The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-05-31 00:00:00

t cultivate the land. (Hear, hear.) Was it not fit and proper
under such circumstances, that compensation should be allowed
to the planters for the loss of their property ? if any description
of property had ever received protection from the government,
it was the property which the West India planters possessed
in their slaves. By an act of William the 1 bird the trader in
i slaves was placed on the same footing as the trader in gold and
i gold dust, and those articles alone were expressly exempted from
: duty. (Hear, hear.) This fact was not known generally
Ithroughout the country. How, he would ask, was the proprietor
of an estate in the West Indies to continue the cultivation of his
land without the necessary funds ? And how was the present
and future interest of the negro to be provided for under the plan
proposed by his Majesty's ministers ? Another consideration
which had not been touched upon was this :—How were those
persons who at present resided in the colonies to be protected,
when not only their properties but their lives were at stake ?
(Hear.) He much teased that if the ties between the master
and his negro were dissolved, the latter, instead of looking
up to his master as his natural protector, would shake off the
trammels of slavery at once, and attempt to assert his rights as
a freeman. What, he would ask, would be the situation of so-
ciety so new and unexpected ? (Hear, hear.) He wished to
address one word to those persons who were not West Indian
proprietors, but who rested their opposition to the measure of
government on the evil consequences which were likely to arise
to every description of property in the country. He knew that
his Majesty's government were embarrassed, but the only way
in which they could relieve themselves would be to preserve
their faith to the country. It was the duty. of the governor to
hold the balance even Vetween the conflicting interests, and to
award what *as fair and just to the party seeking compensation.
By pursuing this course his Majesty's ministers would receive
the support of every interest in the country. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. N. MALCOLM said that the West Indians were always
ready to give effect to such a resolution as that which he had the
honour of seconding—but the enemies of the colonists declare
that the West India body are insincere, and that they were not
anxious for emancipation... This, however, was most untrue, for
the West Indians were always willing to accede to any well-
digested plan of emancipation—any measure founded upon the
resolutions of 1823, for such a measure they would have received
as a boon, and they would have willingly gone half way to re-
ceive it. lear, hear.) But the measure propounded by govern-
went for the emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies was
neither a safe nor a satisfactory one. (Hear, hear.) He trusted,
however, that after a remonstrance of such a meeting as the pre-
sent the government would be induced to stop in its wild career,
and by granting to the West India proprietors a proper measure
of compensation, afford an easy and satisfactory mode by
which this great question could be settled. (Hear.)
The resolution was then put and agreed to.
Mr. levriso, in proposing the sixth resolution, said that his
noble friend (Lord Colville) in the course of his speech alluded
to two subjects, namely, to the appointment of a deputation to
communicate with the government on the plan to be propounded
in Parliament, in relation to the question of slavery, and also
the re-appointment, or rather the non-appointment of the com-
mittee of the House of Lords, on West India affairs. Perhaps
he would not be going beyond the line of duty which he should
adopt if he were to state the nature of the negociations which the
deputies had with the government on this subject. (Hear.) On
the 25th Feb. the slavery committee connected with the 'West
India body received a communication from Lord Goderich, that
he was desirous to receive a deputation of five gentlemen from
that body, to consult with him on the subject of the plan to be
proposed for the extinction of slavery in the West Indies. Under
these circumstances the deputation deemed it advisable that the
committee of the Lords should not, for the present, be appointed.
He might here state that at that time the minister of the Crown
had stated in his place in Parliament that a plan was to be pro-
posed by government for the extinction or slavery, which was
likely to give satisfaction to all parties. Some discussion took
place between the government and the deputation in respect to
the appointment of the Lords' committee, in the course of which
it was stated, on the part of the government, that it was imma-
terial whether or not the committee was appointed, for its acts
would have no effect upon the plan of government, for that plan
was positive and certain, and could not be altered by any new
view that might be suggested by the committee. The deputa-
tion, of which he was one, entered upon the duty delegated to
them in the true spirit of conciliation; they were anxious for a
settlement of this great question, because they could not shut
their eyes to the fact, that the question could not stand still,—
that it must proceed let the result be what it might. (Hear.)
