts—it is this union of forces
which connects the poorest with the richest in the pro-
duction of mutual good." The division of labour in the
work of production is only perfected by the co-operation
of wealth. Labour without capital is quite powerless,—
as small capital without large capital would be circum-
scribed in its operations, and crippled in its power.
• What is it that has increased the foreign and domestic
commerce of Liverpool so enormously of late but the spi-
rit and enterprise of the large capitalists ? To whom
have the shopkeepers of Liverpool been indebted for the
influx of strangers that pour into the town every sum-
mer, and distribute a portion of their superfluous wealth
to all classes of tradesmen, but to the enterprise and
wealth of those great capitalists who have multiplied
steam-boats and established the Railroad ? To whom is
it clue that Liverpool is the head-quarters of communica-
tion between England and Ireland, both for pleasure and
business, hut to the wealthy merchant ? and with whom,
therefore, ought the shopkeeper to think it more his duty
and interest to cultivate a community of sentiment and
unity of action ? And yet they are taught by newspaper
agitatm'and republican politicians to live in a state of
incessant warfare, and the security of property is weak-
ened,. and the free use of capital contracted, by the stu-
dious excitement of perpetual irritation between them.—
" What," says Lord Grenville, " is the immediate cause
of our present embarrassments ? What but the diminu-
tion of commerce and the cessation of employment ? And
what will tend more effectually to their continuation than
dui disordered state of the labouring population ?--7
It is the nature of commerce to flourish only under the
shelter of peaCe: its blossoms ivill not expand themselves,
much less will it mature its fruits, except in serene and
undisturbed -tranquillity.— It shrinks from the rude blast
of power; it is. withered by the hurricanes of popular
commotion. Never can it maintain itself under the law-
less dominion of tumultuary assemblies ; never can it en-
dure the rapacious despotism. of conflicting demagogues."
The general interests of this great and thriving cow-.

munity are not to be promoted by a malignant separation
of its different classes for the sordid and selfish purposes
of party ambition and private aggrandizement. All must
cling together for the mutual happiness of all; the head
and the foot must work together ; the rich areas neces-
sary to the poor-as the poor are to the rich ; and that man
who endeavours to set them at enmity with each other,
whatever pretensions he may have to philosophical phi-
lanthropy or christian charity, is, in effect and practice,
the enemy of God and man.

THE AHDRESS.—We are enabled to acquaint our readers, on
authority worthy of confidence, that the address is appointed to
be moved this day by Lord Ormelie, and seconded by Mr. Mar-
shall of Leeds.

The former deserves all consideration at the hands of govern-
ment. Almost every gentleman and landowner in Perthshire
was opposed to him, including even the Whig gentry of that
county. Yet he beat Sir George Murray, a man of whom Lord
Althorp said, that he ought on no account to be excluded from
parliament. But Sir George Murray was a poor man, com-
paratively, and Lord Ormelie is believed to have spent £30,000.
There was yet another electioneering instrument adopted—in-
cendiarism was practised, in a variety of instances, against the
supporters of Sir George.
As for Mr. Marshall, he was elected for Leeds, on tho prin-
ciple of opposition to Mr. Sadler's factory bill.

THE CHURCH: We have it further to announce to our read-
ers, that the serious apprehensions entertained by the friends of
the Church as to the 'forthcoming plan of Church Reform, will,
in all probability, be anything rather than allayed by its ap-
pearance.

We understand, on authority which we would fain disbelieve,
that all persons dissenting from the • Established Communion
will be relieved by the ministerial plan from all contributions
to its worship and the support of its functionaries—if it should
pass. Yes, if it should pass! But we have• still a House of
Lords, which will not again be courteous overmuch,—we have
a sovereign who, as we trust, will not again be entrapped into
pledges odious to his nature and fatal to his throne.
The amount of money paid by Dissenters to the Clergy, in the
shape of Church Rate, is extremely small, as has been shown
in this paper. That amount is not worth disputing about, either
one way or the other. But it is the principle of this plan against
which we protest—the insidious, the disorganising, the enve-
nomed principle, embodied in any such measure. We protest
against it in the name of our social order, and in the name of
our country's renown, happiness, and peace.
For that principle involves within its limits, not only the de-
struction of an establishment, as an establishment—though that
were enough—but the utter dissolution of the fabric of society.
Not only does it put a premium on dissent, by encouraging
men to adopt the cheapest religion as the best—not only does it
put a premium on utter godlessness, because no religion at all
is evidently the cheapest plan of any—but it goes, we again as-
sert, to the utter dissolution of society.
Admit that it is painful to the Dissenter to pay a rate in be-
half of a Church to which he does not belong, and yet few in-
deed and far between are the cases in which those scruples of
conscience exist towards the Church, which alone inspire them
with any other than a mercenary pain. Yet we allege, that
this is -a necessary condition of social union, in order to the ex-
istence, of which it is absolutely essential, that the whole should
be taxable for all those purposes which the laws determine to
be national, though it may include persons individually hostile
to them.

