The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-05-21 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

Emperiat Varliament.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

FRIDAY, MAY 17.
The royal assent was given by commission to the bill for re-
pealing the duty on personal estates, to the excise duties' re-
peal bill, to the Gravesend and London railway bill, and the
cotton duties' reduction bill. The Lord Chancellor, the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne, and the Duke of Richmond sat as com-
missioners.

The Earl of ABERDEEN rose to move for certain re-
-turns connected with the wine duties. (We understood the
noble earl, who spoke in a very low tone of voice, to sav that
he wished to ascertain what had been the effect of the list al-
terations made by Government in the wine duties.) When
that measure was proposed, he had predicted its ill conse-
quences, and his object was to learn whether those conse-
quences had hitherto taken place. He therefore moved for an
account of the quantity of wine imported during the last five
yeprs ending the sth of January, 1833, specifying the several
rates, Sze.; together with a return of the amount of duty paid
on each description of wine, and an account of the quantity of
French, Cape, and other wines remaining in stock.
Lord AUKLAND said that he had not the least objection to
the production of the returns, but observed that the predictions
of the noble earl, with regard to the operation of the measure
in question, would, he believed, be found to be entirely errone-
ous, and that the calculations of his Majesty's government, with
regard to the produce derivable from the enacted scale of
duties, would be seen to be just. The noble lord added, that
public opinion was decidedly in favour of the reduction in the
duty on French wines, and that the reduction, considered
rnetely in a commercial point of view, had removed impedi-
ments which had hitherto existed.

The Earlof ABERDEEN replied, that though he certainly ap.
proved of the act in question as a financial measure, he depre.
cited it iu the strongest terms as a measure of politics, acid had,
in fact, entered his protest on the journals of the house to that
effect.

After a few words from Lord ELLENuoaouGH, who concurred
in the propriety of the motion, the returns were ordered.
The Earl of MEATH presented a petition from the city of Dub-
lin in favour of the poor-laws for Ireland, most numerously and
respectably signed, and which he stated,was of the greatest im-
portance.
The Earl of WICKLOW, in moving
.for a return connected
with the Irish tithe composition act, wished to know from his
Majesty's ministers when the other bills, which they had pro-
mised as accompaniments to that measure, were to be forth-
coming ? His object, however, in his present motion, was to
aAcettain how far the provisions of the Tithe Composition Act
had been carried into effect; and he therefore moved for a re-
turn of the number of parishes in Ireland in which a composi-
tion of tithes had been carried into effect through the exercise
,of the power to appoint commissioners to fix the amount of com-
position as provided for by the act of last session.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the subject of the no-
ble earl's inquiry engaged the attention of government, and he
had no doubt the measures alluded to would be shortly pro-
pounded. To the return he had no objection.
After a few words from Lord CARBERRY, the return was or-
dered.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from Leeds against
the 19th clause of the local jurisdiction act.
Petitions for the abolition of slavery were presented by
Marquis of Lansdowne, the Duke of Sutherland, the Earl of
Rosebery, the Earl of Albemarle, Lord Charlemont, and Lord
Suffield;-3W petitions on this subject were presented by the
latter .noble lord.

