The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-19 00:00:00

TUIt:II.IKE AOADR._

Lord TPXYII.I3I wished to know from the noble lords, members
of his Majesty's government, whether it was the intention of the
government to take into its own hands the management of turn.
pike roads.
The Duke of RICIDIOND said he was not aware that government
had the sl'g'itest intention of taking into its own hands the inatt,q•
alluded tu. When the returns which he had moved for in the last
Session were laid on the table, he would move for a select committee
to Inquire into the subject. It required serious consideration. lie re-
greted to anlit that the debts dne on account of the mats of England
Lad Wales amounted to 1:8,001.),000 sterlinel' and that in many in-
stances
.the exiienditare greatly exceeded the receipts.
Earl (many laid on the table papers relative to the separation of
,Holland and Belgians, stating that the documents now presented cim-
ainei outs a portion of the information required on the subject, and
that further information would be given at as early period.
The Bishop of BATH and WELLs presented a petition from a num-
ber of the clergy of his diocess, against the existence of beer shops,
es highly detrimental to the morals of the people. Amongst all the
reforms that were going forward, none could be so valuable as a
reform of the public morals. To show to what an extent these beer
shops had increased, there were in the city of Bath alone no less than
143 of them.
The rh.rl of Itonss said, that he had several petitions to present,
calling upon their lordships to compel a due observance of the Sab-
bath • bet the subject he (teemed to be of so mach importance, that
In the absence of members of the right rev. bench, he would defer
presenting the petitions until to morrow.
FRIDAY.