After some tune his lordship submitted a plan to the deputa-
tion, which he requested might not be rejected at once, but
that it would be well considered and digested, and that the de-
putation would state their reasons for objecting to any parts
of the plan. The plan was read by the deputation with no
little surprise. They returned it, saying that they could not
concur in it. That plan was since laid before the country, and
the reasons that were advanced against it. What were the
feelings of the public in respect to that plan—the opposition to
it he could not say—he could only observe that the greatest
anxiety was manifested on the part of the deputation to give to
such a document all that attention that it merited. The docu-
ment, although objectionable in its general purport, was valu-
able tor two admissions made. in it—namely, that the blacks
would' not labour freely,' and that in order to make them work
coercion must be used. Lord Goderich seemed to think that
the coercion used in Europe would answer for slaves in the
West Indies, but the necessities of man in the West Indies
not being equal to those in this country, and the population not
being at all as dense there as here, there was nut the incentive
to exertion in the colonies as there was in Europe, and there-
fore the species of coercion that should be used to induce the
slaves to work must be of-a more extreme nature than that
which would be applied in this country—(Hear). In this plan
of his lordship's there were also two important blanks. There
was a blank left for the sum to be paid to the West Indian pro-
prietors, and another as to when freedom should commence.
Phis plan was submitted to the deputation on a particular day,
but the next his lordship and his plan left office altogether (a
laugh), and they heard no more of either. The West Indian
body hailed with satisfaction his lordship's secession, because
they thought it was a proof that a beneficial change was about
to take place in the settlement of this great question, and that
Mr. Stanley would look not only to the interests of the public,
but to those of private individuals—(Hear). To the great as-
tonishment, however, of the country, Mr. Stanley brought forth
his crude undigested plan without consultation or consideration,
and he must own that he saw nothing in it that placed it in a
better point of view than that presented to the deputation by
Lord Goderich. There was nothing but difficulty in its details,
and spoliation would be its effect—(Hear, hear, hear). This
was the result come to by the deputation, who had an interview
with Mr. Stanley on Saturday last. That gentleman, although
he never mentioned the word compensation in the course of his
speech, frequently used that word in private. When he was
pressed upon the subject of an increased amount of compensa-
tion, his reply was, he ' was not authorized by the cabinet to
make any further statements on this subject. He (Mr. Irving)
then said that this was a cardinal point, and that until it was
settled in,one way or the other, nothing could be done by the
deputation—that the government might, if they pleased, spo-
liate West India property, but that the colonists would not lend
their hands to an act of suicide—(Hear). He trusted that
upon the whole, the deputation . had acted in a way that could
not be considered injurious to the interests of the great body
at large—(Hear, hear). One thing at least they did not
do—they did not consult the West India body—(Hear.)
They certainly, as individuals, gave in a detailed plan to go-
vernment, but he was sorry to say that none of the features of
this plan were exhibited in that laid before parliament by Mr.
Stanley. (Hear.) This right honourable gentleman cautiously
avoided the word compensation or remuneration in his intro-
ductory address. The hon. gentleman here read two of the pro-
positions laid before the House of Commons, to show with what
caution the right hon. gentleman avoided either of these ex-
pressions, and proceeded to observe upon the fact that slavery
was to cease in twelve years. This certain cessation of slavery
at a given time Mr. Stanley calls a possible loss of property.
Is this a proper term for spoliation ? (Hear, hear.) This
right hon. gentleman takes away one-fourth of the labour which
slaves give to proprietors, and consequently he takes away from
the proprietor one-fourth of the profits which accrue to him
from the possession of those slaves. (Hear, hear.) He then
adverted to the necessity on the part of the planters to raise
some two millions before he could come to market under the
terms of this plan; it would also take a great amount of cur-
rency to enable the planter to meet the wages that were to be
paid to the labourer by the terms of the plan, and it was well
known that the present system of currency in the West Indies
was only upheld by the general voice of the colonies. (Hear.)