We shall put another case. We believe the Dutch war, now
as ingloriously suspended as it was before recklessly commenced,
was not only a blunder, but a crime,—a moral crime in his Ma-
jesty's ministers ; committed, even we are bound to assume,
not from intentions deliberately evil, but from prejudice or de-
lusion, or both. But we now argue upon the nature of the act,
not the motive. We believe that act—execrable,—execrable
and murderous, before God and man. Upon that act we charge
the blood that has been shed, as well as ,the strokes of bereave-
ment which have descended upon widows and orphans. It is
true, the radical journalists say, the citadel of Antwerp was
taken at little or no cost of life. It is true that, perhaps, not
more than six or eight hundred were slain. This, man deems
little, until he has learnt that there is no arithmetic which can
estimate aright the value of au immortal 'soul. Those souls,
those immortal souls, have been swept into a dark, perhaps an
horrible eternity, upon what was, at best, a freak or a whim, or
a trick. To aid and abet in the perpetration of this act, we;
who hold it accursed, were taxed. Is this n►o hardship, abstract-
edly considered May-we not feel, that there is a God, who
maketh inquisition for blood ? Is it not a grievance that our
money should go to purposes we abhor ? .
Is the liturgy of the English church, or is the cross in bap-
tism, or the bow at the name of Jesus, or are the abuses, esti-
mate them how you will, of the English church,—the plurali-
ties, were they ten times as many,—the indolence of chapters,
were they ten times as torpid, are these, we say, more difficult
to tolerate than that unnecessary, and, therefore, ungodly
bloodshed to which we have referred ?

Yet we must pay—how much we know not, nor does the
quantity determine or affect the question. We must pay—and
we do not complain. Nor is our non-complainance matter of
merit : but matter of duty—matter of course. We pay the mo-
ney in compliance with the demand of the powers that be: and
the regular command of the constituted organs of society is
held sufficient, even in such a case, to discharge us from our
individual responsibilities for the use of our money.
On the same principle as to a national war, contributions to
anything else that is national are demanded—and among the
rest to a national church. Let every ease be given that the
nature of the case admits; but, for the sake of the very exist-
ence of society, let the principle be maintained. If to this it be
answered, that unity of action is essential in matters of war and
peace, and that therefore they must be nationally undertaken,
but that religion is matter of individual concern only, and de-
mands no public adoption : our answer is,—that we deem a
national faith and establishment wholly essential to our exist-
ence as a Christian people—that we do form no conception of
a §tate apart from that of a church—that we do not desire a
state, if we cannot have a church—and that national religion is
therefore as important in our eyes, as national belligerence in
those of our opponents. Is there not, then, between the two
cases, a sufficient and indisputable parallelism?

JAMAICA.-With grief and pain we direct the attention of our
readers to the advices by; the Jamaica packet, as given in our
last publication.
Impartiality compels us to confess, that when Lord Malgrave
was first sent out to Jamaica, the House of Assembly, in its
address to him, assumed very high ground indeed, amounting
to a claim of entire independence of °the British Parliament.
Without pretending thoroughly to understand this painful
question, it is impossible not to lament the degree of irritation
which prevails in the minds of the whites of the island, or to
maintain that it is jtistifiedby the very exasperating procedures
of persons in this country, however natural and ordinary may!
have beeit the :process by which those procedures have contri-
buted to produce it.
But having given this candid opinion on circumstances which
took place some months back, we must now intreat the like
candour and consideration on the part of our readers, while we