Earl Grey's motion for leave to bring in a bill for the suppression
of the disturbances at present existing in Ireland being fixed for this
day, the gallery was titled with strangers at an early hour ; and the
number of persons eongregrated about the lobbies of the house showed
that considerable curiosity was excited to know the nature of the
measures to he proposed. The space below the bar, as well as that
around the throne, was crowded with members of the other house of
Parliament ; 'and in the latter place we observed Mr. Stanley, Mr.
O'Connell, and several other prominent members connected with Irish
adhirs.
1.1:13.1 Grey entered the house precisely at five o'clock, decorated
with the order of the Garter, au, t sat for some minutes in conversa-
tion with Lord Holland; who was rolled into the house in a wheel
chair.
At ten minutes past five o'clock, there being then a large attendance
of Peers iu the house, particularly on the nmiLsterial side, the LORD
ClitricELLon. took his seat on the Woolsack.
A petition from Atherstone in Warwickshire, for an alteration of
the Poor Laws, presented by the Earl of Waxwiek.
The Earl of NV EsrSIORLAND presented a petition from Carlow, for
pone legislative provision to enforce the better observance of the
Sabbath.—Similar petitions were presented by the Earl of RODRN
from Brechin, Dundee, Long Preston, Yorkshire, Balbriggam, and
the Scotch eongregration of St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin ; also by the
_Bishop of LONDON, from three different places.
The Bishop of LONDON moved that the House of Commons be
r.sioested to communicate to the Lords the report and evidence of
the Commons' Committee for the better observance of the Lords' day.
The Earl of IioDEN wished the attention of their lordships to be
particularly directed to this most important subject, anti expressed
Ids satisfaction at seeing the middle classes in the towns of England
sad Ireland taking so strong an interest in it. The petitioners stated,
that in order to render the laws for the observance of the Sabbath ef-
f.:etive, it was necessary that a good example should be set by the
hi Sher classes in obtecin,g them.
-Lord CiaiNevany said he was most anxious that the Sabbath should
he dilly observed, but he also felt desirous that its observance should
noL be converted into a source of discord, and, above all, that the law
tould be generally understood and impartially enforced. He com-
plained that some magistrates in Ireland, who were no doubt actuated
by good intentions, but seemed to have taken an imperfect view of the
*object, exerted themselves to stop the canal boats on the Sabbath,
fur the avowed purpose of causing a better observance of that day.
Now, as noble lords might e aware, Sunday VI-3.4 a day on which the
clouts were in full ail& ity,,aud the Irish footmen, being for the most
part Catholics, were aecustorned to stop for an hour or more in the
zooming, for the performance of their reictious duties, and then pro-
ceed with their boats. The may referred to (he. had two gen-
tlmen more particularly in view„ `probably not aware of the Catho-
lic mode of obsery he, the Sabbath, stopped the boats in their progress,
and the boatmen, instead of going to church, resorted to the nearest
public house, leaving their boats to be plundered. This was a great
etil. The law authorised persons boing summoned before Magis-
trates for the non-observance of the Sabbath, but it did not sanction
the stoppage_ of boats in this manner. He complained that the law
hid been broken by men who were sworn to uphold. it ; and, that
while cattle were stopped in their transit to Ow steamers by the canal
opt Sunday, the servauts of the individuals who resisted their passage
were, on the same day, allowed to drive their master's cattle to the
Dublin market.
The Earl of Rom,' called upon the noble lord to name the magis-
trates to whom he had alluded.
Lord CLONCI7RItY declined mentioning names, not wishing to ex-
pose the parties to popular odium, in the present excited state of
ambiic feeling in Ireland.
COERCIVE MEASURES FOR IRELAND.
Earl GREY moved, that the King's speech be read as far as it
related to Ireland, and then addressed himself to the painful
task of describing the violence that exists in Ireland, the inse-
curity to life and limb, and the uncertainty of property through
-crimes which the law could not reach, and which made it requi-
site that additional power should be granted to the executive,
that the local, peaceable, and industrious, might be protected
against the. foily and violence of the disorderly. A committee
was usually called for before such power, was asked ; but in the
present case the evils of the country are too notorious to re-
quire a committee, and nothing could be more indicative of the
state of Ireland than the necessity which ministers felt of omit-
ting tnat preliminary. It was no secret conspiracy, no subtle
sowing of the seeds of mischief, but a system of associations and
organized combination defying the government. (Hear.) They
threaten, indeed, the peace and safety of the • community, the
amity and equanimity of the empire, and they must be repressed
or the most lamentable consequences will ensue—(hear, hear)
a system of violence, of turned bodies acting apparently under a
system of organization, committing the most atrocious out-
rages, violating all the rights of property, inflicting the penalty
of death for the double object of intimidation and vengeance,—
deterring prosecutors from proceeding before courts of law,
wiaresses from appearing, juries from doing their duty, and
rendering the law itself impotent for the protection and safety
of the community. (Hear, hear.). All these call • for measures
severe indeed, and inconsistent with the ordinary principles of
the constitution, but necessary, and it is, therefore, the duty of
ministers to propose them. As far as the causes of this state of
things could be reached by legislative relief, the government
would sedulously struggle to relieve them, but there were causes
of another character; and first, the association, new in name,
but old in construction, called the Volunteers of Ireland, the
avowed object of which was the repeal of the union. It was
vain to hope that the redress of grievances alone would restore
peace to Ireland. No one had hoped more than he did, that
die effect of the Catholic Relief Bill would have been the restora-
tion of tranquillity, but that hope was disappointed. He knew
that that bill alone was merely a fundamental measure ; but he
did hope that such a manifestation of attention on the part of
government would have enabled ministers to have proceeded to
other improvements undisturbed by popular violence. Did he
desire to undo what was then done? Certainly not ; but he felt
disappointed at finding that the wish to conciliate had done
nothing, that agitation was preferred to peace, and that the agi-
tators were resolved to continue their work—not till church ccss,
grand juries, and the establishment, were reformed, but until a
repeal of the union was effected. (hear, hear.) 'fill the two
countries were placed in deadly hostility to each other, there was
to be—in the threatening emphasis of the great agitator—agita-
tion, agitation, agitation! It was vain to hope any thing from
remedial measures; (bear) authority must be restored. (Hear.)
The objects might be gathered from the word volunteer itself—
the model chosen from 1782; the extent of the organization; the
central association and its delegates, three to each parish, whose
duty it was to enlist and enrol the farmers,. tenants, &c.l to
assemble with the quarter sessions, to serve instead of police;
to establish a national guard; and, lastly, to supersede the go-
vernment. The association does nut bind by oaths nor meet in
secret; it has been framed by a person ingenious in the law, so
as to keep within the reach of penalties, but to be ready for the
most desperate purposes. Its al owed object is to pacificate Ire-
laud, but the breath of one man can* bring this immense organi-
Eation into action. Mr. Steel had set forth on the mission of
pacificatica, declaring that none but a fierce agitator could be
a pacificator (laughter) a nationally characteristic union (a
laugh) like a man in a lair, dealing blows on all sides, and then
crying peace and good will to all. (Hear, and laughter.) This
man tells the volunteers, as he told the people of Clare, that if
such a crisis shall arise in Ireland as that of 1798, Daniel
O'Connell requests them to Inive recourse to arms, and have
recourse to blood, if necessary. He thought no more need be
said to justify the necessity of the first part of his bill, which
would go to put down this association. (Hear, hear.) But
there were other causes of anxiety; in many parts of Ireland
the state of things. approached to rebellion. Large bodies as-
sembled at the ringing of' chapelbells, at the sound of horns, and
the lighting of signal fires. Ail these meetings of armed persons
had hitherto defied the power of government. It is said, that
these bodies have nothing to do with the association of volun-
teers; but when they were seen to watch the meetings of that
association, and think as it did, was it not more than probable
that they would graft.themselves on that association? (Cheers.)
In the collection of tithes every official person was threatened
with death.' The people were told that government was their
worst eneinY,.and that the law was made to oppress them : could
It then be wondered at that the people defied the law, and that
-c9tifusiou should ensue ? There exists, iu consequente, armed

