The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-05-08 00:00:00

BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE FOR MAY, 1835.

COY TEM PO R I? Y PRESS.

"'There is not a single tory in office, and, by the
blessing of God, there shall not be a single tory in place
either." _ _

The above is an extract from Mr. O'Connell's last
speech to his followers in Ireland—and we have to an-
nounce to the public to-day, that, in conformity with the
mandate herein issued— •

Ist. Lord Heytesbury's appointment to India is can-
celled.

2.11 y-. Sir Howard Douglas has been. recalled.

3dly. Lord Amherst's appointment is suspended, pre-
paratory, we believe, to its being finally cancelled, also.
Now, we entreat our readers to compare these facts
with the announcement made in Mr. O'Connell's speech,
"that, by the blessing of God, there shall not be a
single tory in place either ;" and we ask them, is it pos-
sible to believe that this man, however officially uncon-
nected with the government, is not in point of fact the
dictator of its measures,—or whether Mr. O'Connell,
however disowned as a coadjutor by Lnrd Melbourne, is
not, to all intents and purposes, a member of his cabinet,
and his colleague in the government
We entreat the people of England to compare this, the
first :.ct of the new Premier, with the conduct pursued by
Sir Robert Peel on similar occasions, on his accession to
office, and to ask themselves the question, is any, the
least, credit, to be attached to the declaration so often
repeated by the organs of the administration, that " there
is no understanding whatever between Mr. O'Connell
and the King's government."

We shall not now enter into a lengthened considera-
tion of the question of Lord Heytesbury's recal. We
believe we may assert, without fear of contradiction, that
there existed on all sides but one opinion as to that
nobleman's fitness for the office to which he was nomi
nated by Sir Robert Peel. The appointment was re-
ceived even by the whip themselves as one against
which it was almost impossible to find a single objection ;
and we know that it was viewed in this light by the
Court of Directors, and for that reason was unanimously
confirmed by them. Yet here is the appointment of
Lord Heytesbury cancelled, on the eve of his departure
for his government, and after he had received the usual
allowance for his outfit from the East India Company,
without the shadow of a complaint either as to his in-
capacity to discharge the duties confided to him, or the
pretext of auy single act committed by him to disqualify
him for the office for which he was selected by his Sove-
reign, and by the unanimous approbation of the East In-
dia direction.

The same reasoning may be applied to the conduct of
the government in their recall of Sir Howard Douglas,
and in their suspension or Lord Amherst.
We shall return to the consideration of these measures
of the new ministry,—but at this moment we shall confine
ourselves merely to the announcement of them, and leave
the public to form, from what we have said, some idea of
the liberal and enlightened policy they have to expect
from Lord Melbourne and his colleagues. It will be ne-
cessary, however, we apprehend, that the sign manual
should be obtained to the cancelling of Lord Hevteshury's
commission, before it can be legally effected-; and we
have yet the hope left, that the eyes of the sovereign will
be oponed to the policy of his new advisers by this act,
and that his Majesty will not suffer the public service to
be impeded, and the money of his East Indian subjects
squandered, in providing another outfit, either for some
shelved politician, who cannot obtain a seat in Parlia-
ment, or for some favoured nominee of Mr. O'Connell,
whose continued support cannot otherwise be relied on.—
Morning Post.

It was confidently reported yesterday about town that
Lord John Russell, convinced by the result of the first
day's poll that he had no chance of success, had deter-
mined to resign. This statement, ascribing as it does to
Loki John Russell a line of conduct which, in the cir-
cnmstances in which he is placed, would be creditable to
him, is probably incorrect. The poll, we incline to
think, will be kept open, hopeless as it is, to the last mo-
ment, and the victory of the conservative party become
more decisive even than it is at present.
Some of the voters of South Devon, who hesitated as
to which of the two candidates was the more worthy of
their support, addressed, as we understand, a letter to
the Marquis of Londonderry, inquiring of his lordship
whether there were any or what deee of truth in a
statement which had appeared in the London journals, to
the effect that, upon the subject of the,Russian embassy,
Lord John Russell had said one thing to the noble mar-
quis in private, and another entirely diffetent thing in
the House of Commons. The neutral electors were na-
turally anxious to be satisfied upon a point, involving, as
it appeared to them, the personal character and honour
of one of the candidates fur their suffrages. We are not
enabled to state precisely the language of the reply sent
by the noble marquis to the above inquiry. But it may
very safely he inferred from the effect it seems to have
produced. The answer of the noble marquis (as we are
informed) reached Exeter on Monday, and the inquirers,
neutral up to that time, were neutral no longer. Their
votes and interest were given without further hesitation
to Mr. Parker.