The Duke of WELLINGTON then presented some petitions
which prayed for the abolition of slavery, accompanied however
with a hope that due regard would be paid, in carrying that
•object .into effect, to the interests of those who had property
in the West Indies. The noble duke said he fully concurred
in the prayer of these petitions, rather than in that of the peti-
tions presented by the noble Lord (Suffield) ; and his reason
was, because it was snore consistent with the resolutions and
acts of Parliament that a due regard should be paid not only
to the interests of the negroes, but to those of the proprietors
of those couratries. The best mode to secure this due regard
was to proceed gradually in the work of emancipation. The
demand for the abolition of slavery was, he admitted, impera-
tive. He was convinced that it was impossible to mistake the
feeling which pervaded the public mind of this great country
with regard to that question, so loudly and generally was it
expressed. But it was equally impossible to go into any
society whatever, to frequent any public meeting or ceremony,
and not to find men of every political persuasion complaining
of the premature discussion of the que,ttion. He had that very
'orning beers present at a ceremony at which -he met six
officers of the army, who represented themselveS as having
suffered total ruin in their West India property in conse-
•quence of this premature discussion, and yet two of those
officers had never owned slaves at all. With the West India
colonies he had himself nothing to do, but he could not help
thinking, if it were true that the commerce of this country,
and the fortunes of private individuals, were endangered, or
were to be totally destroyed, by the prdmature adoption of the
anea.sure which had been proposed, that his Majesty's ministers
would incur an unequalled moral and political responsibility.
(Hear.) The noble duke then presented the petitions for the
abolition of slavery, with due regard to the property of the
colonists, from the inhabitants of the Royal burgh of Fortrose,
from the eastern division of the county of Dorset, and three
other petitions.
Lord SUFFIELD said, that the petitioners who had intrusted
him with the numerous petitions which he presented would not
consent to compensation, because it seemed to recognize pro-
perty in man, but in the pra) er of their petitions they pro-
fessed the greatest readiness to grant any relief to the planter,
for any effect produced upon his property by immediate eman-
cipation. They could not, therefore, be charged with want of
liberality. The noble duke, therefore, proceeded on au errone-
ous assumption, in supposing that the result of immediate
emancipation, or the total extinction of slavery, would be the
total destruction of colonial property.
The Duke of WELLINGTON had not argued upon any theories,
and had abstained from offering any opinion of his own upon
the proposed measure of slave emancipation. He had how-
ever, found in a paper which he had read, that the right hon.
gentleman the secretary for the Colonies had most ably argued
the question, and that he had stated as his opinion that the
slaves would not work out their own manumission.

STAFFORD BRIBERY BILL.

The Earl of RADNOR moved the order of the day for the fur-
ther consideration of the report on the Stafford Bribery Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that when he had first heard
of the bill he had felt a great objection to it, because he thought
it was more calculated to encourage than to prevent bribery,
and if the bill had not been much altered up stairs, he should
have felt it his duty to have opposed its passing into a law.
Evidence had, however, been given before that committee,
which had proved in the clearest manner that bribery had to
an unparalleled (he hoped) extent prevailed in the borough
of Stafford for a great many years, and the committee were
unanimously of opinion that the preamble of the bill had
been fully proved. Under these circumstances, lie concurred
in the propriety of giving the select committee of the House of
Commons the powers of indemnifying witnesses, as provided in
this bill; which had been also greatly improved in another re-
spect, namely, that the indemnification should not be extended
to the candidates at the last election, He thought it was essen-
tially necessary that those who had carried on the bribery
should not be exempted from the operation of the law. (Hear.)
Under all these circumstances he should withdraw his opposi-
tion to the bill.

After a few words from the Earl of Radnor, the report was
agreed to, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.

Adjourned at 10 minutes past 7 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COIVINIONC.

THURSDAY, MAY 16.
The opening of the gallery did not take place to-day until 5
o'clock, in consequence of the ballots upon the Clonmell bo-
rough election and the Carnarvon borough election having been
specially appointed.
Mr. RoEnucs wished to take that opportunity to draw the
attention of the house and more particularly his Majesty's go-
vernment, to a placard which was issued,
_purporting to come
from the Secretary of State for the Home Department, relative
to a meeting announced to take place in Coldbath-fields for the
purpose of conning a " National Convention." This placard,
which was numerously posted upon the walls of the metropolis,
bore the signature of no person; and he wished to know from
the government if the placard was issued by the Secretary of
State; and, if it was, if any objection existed to laying before
the house a copy of the information upon which the noble lord
(Melbourne) had thought proper to issue that proclamation.
The SOLICITOR-GENI?.KAL rose to order.
The SPEAKER said, that after the intimation given the hon.
member, it rested with himself whether he would proceed with
the subject

Mr. itoseucx resumed.—There never was a more contempti-
ble meeting, and never was there less occasion for an attack
upon the peop!e than in the case to which he alluded. He felt
persuaded that no fight would have ensued if the police had not