associations, organized against the law, and which the law of.
itself is incompetent to encounter and suppress. Thus it was
with the whole province of Munster. In ttie province of Con-
naught, the Marquess of Sligo had been obliged to demand in-
creased force for Mayo, because these associations supported a
candidate for the county who was pledged to the repeal of the
union, and in his support, endangered the lives and property of
those who would preserve entire the kingdom. " I have no
doubt," said the noble earl, "that (like those pernicious writers
who address themselves to the inflammable passions of youth for
the purpose of raisin., an excitement, and then think by some
cold mural to quench' the flame) these exhortatious to pursue
this end only by legal means, are intended to palliate and ex-
cuse those who addressed them. They do this with the intent to
protect themselves from the consequences to which they are not
unwilling to expose those who are their dupes. (Hear, hear.)
"These armed associations," said his lordship, "pervade the
country—by night and by day, directing themselves against all '
classes of tne cominunity—for the purposes not only of public
but private vengeance. They prescribe on what terms land
shad be let. Anybody disobeying their mandates is subject to
have his proper destroyed—even the penalty of death indicted
on him. They prescribe how, and by whom, persons shall be
employed; thsy forbid labourers from working for persons ob-
noxious to them; and they forbid those who employ labourers
from employing those whO are not completely subject to their
orders. All this is enforced by acts of the greatest cruelty. and
outrage—by spoliation—by burnings—by murders—by invas
sions—by attacks on houses at dead of night—by setting fire
to them—by bringing the inmates out—by cruelly beating them,
even to such an extent that death ensues—or by intlictnos the
lesser evil of immediate death. (Cries of "Hear.") Now it
will be necessary that the second provision of this measure
shall be calculated to put an end to these night meetings and
night marchings." Any person assisting to enforce the taw as
a witness, is denounced; and one instance his lordship said he
must relate. Tnere is one case in which a mandate of pro-
scription was issued against an unfortunate female—an orphan
child—whose mistress was ordered to dismiss her from her ser-
vice, because her mother had given evidence on one occasion
on a trial for a capital offence. (Hear, hear.) This mandate,
was, of course, issued under a threat of death. (Hear.) And
documents of similar cases, sufficientli numerous to cover the
table, had been forwarded to the government. In Cashel, so
late as January, 29th, five armed men entered the house of an
old man, aged seventy years, who had been warned to give
up land he had held for two vears—he refused, on which
the ruffians forced him to the 'door, and shut him through
the heart. His own son was witness on the trial, and he was in-
timidated from giviug evidence against the murderers of his
father. What further proof was wanting ? At the Kilkenny assi-
ses, on one trial the jury did not agree—considerable excitement
prevailed--considerable apprehension of danger was entertained,
and within half an hour after the jury were dismissed, a placard ap-
peared, stating the natoes,of those who were for the acquittal, and
those who were for " blood"—as it was stated; for their names
where actually headed in the placard, "blood—blood." The con-
sequence was, thatevery one of those who were for the conviction,
and who were plaeardedas desirous of spilling blood, were obliged
to leave the country. In another case, a gentleman, a—" I am
really afraid," said Lord Grey, " to mention his name ; although
on the point of asking your lordships for a measure under
which names may be mentioned without danger—(hear)—a
gentleman, whose father-in-law was murdered, wrote, in reply
to the subpoena, that he would rather pay any. penalty than
give evidence, for iu so doing he would be signing his 'death-
warrant. The most conscientious witnesses and jurors have
done so, and prisoners boast that juries dare nut convict them.
The murdered parties are generally poor persons, and tithes
are not the cause of the dispute. The Attorney-General
reported the following frightful list of crime, committed between
the Ist of January, 1832, and the December of that year :
homicides, `241; robberies, 1,179; burglaries, 431; burnings,
568; houghing of cattle, 290; serious assaults, 163; riots, '231;
rescues, 353; illegal notices, from which I have just stated the
csnsequences, 2,0 W; illegal meetings, 427; injuries to property,
796; attack on houses, 72.3; firing with intent to kill, 202;
robberies of houses, 178; illegal administration of oaths, 164;
resistance to legal process, 3;
.resistance to tithes, 50; turning
up the land, 20; taking forcible possession, 2; making alto-
gether a list of nine thousand and two. crimes committed within
one year; and these crimes are on the increase from month to
month. All these crimes, be it remembered, were committed in
one province (Leinster) in the silo' t space of time already stated.
Catholics as well as Protestants are murdered." He (Earl'
Grey) felt not the least alarm that their lordships would think
he came too early to ask this power. It was now probable that
he should be blamed (and justly) for not listening to the strong
appeals made from the opposite benches last session; but he was
wilting to try all, and his hope had been bitterly disappointed.
He had used all the power of law, backed by the most efficient
army that Ireland ever saw—four times the number that quelled
the rebellion there—(hear)—till it was clearly demonstrated
that these could not support the law, he did not feel justified in
going beyond the law. If his neglect of the advice offered from
the opposite bench had aggravated the evils of Ireland, he de-
plored it as a neglect of duty, but it would show the necessity
of acting now. His lordship now came to state the provisions
by which he meant to remedy these evils. The bill to be pro-
duced included the spirit of several acts, both of the Irish and
the English parliaments. In that part of the bill which relates'
to the suppression of the Volunteer Association, the provisions
are taken from the act of the Bth George the Fourth, chapter 1,
commonly known by the name of the Proclamation Act. By
this act, the Lord Lieutenant will be able to suppress, by order,
the meetings of every assembly. deemed by him to be dangerous
to the pubic safety, or inconsistent with the administration of
the law • and all suppressed, or adjourned, or continued meet-
ings of the same, under any name or pretext whatever. Offences
against this act will be misdemeanour at common law. Alio-
ther part of the act gives power to proclaim certain districts in
a state of disturbance. la these districts new courts will be
established, and a different form of trial had. Offences in these
districts will be tried in the new court, and punished by the new
regulations. Prisoners will hot be allowed to postpone or de-
lay their trials, for such offences against the public peace ought
to subject those who commit them to such treatment as felons
are now judged to be deserving of. By the proclamation of the
Lord Lieutenant, announcing any district as disturbed, all the
inhabitants are to be warned to abstain from seditious and
other unlawful meetings, and to continue iu their houses from
sunsettiug to sunrise. For since these midnight gatherings are
able to elude the military, some power like this must be granted..
The provision is taken from the Insurrection Act. No meetings
of a political character to be allowed without ten day's notice,
and the Lord Lieutenant's permission; of course this only ap-
plies to the proclaimed districts. One clause followed, which
nothing but necessity could prompt. 'the Insurrection Act
leaves the trial of ofiendets to magistrates and courts of law;
but magistrates, even the most upright, are too much intimidated
to act boldly, and it has been seen that witnesses and jurors dare
not observe the sanctity of their oaths through fear of death.
"All these timings," said the noble earl, "appear to his Majesty's
government to render it absolutely necessary that Ireland should,
to a certain extent, be subject to martial laiw. The court mar-
tial will be enabled to try ail offences desciibed in various acts
by the name of Whiteboyisin and other names, as well as of-
fences committed under this act. They will have the power
of trying those offences and pionouncing in the same man-
ner as 'other courts-martial. (Hear' hear, hear.) My lords
I know that this is a substitution of unconstitutional courts
for the ordinary courts of law ; and I feel all the pain
that any oue can ,possibly feel in its adoption ; but then, to
make law effectual for the suppression of all those evils, there
seems to be no possibility of stopping short of what I have
proposed. Courts-martial under this act shall consist of not
less than seven or more than nine members, all of full age,
and each of whom has held a commission in the army for two
years, and they shall not have the power to try for death ex-
cept on the special direction of the Lord Lieutenant. This
security, added to that aflbrded by the character and conduct
of British officers, would make the law, which he acknowledged
to be unconstitutional, but absolutely necessary, as safe as pos-
sible, especially as every court-martial must have as judge ad-
vocate, a King's counsel, or sergeant-at-law. Any person
been out of his house from sunset to sunrise will be liable to
punishment. Any person distributing seditious papers may be
imprisoned for twelve months on conviction, unless he give tip
his employer. If any one shall injure the character or endan-
ger the person or property of a witness or juror, he shall be
transported for seven or fourteen years. Wear.; Officers on
the court-martial to be free from prosecution for any discharge
of their duty, but for any abuse of their power they may be
tried by a court-martial, according to the articles of war. 'there
will be thus established a limited martial law in the proclaimed
districts, and -any person suing out a writ of habeas corpus
within three modals, the answer to the writ shall be held suf-
ficient if it state that the person detained is so under this act.
This is to prevent the danger of persons suing out their Habeas
Corpus to evade the courts-martial. There were other subordi-
nate points which his lordship would not "then press." " Such,
then,. my lords," said Eari. Grey, "is the measure which
i have brought forward. It borrows some of its provisions front
the Insurrection Act, and it particularly suspends the Habeas
Corpus Act. hese arc powers which, in the ordinary exercise
of justice, are absolutely iuscompatible with the British consti-
tution. But they are powers %theft the necessity of the case
appears to me most loudly to call for, and which the state of
Ireland can alone justify. On the maxim—"sales hvpuli, su-
previa her," it has been the practite of all governments, when

