The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-11-15 00:00:00

TU THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDrIRD.

Sin,—l perceive in the report of the commission upon cor-
porate affairs in your paper of to-day, a remark made by Mr.
Wilkinson regarding Mr. Aspinall's appointment to saint
Luke's—viz. it was a lucky thing," or some such words.
Now I hold that it is entirely contrary to the spirit of their
appointment that these gentlemen should venture to make any
observation upon the acts of the Corporation. I think it ex-
tremely iiltitned and indecorous of Mr. Wilkinson to have
used the'exuression stated; it shows that he is evidently biassed
by prejudices of some kind, but since he is so sensitive about
the patronage of Mr. Aspinall's father, (although by the by lie
was iu error in stating that Mr. A's father was in the Council at
the date of the appointment) he ought to have paused ere he
gave truth to his sarcasm, considering how his Master, Earl
Grey, has exerted his prerogative.—l am, &c.
JUSTITIA.
Liverpool, Bth November, 1833 •

SUGAR TRADE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

SlR,—The subject of the duties levied on sugar, imported
into the united kingdom for home consumption, is worthy the
very serious consideration of those persons, interested in slave
colonies, who are disposed to extend their views beyond the
time immediately present. In my opinion it is most desirable
an attempt should be made, as soon as possible, to procure some
sort of parliamentary guarantee on the point, and not wait for
the crisis, which may possibly arrive, when—from a large defi-
ciency of the supply of colonial sugar, and consequent high
price of the article—a proposition may be brought forward, to
relieve the consumers of this country from the inconvenience
of an inadequate supply, by reducing the discriminating duty
which now prevents the monopoly of the West India colonies
from being interfered with, by the sugar of other countries be-
ing introduced into consumption. It might be supposed, after
all that has lately passed in this country, quite out of the ques-
tion, that sugar, the produce of slave-holding, countries, could
ever, in any case, be admitted to consumption in the united king-
dom. Yet it was but the other day that the Prime Minister
in Parliament, opposing. the adoption of a proposition to ex-
clude all slave-grown articles from this country—a proposition
in entire consistency with the measures respecting our own
slave colonies, just adopted by the legislature—gave as the rea-
son for his opposition, without any reference to considerations
of morality or humanity, that such a measure would injure our
trade. It is by no means improbable the time will arrive, when
the same argument may be used, and with just as much pro-
priety, against a refusal to allow the consumption of foreign
slave-grown sugar.
The present duty upon all sugar, not British plantation, ex-
cept what comes from British India, is 635. per cwt., which,
from its magnitude, operates, as it was intended, as a total pro-
hibition to its being consumed in this country. Leaving for
separate consideration that part of the subject which relates to
sugar, the produce of British India, I contend that the British
colonies, under the new system of apprenticed labourers, and
still more if the negroes become free labourers, have an irre-
sistibte claim to a continued imposition of the duty, which so
secures them from the competition of foreign sugar in the mo
ther country, and that, whether they produce sufficient for the
consumption or not. I ground my opinion upon the following
reasons, besides others which might be advanced:—Because,
simply, those sugar-growing countries are cultivated by a sys-
tem of slavery, tie iibolition of which in our colonies, is the
cause of the decrease of produce, for the sake of promoting the,
comfort and civilization of the freed negroes inhabiting those
colonies; and to secure to the planters a remunerating price for
the increased cost, at which sugar will, under the new system,
be produced.
It is surely quite superfluous for me at the present time, and
is rather the province of those parties who have advocated the
emancipation of the negroes, to offer argument to support the
justice and propriety of a prohibitory duty being levied against
the consumption of sugar imported from slave holding countries.
The nation and legislature who have so lately expressed them-
selves, by declarations and acts, so very decidedly upon the
question of slavery, cannot, with any shadow of good feeling or
consistency, hesitate one moment to agree to this proposition.