been instructed by the government to make such a merciless at-
tack upon the comparatively few persons assembled. Itiniaters
had given every encouragement to ,political agitation Among
this class of persons ; they had indulged them in politicalmeet.
lugs, where language of the most violent and inflammatory
character had been permitted. -(•Hber, hear.) Government
had fostered this spirit among the people (hear, hear), and now
they turned round on their victims and sent a body of ruffians
to beat them down. (Cheers from the opposition.) But he
was wrong in using that word—they were policemen. (Hear.)
If the people had been permitted to assemble and hold their
meeting, he would ask what would have been the result ? Why,
a few speakers would have addressed the meeting, and they
would have quietly dispersed. There had been a great want of
caution on the part of ministers. The meeting was not dis-
tinctly an illegal meetinb,e, for how did anybody know what was
meant by a " National Convention? " (Cries of "Oh, oh! ")
He declared he did not know what it meant. He perfectly un-
derstood the signification of the term in the French language,
and as it was made use of in the United States of America, but
he believed in the present instance they were only a few mis-
guided meu who assembled, they knee not for .what—it might
have been for the purpose of petitioning Parliament. He be-
lieved a meeting could not be rendered illegal by a proclama-
tion from the Home-office. He condemned the total lack of pre-
cautionary measures ou the part of government, the absence of
all notice, and the sudden and unwarr4Fitable rush made upon
the people by a police armed with staves.
Mr. G. LAMB protested against the proceeding of the hon.
member as premature. He (Mr, Roebuck) might think fit to
go on launching his allegations agains the government, and
indulge in observations not justified fact; he did not say
they were for the purpose of influenci the minds of a jury,
but for the purpose of . (Cheers, which drowned the con-
clusion of the hon. member's sentence.) He would not follow
the hon. member through the whole of his speech, but proceed
to answer the question he had put to His Majesty's government.
He had no hesitation in saying the proclamation in question
was issued by the Secretary of State for the Home Department;
and with regard to the power of government to issue a procla-
mation declaring any meeting illegal, he would only refer the
hon. member to what took place with regard to a meeting at
White Conduit-house two years ago.
The SQLICITOR-GENERAL said, that as an inquest-was sitting
at the present moment upon the death of one of his Majesty's
subjects, the hon. member for Bath would have done better in
abstaining altogether from any observations on the subject
He would not now inquire into the legality illegality of the
meeting alluded to, as the subject would undelko a strict inves-
tigation elsewhere; but he protested against the doctrine laid
down by the hon. and learned member for Dublin, and enter-
tained no doubt that, without reading the Riot Act, an illegal
meeting. might be legally dispersed. (Hear, hear.)
Sir S-. WHALLEY said after the manner in which the people
had been treated by the government, he should give notice of a
call of the house on the 21st of May, when the subject of the
assessed taxes was appointed for discussion.
Mr. O'CoNNELL asked whether it were true, as was reported,
that on a trial which had lately taken place in the Court of Ex-
chequer in Ireland, between the Crown and the Primate of
Ireland, the Chief Baron had ordered a sum of £378 to be given
to the jury. If the fact were true, it was illegal.
Lord DUNCANNON explained, that the sum in question had
been given to the jury as compensation for. a very long attend-
ance, the trial having lasted upwards of four months. The ver-
dict had gone against the Crown, and he thought that he had
seine right to complain of the conduct of the judge who pre-
sided on the occasion, who declared that the suit was a perse-
cution of the Primate, although when he was the Attorney-
General he had advised that prosecutiom.
Mr. SHAW thought that the sort of insinuation which the
noble lord had thrown out against the learned Chief Baron was
poor encouragement for a judge who acted with government.
Mr. LEFROY said a few words to the same effect.

Mr. D. W. HARVEY expressed his surprise at hearing a judge
spoken of as acting with the government. He had always un-
derstood that it was the boast of England that judges were inde-
pendent of the Crown. (Hear.) The fact which had been
alluded to was, as he understood, this—that the judge entered
into a contract with the jury, before they delivered their verdict,
that they should receive 31 guineas each. If any fault could be
found with Lord Duncannon, it was that he had not moved to
set aside the verdict, which was evidently a corrupt one.
Mr. O'CONNELL then moved for various papers explanatory
of the transaction, amongst which was a copy of the order of the
judge, directing five guineas each to jour Jurymen who were
not sworn.

Mr. C. FERGUSON thought that the opinion given by the
Chief Baron, when Attorney-General, should also be laid before
the house. The case appeared to be one which required close
in vestigation.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that he would on Thursday
next move for a copy of the opinion of the Chief Baron, when
Attorn ey-Geueral, with the case laid before him upon which it
was founded.

INSURANCE ON FARMING STOCK.

