The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-15 00:00:00

He thought it for the interests of Ireland that the clergymen
should perform their duty; and that every parish should have
a resident clergyman. (Cheers.) Great complaint had been
made of the non-resident clergymen ; but really the state of
Ireland had been such of late years, that it was not safe fur a
clergyman to reside on his living. Such a class of resident
gentry would prove beneficial to society, and he trusted that
any change would involve a liberal 'maintenance to the resi-
dent clergymen. If a strict observance of duty from the'cler-•
gymen were required, the bishops' duties would be increased '
and that object would be defeated if the government reduced
them to ten. If there ever was a time this was the period when
the government-ought to be cautious in the attempts they made
to effect great changes, and when • they should be prepared to
give a decided opinion, he was prepared to recommend a dif-
ferent distribution of the revenues of the church, to promote
the residence of the clergyman, and to enable the Catholic
poor to have a friend and a protector. (Cheers.)
Mr. STANLEY said that the measure which his noble friend
had this night brought forward, had been received as a messen-
ger of good tidings, and he hailed it as an omen of the happiest
character—as an omen of a kind and benevolent feeling towards
Ireland—as an omen of the calm discussion that might be ex-
pected on all grave subjects from a reformed parliament.
( Hear, hear.) The measure brought forward by his noble
friend was one so fraught with oenefits, that it had almost dis-
armed the opposition of those who dreaded the dangers of reform
in any shape; but he was confident that no dangerous or head-
long measures would ever be entertained by a reformed parlia-
ment. (Hear, bear.) It was a source of great gratification to
him, that he could come forward in support of this measure, not
only on the score of principle' but in its details, which he could
not and never would do, it it were likely to interfere with or
endanger the existence of the Protestant church of Ireland.
So far from weakening, it would strengthen that church, and
lead to the extension of harmony and goodwill between Protes-
tants and Catholics. This great measure was approved of by
some of those who were wont to differ withhini on almost every
subject. With the honourable and learned member for Dublin
he had fought many a battle, and although he (Mr. Stanley)
had not now to encounter that learned gentleman's opposition,
the right honourable baronet was not to infer that he might not
have to fight many more battles. (Laughter and cheers.)
The right honourable baronet had said, that the bill should have
been introduced by a committee of the whole house; the Tithe
Composition Bill, the Vestry Bill, the Pluralities, and the
Curates' Bill had been introduced without undergoing the or-
deal of a committee of the whole house. The Test and Cor-
poration Bills, and the Catholic Relief Bill, had been introduced
by a committee of the whole house liecause they involved a
question of faith. To this measure he gave his zealous and cor-
dial support, which he could not do if he did not agree to the bill
in its principles and details.• The right hon. gent. thanked
the house for the attention bestowed upon him, and sat down
amid universal cheering.
Mr. SHAW said, that this measure had taken precedence of
another that formed a more prominent feature in his Majesty's
speech. He thought that it was wrong to attempt to appease
the violation of the law, until those violations had been avenged.
Sir RICHARD KEANE trusted that the people of Ireland would
receive this measure in the spirit in which it was given, and he
might be permitted to say, that while England was progressing
in arts and arms, she had also grown Grey in state affairs.
The amendment was then withdrawn, and leave given to
bring in the bill.

PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT.—Whether or not it
be from that inveterate prejudice which may be supposed
to hold us captive,- as old-fashioned politicians, we are
wholly at a loss, up to the present moment, to discern
any of those bright symptoms of improvement which, as
it was confidently foretold, would certainly characterise
the new Parliamentary era.
We, believe there is a very general and growing sen-
timent of pain and disgust, among the old members of the
House of Commons who recollect it as an assembly of
gentlemen, to whatever party they belong, at the sad
and very perceptible declension which has now taken
place in its tone of sentiment as well as of language. A
foreigner who heard one of the debates now taking
place, might imagine that the members spoke in different
languages, from the different provincial dialects which
may now be learned within the walls of St. Stephen's.
gut this•taken alone is a small matter. A far more.pain-
ful consideration we hold it to be, that the House of Corn-
Mons is now a place where the lowest jests and tricks of
buffoonery are exhibited not onlywith impunity but with
acceptance. Our readers know the phraseology of Cob-
bett's Register—they may conceive what it is to hear it
in Parliament, accompanied with such gestures, and such
vocal inflections, as suit the refined conceptions of the
member for Oldham. Some who are yet alive may well
remember the day, when the opposition-bench numbered
among its tenants Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan,
Mr. Windham, Mr. Erskine. But this was in the days
of boroughmongering and corruption—now, that the
legislature has been, according to the almost profane ex-
pression of the Radical press, regenerated, we have of
course better men than these: of this our readers may
judge themselves—the present tenants of that far-famed
opposition-bench are Cobbett, Attwood, Faithful, Ruth-
ven, and O'Connell. •
But, how are we in the way of legislation ? for that
after all is the great question. Why, there is promise
enough, to be sure. Notices of motion have already
een given on very many subjects, from which we extract
the following, as among the most important.
1. Irish Church, Feb. 12.
2. Extinction of Cesses and Rates in Ireland, Feb. 19.
3. Municipal Governments for the new Boroughs,
.Feb. 14.

4. Committee to inquire into all Corporations,
Feb. 14.

5. Extinction of Tithes in Ireland, Feb. 19.
6. Commutation of Tithes, Feb. 21.
7. Reform of the Irish Reform Bill, Feb. 21.
8. Lord Morpeth's Factories' Bill, Feb. 27.
9. Lord Ashley's Factories' Bill, March 5.
10. Ballot, Feb. 28.
11. Abolition of Slavery, March 19.
12. Triennial Parliaments, March 21.
• 13. Repeal of the Malt Tax, March 21.
14. Property Tax, March 26.
15. National Education Scheme, Feb. 14.
16. Committee on the distress of the Working Classes
in general, Feb. 18.
17. Corn Laws, Feb. 20.
18. Pension Lists, March 5.
19. Another Irish Church Reform, March 7.

20. Repeal of the Taxes on Knowledge, April 3.
21. Suppression of Political Union., May 6.
22. Last not least—" A communication to the House
of Lords, requesting them to review their privilege of
voting by proxy." April 12.
To these has been added a notice to consider of the
propriety of changing the currency, and of emancipating
the Jews, besides which, the Bank and East India ques-
tions must come under the consideration of Parliament.
Now let any man consider the multiplicity of details
which even one of these questions involves. Let us look
to the Irish Church Reform plan : how many considera-
tions it embraces! When its wings are introduced, it
will comprise the consideration of commutation—non-
residence—pluralities—unions of parisheS—the exist-
ence and duties of Chapters—the education of the Cler-
gy—the appointment of dioceses—the sale of advowsons
—the responsibilities of lay impropriators—and the en-
tire organisation of a board for the management of funds
large in extent, various in their sources, and complicated.
in their character.
Are men in their senses ? Are we to consider this ac-
cumulation of almost all the important questions that