Supposing the colonies were to cease being productive colonies,
from whence were they to maintain the great necessaries of life ?
They should go to Cuba or the Brazils, and by doing so would
be only perpetuating slavery in one quarter of the world while
we were destroying it in another. (Hear.) But while we were
carrying on the trade with the West Indies upon capital now
invested, where, he would be glad to know, were they to obtain
a new capital upon which they could carry on a new country ?
(Hear.) Cuba was subject to the mother country, and it was
Impossible for them to say what would be the regulations that
would be adopted by that country in respect to the trade of
Cuba with any other country. Did they know that they would
take commodity for commodity ? But it may be said that they
could get all they wanted in the way of that necessary luxury
sugar in the East Indies. To this he would just observe, that
we were destroying in the West that which they were anxious
to establish iu the East. (Hear.) After some further remarks,
Mr. Irving concluded by moving the sixth resolution :-
Mr. CoLviLa seconded the resolution, and would only detain
the meeting for a few moments, while he stated the grounds
upon which the deputation came to the decision they did in re-
spect to the plan proposed by government. This deputation
endeavoured to look at the question as it bore upon the interests
of the country generally. If this measure were passed, Euro-
peans would not reside in the West Indies. It would be left to
the control of slaves,_ and the benefit of the colonies would be
completely lost to England. From the general character of
the-government plan, it was evident that all control on the part
of the master over the slave would cease the moment the plan
was carried into effect. Were they not, therefore, justified in
saying that there was no security in this plan for the white por-
tion of the population in the West Indies, if it were carried
into effect. Ile then adverted to the fact that the existence of
slavery, and of the control of the planter over his slave, was re-
cognised in an act of Parliament so late as 1824. But by this
plan the planter was not only deprived of all control over his
slaves, but he was also to be deprived of one-fourth of his la-
bour. A loan, however, was to be advanced for the remunera-
tion of the proprietor. Why, a loan meant that interest was to
be paid, and that the principal was to be met at some time, and
by a novel mode of proceeding, one-fourth of the proceeds aris-
ing out of slave labour was to go to the redemption of the re-
maining three-fourths. He then adverted, to the principle upon
which the value of slaves was to be regulated, which he con-
tended was most iniquitous and unjust, and showed, by refe-
rence to a possible attack upon the funds founded upon the
same principle, that the result would be, that while the fund-
holder would be receiving only £2 55., instead of £3 interest,
supposing his three per cents. were worth £B7, he would be
at the same time paying £7 a year for a liquidation of the debt
due by the country to him. (Hear, hear, bear.) If a dark and
dangerous measure were to be adopted, let the voice of the na-
tion speak out upon it, but do not let a small body of persons
be the means of.depriving people of their property unjustly and.
improperly. (Hear.) After a few further remarks he con-
cluded by seconding the resolution, which was put and carried.
Mr. H. PlamErt, in moving the next resolution, said he never
rose under feelings of ~,Yreater anxiety to address a meeting than H
upon that occation. e knew of no reason for his being called
upon to propose the resolution which he held in his hands, but
from the circumstance of his having held a highly responsible
situation, in which he had endeavoured to uphold' the credit of
the country (hear, hear,) and lie trusted that in all cases the
responsible corporation to which he alluded would be at all
times anxious to maintain and uphold the character and credit
of this great commercial country. (Hear, hear.) lie was in
no way connected with West India property—indeed if any
thing his interests were rather opposed to those connected with
the West India colonies; but feeling that the derangement of
one interest was only the forerunner to the destruction of
enother, he felt that he was bound to come forward to give his
humble assistance in the forwarding of such, views as such a
meeting as that would suggest. (Hear.) He_ was in favour
of slave emancipation, provided that that emancipation was
founded upon just and proper principles. But while he declared
himself favourable to a measure of emancipation he must say
that never was there a time when the plan of government on
this subject was so little called for as now. (Hear.) He con-
tended that it was a most reckless measure, and one that would
upset the entire form of society. He remembered well the