The whole produce of the continents and islands of Anierica, and
of the French colony of Bourbon would, on this principle, continue
to be excluded from the British market. But this duty must be
imposed, not only on the sugar of those colonies cultivated by
slaves, but also upon the sugar of other colonies belonging to
the same European nations, who still maintain slavery, such as
are Java and the Phillippine Islands: for if the sugar of these
latter colonies were, as being produced by free labour, admitted
at a lower rate of duty, it would, when the value of sugar rose
in Great Britain, be all rent here, being replaced in the markets
of Holland and Spain, by increased importations from the
slave colonies. Thus the quantity of the free grown sugar of
British India, which will be withdrawn from the supply of the
continent of Europe, to assist in making good the deficiency of
import into this country, will be replaced by a quantity drawn
from the Brazils or other slave countries. This first reason,
therefore, holds good against all foreign sugar countries, except
China, which it certainly does not touch; but the following
argument will, I think, afford abundant grounds for claiming
protection against China, as well as further reasons against the
other countries just fnentioned.

I presume that the British nation, while attempting to secure
to the slaves in our colonies the possession of freedom, is also
desirous to assist
.in their progress in comfort and civilization.
Now this point, in my opinion, can be gained only by the con-
tinued residence of a number. of Europeans among the email.
cipated negroes, and the residence of such a number of Euro-
peans, as is requisite to produce any practically beneficial effect
of this kind, is dependent upon the cultivation of sugar being
still encouraged. The prosperity of these colonies is entirely
dependent upon the well being of the sugar planter; the value
of this staple article regulating the demand for and value of
cattle, the vice of labour, and the profits on articles imported,
as lumber, utensils of agriculture, &c. lf, therefore, the cul-
tivation of sugar be not -kept up, it is not only the number of
Europeans necessary for the actual superintendence of estates
which will be curtailed, but also of those now occupied in various
other employments.
But, proceeding to the third reason I have advanced, the
cultivation of sugar, so necessary and so beneficial, cannot in
future, even if circumstances are favourable, be carried on,
except at a greater cost than under a system of slavery; and it
is therefore necessary the planter should be secured that his
remunerating price shall not be interfered with by the compe-
tition of sugar from other countries, producing the article
cheaply by the labour of slaves. It might easily be shown,—
but it would extend too far the limits of a communication of
this description.—that the contemplated payment of wages, and
other arrangements of the system about to be carried into prac-
tice, will increase the expense of cultivation.
I contend, then, that for the sake of justice, humanity, good
policy, and consistency, all foreign sugar must, under any cir-
cumstances, continue to be excluded, by a prohibitory duty,
from the consumption of the united kingdom. But many per-
sons, who would perhaps concede this point, might still insist
that, if the advance in price I have anticipated shall take plaees
sugar from British India ought to be relieved from sae extra
duty of Bs. per cwt., which it is charged w;tis beyond what is
laid upon the sugar f om the British colonies: or, indeed, that
this duty should in any case he done away with. This point I
go on to discuss; sod it requires particular attention at the
present
when, in consequence of notice having been
el .s
attempt will be made in the next session of Par-
riavnaeneffect an equalization of the duty on East and West
z,:tt tb sttt o time.
India produce, any reason which can be advanced against the
adoption of such a measure must be very interesting to colonial
sugar growers.
The propriety of thus favouring sugar imported from British
India is advocated on various grounds; one of which is, the
claim which their connection with the British empire gives to
the natives of India, or rather the English merchants settled
there, to this preference over other nations. But this connec-
tion cannot, by any person, be considered equal to the close un-
ion which has so long subsisted between Great Britain and her
colonies ; for Hindostan cannot come under the description of
a colony, it is merely a country which we have taken possession
of, and possess dominion over, not one which has been colo-
nised by British subjects, and cultivated by British capital,—
its connection with Great Britain may give it a right to a pre-
ference over foreign nations, but cannot entitle it to equal pri-
vileges with the West India colonies. But if India is to be,
considered so far a British possession, that the sugar produced
there is to be admitted into this country at a favourable rate•of
duty, the consequence of being so included as a portion of the
British empire cannot but extend further, and the sugar im-
ported into British India from the other parts of Asia or else-
where, must be subject there to a rate of duty, equivalent to
what it would be liable to in this country, according to the prin-
ciple laid down in the preceding part of these remarks. From
a statement comprised in the papers respecting sugar, pub-
lished by the East India Company in 1822, which enters more
into detail than any subsequent account I have seen, it appears
that the total value of the exports of sugar by sea, from the
three Presidencies, to places not in the peninsula of Hindostan,
was in 1820-1 52,36,8:33 rupees ; the imports in the same year
being 22,93,987 rupees; showing the virtual export of East
India sugar to be only 29,42,816 rupees. The explrt from
Bengal, less the import, was 38,07,613 rupees; and as it ap-
pears from a Calcutta price current included among the same
pipers, that the average price of first and second sort Chenel.