Sir It. PEEL requested that the hon. member for Lincoln-
shire (Mr. H. Handley) would postpone his motion, which stood
next upon the paper, in order that the motion of the hon. mem-
ber for Oldham might be brought on.
Lord ALTHORP said that he believed he could state that. which
would render it unnecessary for the hon. member for Lincoln-
shire to bring forward his motion for leave to bring in "a bill to
repeal so much of the act passed 9 George IV. for regulating the
payment of certain duties on insurances from loss or damage by
lire as related to live and dead farming stock, with a view to re-
duce the said duties thereon." He had looked at the amount of
the duty derived from insurances upon farming stock, and he
had no hesitation in saying that he could repeal it entirely.
(Hear, hear.)

POLAND:

Mr. C. FERGUSON gave notice, that on the 13th of .lune he
would submit a motion relative to Poland.

SIR R. PEEL.

Mr. COBBF.TT, after thanking the hon. members who had
given way to him, said that he would introduce his motion with-
out either preface or profession. He would first read the reso-
lution which he intended to submit, from which the house might
gather its tendency, after which he would submit such observa-
tions as he considered necessary, in order to endeavour to pre-
vail on the house, though he feared that would be a difficult task,
to adopt it. The hon. member then read the resolution, which
concluded with the pledging the house to present a loyal and
dutiful address to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty will be
graciously pleased to dismiss the said right hon. Sir Robert Peel
trona his Majesty's most hon. privy council. (Laughter.)
The SPEAKER wished to know whether the document just
read was the hon. member's speech or a motion ? If his speech,
it could not. be received, because written; and it could not be
called either a motion or a resolution.

Mr. Cowin-I'l%—h is a resolution, beginning " Resolved
that," &c. &c., to the end. (A laugh.) What was there to
laugh at ? Is it because the resolution is of great moment to
the people ?
The gruauult was sure the house could not sanction the in-
sertion on its journals of an elaborate series of arguments—in
fact, a pamphlet expression of the hon. member's peculiar views
of a public question.—(Hear.)
Mr. COBBETT.—The house may insert the resolution on its
journals or not, just as it thinks fit. The public will judge
whether it ought to do so or otherwise. He brought it forward
because he conceived somebody or other should be responsible,
that is, punishable,—for the infliction of a great public wrong,
and Sir B. Peel, as the instrument, should be punished for the
mischiefs produced by his currency bill of 181.9. He did not
impute bad motives to the right hon. baronet, but good inten-
tion was no excuse for public injury, and the less so in Sir R.
Peel's case, as he was over and over warned as to the mischiev-
ous results of his proceedings. When the people were injured
they naturally looked for redress to their—so called--representa-
tives; if that house refused them that redress, it might happen
that they might elect a house of their own that would not re-
fuse them. It might be that he should not have a majority in
favour of his motion. Well, if he voted in a minority, it
would be some consolation to him that Lord Althorp, Sir James
Graham, and Mr. Ellice, three ministers, would also be found
in the minority,—that is, if consistency and public honour,
and common honesty, were not altogether a farce. Lord
Althorp had twenty times in that house said they were in con-
sequence of Peel's bill paying in sterling gold a debt con-
traetedain a depreciated paper currency. Sir 'J. Graham had
got credit for a compilation—for it was only a compilation, and,
even as such, a poor thing after all—in which he repeated,
what wiser men had proved before him, that the nation was
taxed some 30 per cent. by the return to cash payments, and
Mr. Ellice had carried his opposition to the bill, when in its
progress through that house, so far as to propose that the
standard should, in justice to the people of England, be re-
duced. Those gentlemen, therefore, could not but assent to
a resolution which echoed their own sentiments, and no honest
member could refuse to support a resolution which would prove
a wholesome lessen of warning to all self-opiniated, half in-
formed people, imposing upon ministers. Zhe hon. member
then proceeded to show that the bill of 1819 had reduced the
price of corn some 50 per cent.; the, price of wool from 28.11 d. to
9d. per lb.; and British iron from £5 to £2 15s. per ton : and so
with respect to other commodities, But its mischievous conse-
quences extended to the colonies; and indeed to the commercial
world, and had proved particularly injurious to the West Indian