What will now become of Lord John Russell ? Will
he also be made a peer? Shall we have it distinctly con-
fessed that, fur the first time in the modern history of
England, not one of his Majesty's three principal Secre-
taries of State can procure a seat in the HOuse of Com-
mons ? The foreign secretary has no seat in parliament.
The colonial secretary was last night gazetted as a peer
of the realm, his single claim to that honour being that
no constituency in Great Britain or Ireland were likely
to elect him for their representative. And now the Se-
cretary for the Home Department is rejected by the
county which he has misrepresented for several years.
What, we again ask, is to become of Lord John Russell ?
His lordship might, perhaps, be returned for one of the
pocket boroughs which his own bill of pure and honest
reform left in the oisposal of his father. But, unfor-
fortunately, his lordship has repeatedly declared, in pri-
vate and in public, that he will never sit for a borough,
and is determined to be a member of the House of Com-
mons, if at al:, as the representative of a large constitu
ency. This pledge is remembered, and from this a report
has sprung up that the noble lord will start for the county
of Middlesex, Mr. Byng having previously been with-
drawn from the lower house by the gift of a peerage.
This tampering with the peerage, discreditable in any
circumstances, would in the present be nugatory. It is
ail but certain that the next election for the county of
Middlesex, occur when it may, will be decidedly in favour
of Mr. Wood, Lord John seems, therefore, to have no
choice beyond Tavistock and the House of Lords. Which
of the two -he will adopt is yet undecided. But, what-
ever may be the determination of the noble lord, it is
gratifying to expect that he will now become a less loqua-
cious, troublesome, and mischievous; member of the legis-
lature, whether he elect to sit as a peer of the realm or
as the member fur independent Tavistock.—Morning
Post, Wednesday.

IRISH HOSTILITY TO ENGLlSHMEN.—Enmity—deadly
enmity—to the British power and English name, is un-
questionably the rul!ng passion of our Irish agitators
and malcontents. They abhor the very name of Eng
land ; they hold the persons of 'Englishmen in as much
detestation as those serpents and adders which St. Patrick
is said to have exterminated from their country;
_ and
would hail with rapture the moment when "a Daniel
come to judgment" would execute a similar decree on the
human reptiles cf the sessenali breed. This spirit is for
ever bursting forth both in tie fiery harangues of our
demagogues and the cooler effusions of our radical press.
In the authors it seems to be an irresistible feeling that
must have vent; to the auditors and readers an expres-
sion of passion which solaces their stifled revenge. The
idea that an Englishman should share in the enjoyments
or privileges belonging to a true Milesian, embitters the
potion of happiness that he quaffs, and mars all the plea-
sure of possession. " The only thing connected with
the catholic relief bill," saith a radical contemporary of
this morning, " which ever caused us a moment's regret,
was the necessity of fully enfranchising those contemp-
tible English catholics—especially that wretched Duke
of Norfolk, who yearned for seats in parliament, and
were not only prepared, but actually anxious to creep
into the legislature under the most galling and offensive
restrictions." Of the illustrious Roman catholic noble-
man, whose name occurs in the foregoing extract, it is
said that little surprise can he felt at " the dirty and
foolish part" he has taken respecting Mr. O'Connell's
expulsion from Brookes's, inasmuch as " he is an English
catholic and an aristocrat;" whilst that noble, generous,
and high-minded patriot, the Earl of Shrewsbury, is
worthy of toleration—is fitted at least to live for a season
—because, forsooth, he is " half an Irishman by connec-
tion, and wholly Irish in feeling."
Such are the genuine—the irrepressible sentiments
which are entertained by that class in Ireland to which
our cotemporary, the Freeman, addresses himself, to-
wards England and Englishmen; and yet, by the effect
of the Roman catholic relief bill, the interests and desti-
nies of England are at the actual disposal and tender
mercy of the Irish popish representation Will English-
men endure this? Is it a safe position for themselves
and their country ? Will they submit to be governed in
their own house by their bitterest and most inveterate
enemies ?