sups was about 30s. per cwt.,—taking the rupee at 2s. sterling,
this amount is equal to 12,692 tons sugar. In the same year
the import of foreign sugar into Madras and Bombay amounted
to 21,95,876 rupees, and the total exports from those Presiden-
cies being only 13,31,119 rupees, it is clear foreign sugar
amounting to 8,64,757 rupees, equal, as above, to 2,882 tons, was
consumed there. The effect of this is just the same as if this
foreign sugar were admitted to consumption in England, for
the consequence is, that a quantity of sugar, very nearly equal
to one-fourth of the whole export,. is thus left for exp.prtation
from Bengal to this country, where it is admitted at the al psi,-
priate rate of duty. It is consistent with reason and justice,
that the whole of the inhabitants of the East India Company's
possessions in India, if considered as British subjects, should be
put upon an equal footing, and that the inhabitants of the Ma-
labar and Coromandel coasts should take their supply of sugar,.
not. from foreign nations, but from their fellow-subjects of lien-
gal, the remainder of whose crop, after furnishing that supply_
being the excess of the production over consumption in British
India generally—sshould then, and then only, be admatrsd to
consumption in Great Britain, at a rate of duty lower than that
imposed on foreign sugar. The imposition of high duties on
foreign sugar imported into all parts of Ind a is a measure ne-
cessary to entitle that country even to retain she present favour-
able situation as to duty, which it enjoys because it is a British
possession, and is cloddy necessary before any further indul-
gence in this respect is demanded.
Even should such a measure be carried into effect, there still
remains sufficient reason to entitle the West India colonies to a
preference over India, in the commercial restrictions, beyond
those imposed on that country, by which they have been long
so strictly bonnd ; and if these were to be removed, the colonies
would not be immediately relieved from the effect of their long
continuance. But the claims of the West India colonies will
appear still stronger. when the comparative situation of the in-
habitants of the different countries is considered, and an esti-
mate is formed of the importance to either of the cultivation
and export of sugar.
The cultivation of sugar for exportation constitutes but a
small part of the agriculture of Ilindostan, the production of
this article being principally for the consumption of the popu-
lation. Shouldit be abandoned, the cultivators, as a body,
would not suffer materially; they. might be in consequence de-
prived of some extra luxury or indulgence, which the sale of
their sugar now enables them to procure ; but, except, perhaps,
a few individual instances, no greater injury would result. 'fo
the Indian government, from a diminution of revenue; to the
landholders, from a reduction of rent; and to the Btitish factors,
from being deprived of an article for external commerce, the
discontinuance of the export of sugar might be in some degree
injurious, hut not to any serious extent, to the labouring classes.
In the West Indies, the population has been created, it may be
said, for the express
purpose of raising sugar; that article con-
stitutes, in all cases, the principal, in many, the only crop, and
is, of course, the sole present means of procuring for the labour-
ing. population, pot only all the comforts, but even the neces-
saries of life. Any measure tending to lessen the value of it,
would thus have a Any
and fatal effect upon their well being.
It is the only part of the cuaivation of the colonies which is of
such a description, as being partly a manufacture, and requir-
ing skill and continuous labour, is likely to' raise the freedd
negroes in the scale of civilization, and therefore the continued
production of it should meet all possible encouragement from
the mother country, even at the risk of paving more for it

than at present; that is, if the professions made respecting the
feeling of the country upon the subject of slaves and siaveiy,
are anything more than inure words. The encouragement of
the export of sugar from India would, in tact, with reference to
its effect upon the native population, be another step in the sys-
tem already pursued towards them, and which seems to tend
directly to lower them in the scale of civilized people; for,
whereas we found the natives of Hindustan an industrious and
skilful manufacturing nation, our measures have been calcu-
lated, by the endeavour to supplant their native manufactures
by the products of British skill, and to make them restrict
their exports to supplies of raw material for our use, to reduce
them to a people merely agricultural, and so degrade them in
the scale of civilization.