property. To be sure Mr.Atanley.told 'them the other evening
that the-depressed condition of that property was wholly owing
So "over production." Well, he thought that greatest of all ab-
surdities lay in the grave of its parent—Lord Liverpool. Over
production !—the.thing was a contradiction in terms. The poor
of Ireland were perishing of famine by thousands and thousands
in 1825, while her produce, her grain and her cattle, and
her pigs, were being exported from all her ports to England.—
Over production ! this is their fine political economy, and their
Ricardo lectures, which would teach the people that the more
bread .a.nd beef they raised the worse they -would be off. He
should like to see the right hon. secretary expounding his obso-
lete absurdity to those pretty girls with whom he and the right
hon. gentlemen were so intimate some years ago in Preston (a
laugh), and who had the bad taste to prefer him (Mr. Cobbett)
to the right hon. gentleman, and, indeed, to treat the right hon.
gentleman rather naughtily, considering that he was young, if
not killing handsome. (Cries of " Oh, oh !") These gentle
nymphs the right hon. gentleman would find now the mothers
of families, in spite of tie beautiful Malthusian check system,
and about this hour (six o'clock) sipping their tea—but, alas !
without sugar. (Hear.) He should like to witness the answer
he would receive if he told them that sugar was dear, because
the West India interest had grown too much. (" Hear,' and a
laugh.) They would teach him a lesson on over production, of
which he would hardly covet a repetition. (Laughter.) It was
not over production of sugar unuer which the West India inte-
rest laboured, but an under production of money, the conse-
quence of their currency doings of 1819. He had discharged
his duty in bringing this matter before the house and the
country ; and he should now place his resolution upon the jour-
nals, being convinced that it was not contrary to parliamentary
forms; and that it was consistent with right and justice.—
(Hear.) He then formally moved his resolution.
Mr. FIELDEN (Oldham) seconded the resolution.
The first part of the resolution was then put from the chair.
Sir R. PEEL rose amidst loud cheering from all sides of the
house. He said that out of respect for the house, he would
treat this motion as if it had been made by some member of
great weight and influence in the house (cheers), who in his
conscience believed that he was discharging a public duty,
which imperatively required of him to ask of the house to in-
flict upon him (Sir R. Peel) the greatest disgrace which could
be inflicted upon a public man, by addressing his Majesty to
dismiss him from his council.—(Cheers.) Out of respect to the
house, he would so treat it, but he owned that he could not but
express his surprise at this motion, coming as it did from one
who only a few evenings ago had said of him, that, comparing
him with others who had- taken part in the same proceedings,
he was spotless as an angel.—(Cheers and laughter.) That
after such an admission the hon. member should have selected
him for punishment, rather than Mr. Ricardo or Mr. Huskis-
son, and others who had been advocates of the same system,
was, he owned, somewhat surprising; but the honourable
member saw him, perhaps, as the only one on whom he could
immediately turn,
_ and he selected him as his victim.—(Cheers.)
Had he (Sir R. Peel) nothing to complain of in the fact that a
charge of this vague nature had been held over him for two
months (cheers) ; that for charges which had never until now
been defined, and for acts spread over a period of six years, he
was now to be dismissed his Majesty's council?—(Cheers.) Up
to this night he was not told of the particular nature of the
charges to be urged against him. He was not told whether it
was for corrupt conduct. To-night, indeed, the hon. member
disavowed any imputation of any corrupt motive on his (Sir
It. Peel's) part. He was good enough to omit all charge of
corruption; he merely attributed his conduct to his ignorance;
but for that gross ignorance he would have him dismissed from
his Majesty's Privy Council.—(Cheers.) But would it not
have been fair and candid of the hon. member to have commu-
nicated to him something of the particulars of the indictment
which he thus preferred against him for acts done so far back
as 1819? It was enough to have the charge made for conduct
se far back and spread over so many years, without the injus-
tice of denying to him, up to the hour when they were brought
forward, some intimation of their precise nature.—Had the hon.
member any good design in pointing him (Sir R. Peel) out?
Let the house see how, within the last month, the hon. member,
addressing himself in a capacity different from that of a member
of parliament to the labouring classes—to the physical strength
of the country—avowed doctrines which he could not now deny,
and with which he (Sir R. Peel) now charged him. On the
6th of April, 1833, the hon. member addressed the industrious
classes on the subject of what he denominated "defence associ-
ations," the object of which was "to obtain, in reference to the
direct taxes, an accurate list of the names and places of residence
of all the great landowners in each county; to ascertain, as