We trove not. The means of redress are in their own
hands. What an act of parliament has done an act of
parliament may undo; and as the relief bill was passed
against the wW of the English people, it may and must
be repealed in obedience to their resolute demand.—
Dublin Evening Mail.

Sir William Gusset,-backed by Lord Stanley, and supported
by Lord Melbourue—bas proyedtuo many for Mr. O'Counell.
h e under-secretary is to confirm!. in office, despite the denun-
ciations of the dictator. How this repudiation of his Excel.
klieg's authority mad• br relighed at the political union it doubt-
ful. It has, we understand, the full apppbatiou of Loid Mul-
gram—Dub/4o Evening Mail,

Blackwood has put forth one of his very best numbers
for the month of May. The admirers of republican in-
stitutions, more pr.rticularly American, will find their
character and tendency ably discussed in a commentary
on " Democracy in America," a work recently published
by Mons. de Jocqueville. We pass over " Wordsworth's
new volume ;" "Michael Lynx, the man who knew him-
self;" and the continuations of " Nights at Mess;"
" Shakespeare in Germany ;" and " The Cruise of the
Midge," to give an extract from the all absorbing sub-
Pet, the late " Change of Ministry" : •
"What we long ago prophesied has come to pass. The re-
form bill has utterly and for ever extinguished the whigs.
Before it accomplished one of the objects fur which it was in-
tended—before it had exterminated the principles, or ruined
the disciples of Pitt—before it has blasted one principle of con-
servatism, or choked up ono fountain of loyalty, it has utterly
annihilated the weak, ambitious, and reckless party. which, for
selfish and ambitious ends, forced on that perilous innovation.
The bill was to have given the whigs a long lease of power:
extinguished alike the obdurate tories and unprincipled revo-
lutionists; saved us equally from anarchy and despotism; and
established on the basis of united property, intelligence, and
virtue, a permanent government, suited to the wants, and in
unison with the Itches of the immense majority of the nation.
What has it done? Has it secured property, satisfied educa-
tion, brought the legislature into harmony with the public
voice, banished faction, sopited discord, benefited or blessed
the people? Has it elevated the whigs, rendered the great
families of that party the real depositaries of power, and re-
duced O'Connell, with his united band of papists, dissenters,
infidels, and ievolutionists, the despicable and powerless body
that was anticipated? All this was promised, not once, but a
thousand times; and all this, not thousands, but millions, were
simple or deluded enough to believe. Where are these pro-
mises and anticipations Now? What steadiness and perma-
nence of government has resulted to the authors of the mea-
sure from the change ? Before it had been three years in ope-
ration, it had driven Lord Grey from office; separated the
high-minded whigs, with Stanley and Graham, from their more
obsequious colleagues; overturned the Melbourne administra-
tion, and now, as the last step in the chain of degradation, re-
duced the haughty houses of Cavendish and Russell into the
humble fcillowers of an Irish demagogue, and compelled the
descendants of Howard and Sidney to range themselves in
meek obedience at the beck of a paid agitator, whom they
themselves denounced, in the speech from the throne, two years
ago, as a public enemy !
"The
House of Commons is now divided into three parties,
of whom the whigs are the weakest, both in point of numbers
and respectability. There are 300 united conservatives under
the banners of Sir Robert Peel, 200 radicals, papists, and revo-
lutionists following the footsteps of O'Connell, and 150 whigs
in the guidance of Lord John Russell. Incessantly haunted
by the passion for power, and chagrined at the total failure of
all the splendid expectations which they had formed from the
great healing measure, they have now submitted to the humi-
liating necessity to which they have by their own acts reduced
themselves; and, abandoning all their orinciples, have con-
sented to range themselves as auxiliaries under the great revo-
lutionary leader. What were the original principles of the
whigs, under Somers, Algernon Sidney, and Russell? Fierce
and inveterate hostility to the papists, and the Irish agitators;
firm and unbending support of the protestant constitution in
church and state; a religious adherence to the ancient institu-
tions and liberties of the empire; and a cordial union with Hol-
land, and all the protestant party in Europe, against the ambi-
tion of the papal powers and the military force of France.
What are the principles of their mongrel and degenerate de-
scendants in our days? Tame submission, abject flattery,
crouching servility to the Irish agitator; a cordial union with
Romanists and infidels; a marked disregard of every religious
observance ; an anxious desire to re-establish popery—the
grave, in every age, of free institutions; an inveterate hostility
to the protestant provinces of Holland, and intimate alliance