the state of the country threatened public tranquillity—when
order was destroyed—(hear, hear) and the liberty of the peo-
people in danger, to resort to the parliament of the catintry to
give these extraordinary powers. My lords, the foundation of
all true liberty is public order, and the moment that public
order is destroyed, liberty ceases to exist. Under a
.govern-
ment possessed-of arbitrary power, liberty could not exist; but
under a government wanting power to controul such violence
as I have described, the security of society would be at an end.
I have stated to your lordships what have been the endeavours
of government to enforce the law; how they have attempted
to put au end to these illegal associations. Illegal they are,
though by cunning devices they may be kept within the strict
letter of the law. 1 have shown your lordships in what man-
ner the outrages which have been committed in Ireland, have
affected property, and even the lives of the peaceable subjects
of that country. (Hear, hear.) And in this extreme dilemma,
my lords, with entire confidence I throw myself on your lord-
ships, and propose those measures which, I trust, will have the
effect of putting an end to these associations. (Hear.) There
is another pilot which I wish to mention, and which I forgot in
the early part of my speech. ( Hear.) I mean a measure to
change the venue in all cases where intimidation shall be prac-
tised, so as to enable the crown, if a fair trial cannot be had iu
the neighbourhood of the place where the offence may be com-
mitted, to remove the trial, and to fix any part of the country,
for the purpose of having a more fair and impartial jury." His
lordship concluded by moving that the bill be laid on the table.
(Great cheering.)
Lord LONGFORD would support the measure proposed by the
noble earl, but he would take that opportunity of saying, that
while the present nobleman ( Anglesey) held the reins of govern-
ment in Ireland, no confidence would he placed in the govern-
ment of that country; and it was with no little astonishment
that lie found his Majesty's ministers recommending this noble-
man to be continued in office in Ireland; for he it was who
desired the people of Ireland to "agitate, agitate, agitate;" with
respect to the measures proposed. He contended that coercion
in this case meant protection, and it was in this view of the
matter that he would support coercion. If coercion had been
adopted a year ago, the state of Ireland would now be very
different from what it is. _ _