nearly as possible, when each of them came to his estate ; and
whether he got it by purchase, heirship, or bequest; and also to
ascertain the probable worth of it.,' That a man talking as the
hon. member did that night of liberty, should recommend the
intolerable tyranny of a sort of commission, formed to inquire
and speculate on the amount of property possessed by individuals
throughout the country, with a view to ulterior measures, was
indeed extraordinary. (Hear, hear.) The association was "to
cause to be printed, at a very cheap rate, a true pedigree of
every great landowner, showing how much of the public money
he or any of his relations have received, not omitting his prede-
cesiors for three or four generations; showing how he came by
his estate, and
.particularly showing that men, women, or chil-
dren appertaining to him are, or have been, on the pension or
sAsecure list, and cause a sufficient number of these papers to
be circulated amongst the industrious classes in his own imme-
diate neighbourhood, so that we may all know one another
well." (Cheers.). "This," continued the hon. member "is
the sort of commission' that is wanted, and I would call it the
reckoning commission, for it is absolutely necessary that we
begin to make up our accounts and to have them ready. It
would be a sad thing for us to be taken by surprise. When
we all know one another well, we shall easily arrange matters
quietly, we shall easily come to an equitable adjustment." What
was the justice—what was the fairness—what was the courage
of adopting a course and throwing out recommendations, the
effect of which was to drive men to desperation? (Cheers.)
The hon. member could have no object but one connected
with the accomplishment of that end which now led him,
looking to public confusion, or "equitable adjustment," to
bring forward the present motion in order to point him (Sir
R. Peel) out in reference to this "reckoning commission."
God forbid that the hon. member's speculations on the prospect
of " public confusion" should be realized. He laboured under
no apprehension that they would. He felt confident, whatever
might be the political diflerences that divided public men, that
all who were possessed of property would unite in its defence
and put down such, attempts. (Great cheering.) Not only
would it be the greatest calamity, but a calamity ten-fold greater
than had ever happened to this country, because accompanied
by the greatest disgrace, to live under the domination of such
instruments as these. (General and long-continued cheer-
ing.)
"Come the eleventh plague, rather than this should be;
Come sink us rather in the sea.
Come rather pestilence, and reap us down ;
Come God's sword rather than our own.
Let rather Roman come again,
Or Saxon, Norman, or the Dane:
In all the bonds we ever bore, .
We grieved, we sighed, we wept; we never blushed before."
But (continued the right hon. baronet) blush we shall, and
must, if we submit to this domination; and I for one, believ-
ing as I do, when I read these comments of the hon. mem-
ber and consider his present motion, that I have been selected
as an object of attack either for the purpose of producing some
abatement of resistance to intimidation, or with a view to in-
duce submission to those who threaten us,—l, for one, never
shall have to reproach myself with having furthered the ulterior
objects of the party in question by showing. any symptoms of
intimidation or submission. (General cheering, which conti-
imed for several minutes.)
Mr. CORBETT rose to reply amidst groans and murmurs, from
all parts of the house, during the continuance of which,
throughout the hon. member's address, little or nothing of
what he said could be heard in the gallery. The house might
feel mortification in hearing. him, but it ought to have experis
enced greater mortification in eating its own words on the malt-
tax. ("Oh, oh! ") If the house would not hear him in reply to
some parts of the speech of the right hon. baronet, it would
stand in a light which he did not wish to describe. (Murmurs,
groans, and bootings.) If he experienced interruptions such
as these, he must describe the house as the most unjust assem-
bly in the world. (" Oh, oh, oh !") The right hon. baronet's
speech contained no defence of his currency measures, it was
made up, nine-tenths of it, of garbled extracts, unfairly taken
from his (hlr.Cobbett's) books, and of vulgar abuse. (Groans,
and loud cries of "Order.")
The SPEAKER said that the hon. member had made use of
expressions which no gentleman in that house was entitled to
use. lie was most disorderly, and owed it to the house to apo-
logize fer those expressions.
Mr. CORBETT.— 'Then, Sir, I mast readily apologize to the
house." (Laughter.) The hon. member, after a considerable
interval, filled up by noises of every description, was heard to
say that if Lord Althorp would only take off the hop, malt,
soap, and house and window duties, he might set at defiance all
fears of public confusion. (Laughter.) However, for his own
part, he would much rather public confusion than see the peo-
ple of this country trampled under foot, and knocked on the
head, as they had been within a few days. (" Hear," groans,
and loud cries of " Divide," "Withdraw," amidst which the
bun. member sat down.)