with the despotic throne of catholic and infidel France. These
are the principles in which the whigs have terminated; this the
' Serbinian bog which has swallowed up the cause for which
Hambdeu bled in the field and Sidney on the scaffold. What
has occasioned this hideous, this monstrous tergiversation ?
Their reckless, ignorant, and insatiable impatience for power,
which, regardless of consequences, led them to force through,
and impose upon the country, in the moment of madness, a vast
organic change, which, after annihilating their own power, has
left them no place in the arena of politics but to range them-
selves under an avowed revolutionary leader, and make up for
the secession of all the eminent and noble members of their
party, by a close alliance with infidels, bankrupts, and prodi-
gals; a total abandonment of all their former principles; and
a frantic, insane attempt to re-establish the very faith which
their ancestors on the scaffold resisted, and overturn the very
religion which they would have perished rather than abandon !
"O'Connell and the radicals are now, if not formally invested
with power, really the directors of government. They possess
two hundred votes in the House of Commons; and without
their aid ministers would in a week be left in a fearful minority.
Whether in or out of office, therefore, they must be the real
rulers of government. Thus, their authority is only to be the
more dreaded if they are placed behind the scenes, and intrusted
with the wires which are to move the puppets whom they place
upon the stage. Now, what are the principles and intentions
of O'Connell and the radicals—the real rulers of the state ?
They have told us a thousand times what they are. They are
resolved to separate Ireland from the English union; in other
words, to establish an Hibernian republic in close alliance with
France, after that proposed by Wolfe Tone and Lord Edward
Fitzgerald to the French Directory, in 1797. The are deter-
mined to agitate till they have utterly destroyed the established
church. " Its fault, in their own words, is, that it exists." They
will re-establish popery in all its plenitude in the sister isle, out
as in other papal states, in honour supported by property of it 4
own, but servilely dependent on the contributions of the poor;
that is to say, a mere engine in the hands of the demagogues.
They are determined, in O'Connell's words, to put an end to the
"cant of national faith," by confiscating the whole public funds;
in other words, extinguishing the peat saving-bank of the
poor; and thereby, in consequence, occasioning the immediate
stoppage of every bank in the kingdom, and inducing a general
bankruptcy of every person engaged in trade or manufactures.
They are resolved to reduce our naval and military establish-
ment at least to the diminutive standard of 1792—a scale which
is totally inadequate to the necessities and security of the em-
pire as it at present stands, and will expose us, on occasion of
the next breaking out of hostilities, to imminent danger from
foreign subjugation. They are determined to reduce still
lower the elective franchise, especially in Ireland, where, expe-
perience has proved, it is already too low for the return of a ra-
tional body of representatives, and by the introduction of the
ballot, and annual or triennial parliaments, complete the de-
pendence of government in all its branches on the popular
voice; while, by forcing on the crown the creation of a vast
body of peers, wholly subservient to what is called the popular
cause, they will render impossible any resistance by the barons
of England to these encroachments, and, if necessary, secure
the means of their total abolition. These are the designs openly
avowed by the radicals and revolutionists; and it is the party
which is now, whatever leaders may be nominally placed at the
head of affairs, really coming into power. It is in vain, there-
fore, to say that the dangers, so long foretold by the conserva-
tives, are remote and chimerical, the result of disappointed
hopes and crazed imaginations. They are instant and imminent;
the party professing them will speedily be in power, and before
twelve months are over, they will be embodied in bills which are
supported by the whole influence of government,-and all the
weight of the united papists, infidels, radicals, and revolutionists,
whose alliance has driven Sir Robert Peel from power."
"The first of these is by.the influence of the press, and the
incessant efforts of genius and talent of the highest order to
support the conservative cause. This has already taken place
to a very great extent already over the whole country; and
richly were the authors of the change rewarded in beholding
the extraordinary reaction in favour of the constitution which
the last election exhibited. It is by a steady anil undismayed
prosecution of the same course that the country is to be saved.
Another such change and the cause of revolution isoverthrown.
There is a natural inclination of talent of the highest class to
resist the control of authority; and never does the under-cur-