The Duke of WELLINGTON would give the measure his best
support., Had such a bill been carried into effect when he and
others recommended its adoption sometime since, the case would
have been very different in Ireland. They ought to have con-
tinued the Proclamation Act two years ago. The measure
before the House did not strike at the root of that great evil,
the perpetual conspiracy between the priests and the dema-
gogues. (Hear.) It was not strong enough to reach them.
'rhe noble earl must know that courts martial could only con-
vict upon evidence given upon oath; but if the intimidation
which now existed was still carried on, the object for which
courts martial were to be created would be defeated, for no
evidence could be brought forward by which convictions could
be obtained. He thought that when persons were arrested
under this act, a magistrate should be present; for it would be
too much to make military officers not only executive officers,
but also to act in the capacity of police. (Hear.) He thought,
too, that before the sentence of the court-martial was carried
into effect, that it should have the sanction of the Lord-lieuten-
ant. The noble duke then observed, in reply to the noble earl,
that the late government did not concede the measure of
Catholic emancipation from the fear of civil war in Ireland. He
denied that that measure had been forced from the government.
In conclusion, he would support the measure before the House.
The EARL of Lixatutinii complained of the attack made upon
his noble relative by the noble lord (Longford.) Ile denied
that his noble relative was the cause of agitation in Ireland;
and the words " Agitate, agitate, agitate," had not the signifi-
cation put upon it by the noble lord; for the word agitate was
meant in a legal sense. He would not say that his noble rela-
tive had the confidence of the country; but this he would say,
that if his noble relative was so dangerous an individual as the
noble lord had stated him to be, the noble lord had not done his
duty as a peer of Parliament in not bringing his conduct before
Parliament.