Further, it appears to me the negro is a more amiable being
in the relations of social life than the Ilindoo. The African
notions of religion, though absurd and bad enough, are not op-
posed to the exercise of the charities of life between man and
luau, while the religion of the Hindoos is very much so, from
its division of caste, and other causes. Bishop Heber says, he
considers it the most revolting. and injurious system of idolatry
he ever heard of. The negro ignorance I should consider more
favourable to the dissemination of religious instruction than the
superstitition of the Iliudoo, watched over by a jealous and in-
terested priesthood; and, in India, all efforts for the introduc-
tion of religion and morality are checked, and almost neu-
tralized, by the fear of offending a population who are hardly
more than our tributaries; while, in the West Indies, the
present negro population has grown up in respect towards their
masters, and, when well treated, will pay a grateful attention
to, certainly will not resent, practical lessons of good, enforced
by the example of virtuous teachers.
Referring, therefore, to all the circumstances of either coun-
try, I think the West India colonies have an undoubted claim
to a preference over British India; and that it would he unjust,
as well as impolitic, when the well-being of the negroes is con-
sidered, to deprive those colonies of the protection now afforded,
by a higher rate of duty, against the importation of Eait India
sugar to their prejudice. The duty, as it now stands, is not so
great as to debar the people of this country being relieved from
any excessive high price of sugar, for such excessive price
would be sufficient to draw a supply from Bengal, even though
subject to the extra duty of Bs. per cwt., which I contend is not
more than sufficient to satisfy the various claims for a prefer-
ence which the West Indies possess.
In addition to receiving some assurance that the duties at
present levied on sugar in this country shall not be altered to
their prejudice, I think, in consequence of the novel situation
in which the growers of sugar in the British colonies will be
placed by the acts of this country, and the necessity there is to
give them, for the sake both of the general prosperity of the
empire, and of the negroes about to be emancipated, all the en-
couragement possible, that they have a right to ask that the
prohibiting duty of eight guineas per cwt.-now imposed upon
refined sugar imported should be done away with, or at all
events very muCh lessened. It maybe supposed that such a
measure would injuriously affect the interest of the .sugar refin-
Lens of Great Britain, but this injury could not be very great,
for the making refined sugar in the colonies equal to that re.
fined here would cause great expense, and the quantity im-
ported could never reach any considerable amount. The chief
benefit of this measure would be the inducement it would hold
out to people to make experiments for improving the manufac-
ture of sugar, from which great advantage would probably en-
sue, and it would be a pledge that this country really wished
to give encouragement to the colonists.
13ut, I would ask, what is to be considered refined sugar ? I
do not know that the act of Parliament gives any description of
the article liable to the duty of eight guineas per cwt., it is
merely called refined sugar. Is sugar to be considered refined
with reference to its quality, or to the mode in which it has
been manufactured ? I think this part of the subject is worthy
attention. What I should call refined sugar is an article
which, after having been already converted from cane juice into
sugar, is again melted down, and reboiled and refined, which
has, in fact, gone through a regular course of manufacture twice
over. The refining sugar in this country is, in general princi-
ple, merely a repetition, in a more elaborate manner, of the
operation already gone through in the colonies. In one case
the cane-juice, in the other the manufactured sugar melted in
• water is clarified, boiled, and cooled in certain vessels for gra-
nulation. In refining here the process is carried on beyond
this by claying the sugar, and drying it, and each of these ope-
rations is also in some cases, though not universally, applied in
the first manufacture of Muscovado sugar. It is evident to me,
that to subject any sugar to duty on importation as refined, it
, must have gone through a second course of manufacture ; and
that if it has not done so, however good it may be in quality,
it is only Muscovado sugar—either clayed or not clayed—and
only liable to duty as such. I and aware that ati- opposite prin-
ciple has lately been acted upon in this port, in considering
seine sugar from Demerara as being too good to be treated
otherwise than as refined sugar, and charging it, in my opinion
erroneously, with duty as such. I am not quite aware of the
precise mode in which the sugar in question was manufactured;
but the chief cause of its being seized by the Customs officers,
seems to have been the fact a its having been boiled in the
improved vacuum pan used in the refineries of this country :
but the use of an unproved utensil cannot constitute refine-
ment. It might as well be said that if a planter use for claying
sugar earthenware moulds similar to those used by refiners,
that his sugar is refined.