rent flow so strongly as when that authority is directed by the
violence, or calculated to gratify the cupidity, of the Mob.
' The superiority of the literary, political, and historical works
recently published on the side of order, to those of revolution,
is most conspicuous; in periodical literature, the same glorious
distinction is, if possible, still more manifest; while, even in
the daily press, the extent of the revolution in favour of con-
servative principles is in the highest degree satisfactory. It is
by the united influence of talent, thus directed, that the forces
of anarchy can alone be successfully combated; and the vast
change of opinion they have already effected in' the better and
educated classes in every part of the empire, affords the fairest
grounds for hope in the "niajultistsiou‘evoyfetshteedcosnotleesly either in pro-
t.
"But political power isfi
pelts' or intelligence: the reform bill has enfranchised an active,
restless, and numerous class, destitute alike of the one and the
other. 'Under the present system, and with the addition of
Scotland and Ireland to the constituency, it is quite possible
that the whole men of educatiOn or property in the kingdom
might be on one side, while democracy, delusion, and igno-
rance were on- the other, and the former might be in a decided
minority in the House of Commons. A considerable propor-
tion of 'the present voters are utterly inaccessible to reason or
argument, totally incapable of forming a rational opinion on
any political subject, and therefore the ready and certain pay
of the'dembagrrgues; whom such a state of things necessarily and
continually keeps in activity. These men can never lie con-
vinced; from their occupation and habits they are necessarily
democratical, and will ever continue so. They must be out-
voted or the constitution is lost.
"The mode in which this is to be done is obvious; and it is
here that the persevering efforts of property can best overcome
the prodigious ascendancy which the reform bill in the outset
gave to the reckless and destitute classes of the community.
lx IS IN TilE REGISTRATION COURTS THAT THE BATTLE OF
THE CONSTITUTION IS TO BE FOUGHT AND WON. It is by a
continued, persevering, and skilful exertion there, that edu-
cation, worth, and property, are to regain their ascendanscy
over anarchy, vice, and democracy. The many victories
gained by the conservatives during the last contest were
chiefly owing to the efforts that had previously been made in
this department. The forces of anarchy, strong and often irre-
sistible in a moment of general excitement, or on the eve of
an election, are unequal in general to a steady persevering
effort for a course of years, in keeping up a majority on the
toll. It is there that property and information can most easily
regain its just and necessary ascendant over mere numbers.
Let therefore the conservatives unite in associations in every
city, borough, and county in the kingdom, to subscribe for the
purpose of purging the election rolls of the multitudes of dis-
qualified radicals who are now there, and placing on it persons
of property and education, on whose principles they can rely.
By a proper organization in this way, it is astonishing what
may be done; in most places, excepting the great cities, which
may be set aside as in general irreclaimable, one member at
least of sound principles might be secured. It is thus, and thus
only, that the balance of society can be restored in these islands.
Let no one grudge trouble or expense in such an attempt: it
is the battle of property which is there to be fought; it is the
cause of religion, truth and freedom which is there to be won.
"To the parliamentary leaders of the conservatives we need
hardly offer one piece of advice, for there can be no doubt that
their own principles will lead them to adopt it. Let them imi-
tate their opponents in one particular, and in one only; let
them consider the conduct of the present ministers when in
opposition, as a beacon to be avoided—not an example to be
followed. They have been driven from the helm by the most
factious and unprincipled opposition recorded m English his-
tory, and by an alliance of the most profligate and unprece-
dented character—let them, in return, support the government
in all measures which appear really beneficial, and reserve
their hostility only for those cases (and it is to be feared they
will he ton many) in which changes of a perilous and revolu-
tionary character are brought forward. To their opponents,
the whigs, they owe nothing; to the cause which they serve,
and the country which they love, they owe every thing. It
was thus that the Duke of York, in 1793, answered the savage
decree of the French convention to give no quarter; he meet
by a proclamation calling on his troops to deviate in no respect
from the usages of civilized war. After many years of disaster,
the cause which took this noble revenge finally triumphed. A
similar,•and not less glorious result. await; those who nieet the
coalition of faction, and the hostility of selfishhess, by a stea-
dier adherence to the principles of patriotisM and virtue."