1 'shoulevery much like to see the question tried with the re-
venue in the following manner. From the little knowledge I
have of the subject, 1- am
.pretty confident it is possible to pro-
duce, as the result of the single course of operation in the colo-
nies, sugar certainly equal in goodness to crushed lumps, and
with a little additional care, sugar in loaves might be sent to this
country. Whether this could be carried on to any great extent,
or with profit, is another question, which I am not now consider-
ing. But I conceive that if such a loaf of sugar were to be
brought to this country, the importer would have a right, under
the present law, to enter it for home consumption, as British
Plantation MoscoVado sugar, clayed. I grant, that in quality
it is equal to refined sugar; but my positron is, that the duty,
as refined, is not chargeable for the quality, hut for the species
of manufacture. Now there has been nothing done to the sugar
in question to bring it under the description of refined : it has
not been boiled a second time, nor undergone any duplicate
series of manufacture. In addition to the usual process of ma-
nufacturing Muscovado sugar, it has been clayed, but this opera-
tion does not snake it liable to any additional duty. Then it itas
been dried ; perhaps in a stove, or perhaps by some simpler
means; but Mauritius sugar is dried by artificial means, yet is
admitted at the low rate of duty. It cannot surely be that a dif-
ference in form—that the fact of it being in a mass instead of a
powder—constitutes that point of difference which makes it re-
fined sugar. It has clearly undergone no process of refinement,
and if, notwithstanding, such sugar should, on account of its su-
perior quality, be treated by the revenue offic.trs as refined
sugar, and changed with an overwhelming duty, it amounts to
a declaration that the growers of sugar in the colonies, are, for
fear of injuring a manufacture of this country, to be compelled
to stop short in the improvement of the manufacture of that
-article, lest by making it too good, they should do away with the
necessity, or ;is bcing ,eusiect are: This is indeed a most unrea-
sonable species of monopoly.
It appears very desirable this question should be settled, that
it may be understood what it is the intention of the legislature
to consider refined sugar, so that the intelligent planter, who is
attending to the improvement of the quality of his sugar, may
avoid what will subject it to the enormous fluty; and that his
exertions may not be discouraged, by the dread that the result
of much labour and expence may be that an English Custom-
house officer will seize upon his produce, as being in his opinion
too good to be anything hut refined sugar.
One more alteration in the way of duty might be made with
benefit to the sugar planters. It is some arrangement by which
they might be allowed to boil over again their molasses before
shipping it, which operation, by bringing it into a condition
containing a greater proportion or sugar, and less of fluid parts,
should prevent the risk at present incurred of its fermenting on
the voyage, and would likewise save something in freight and
the cost of packages. If any planter adopt such a system at
present, he runs a risk of having his molasses seized for being
too rich in saccharine matter. I think any alteration which
would have the effect I refer to would not only assist the planter,
but would also very probably bencfit the refiners of this country,
by causing the importation of a larger quantity of molasses,
which must go through the process of manufacture by them.
The limits of this letter do not admit of much more than a
statement of the heads of the arguments applicable to the sub-
ject under discussion, and even now I fear this communication
may be found to extend to a greater length„, than is consisten
with your arrangements. lam satisfied if it should have the
effect of directing the attention of those interested, to this im-
portant point—the duties on sugar—so that they may be pre-
pared, not only to meet the attempt in favour of Last India
sugar, which is to Le made in the next session of Parliament;
but that they may also perceive the utility, and necessity, as I
think, of some definite arrangement on the subject being come
to, in such a manner, that even in the event of colonial sugar
rising much in price, it would be difficult to disturb it. This,
it appears to me, would be the case, if an act of Parliament
regulating the duties on sugar were passed, in the preamble of
which should be recited the anxiety of this country to encourage
the colonies under the new system of emancipation—to dis-
courage, as far as possible, the continuance of slavery else-
where—and to hold out to the British planter some certainty
of receiving a remunerating price for continuing to grow sugar
at an increased cost, but,under an improved system. Such an
act would but be just towards the colonies, and if ever to be
procured, might most probably be so at the present period.—
I am, &c. A WEST INDIAN.
Liverpool, 23d October, 1833.