Lord LONGFORD said, that he would have done what the noble
earl had suggested he ought to have done, but that circumstances
stood in his way.
Lord ELDON was of opinion that the law should be respected,
and to have it respected was to have it fairly administered.
(Hear.) He gave the present measure his unqualified support,
but he thought that the law should be so framed as to give it a
coeval existence with the evil which it was intended to remedy.

Earl GREY said that the noble earl (Longford) had laid dow:U
the principle fairly of those measures intended to be proposed;
that they were to be persevered in only as long as the necessity
for them existed, and he hoped that period would be of short
duration. So anxious were his Majesty's ministers for the limi-
tation of that period, that they had left a blank in the bill to be
filled up hereafter. No person would hail with greater delight
than he would, that the period during which the necessity for the
continuance of this measure should exist, should prove to be of
the shortest possible duration. (Cheers.) And he could assure
their lordships that the proposed measures would not be allowed
to remain in force longer than the necessity of them existed.
(Cheers.) With this view it was that he intended to propose
that they should continue in force till the termination of the
next session of Parliament. It was impossible, under existing
circumstances, that a shorter period could be named.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he concurred to the fullest
extent, iu the motion of his noble friend, and he trusted that
Parliament would see the necessity that justified his Majesty's
Ministers in calling for extraordinary power—(hear, hear)
and that such measures were absolutely necessary. The ne-
cessity of affording protection to the orderly and peaceable
was a sufficient ground for their taking upon themselves the
responsibility of this measure. Such protection was the first
law of a State. The legislature had no right to claim obedi-
ence to its laws. The Crown no right to demand allegiance,
if the legislature and the Crown did not afford in return for
both protection of person and property.—( Hear, hear.) He
would not trespass on their lordships with a detail of those facts
upon which his Majesty's government claimed extraordinary
powers, but he felt confident that no apprehension ought to
exist of any undue exercise of such powers, for they would be
confided to the hands of the noble marquess who now presided
over the government of that country. In the wisdom, the
firmness, and the humanity. which accompanied wisdom and
firmness in a brave nature,—in the firmness and promptitude,
—in all the sterner, as well as all the milder qualities of his
nature, he had the most unbounded confidence ;—he had the
fullest confidence that in such hands none of the powers to be
conferred by this act would be abused, arid that on no occasion
would they 'be called into action unless it were found to be ab-
solutely necessary. With this feeling of confidence were
mixed up his knowledge of the affection of that noble lord for
the people amongst whom he had so long resided, and to whose
interests he was so warmly attached; and the conviction, that
whenever it should be found necessary to carry those powers
into action, firmness would, on all occassions, be tempered
with mercy.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Lord LLLENBOIiOUGH thought their lordships should pause
before they granted such powers, as no documentary evidence
had been laid before them to show that any necessity for them
existed.

The Marquess of LANSDOWNE said, that the protection of the
lives and properties of alb peaceable and industrious portion of
his Majesty's subjects in Ireland, loudly called for such mea-
sures as were now proposed; and the very circumstances which
had been stated by his noble friend who had brought them for-
ward, as forming the necessity on which the application for
them was founded, were in themselves a sufficient answer to the
noble baron's call for documentary evidence, which, by dis-
closing names and persons, would only have the effect of
denouncing some of the best friends of order and just govern-
ment iu that country, to the vengeance of the breakers of the
laws.

The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second
time on Monday.

HOUSE OF COMIYIONS.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 13.

PETITIONS were presented—for the total extinction of tithes, by
Mr. F. O'Consoli, from Youghal—for a reform of the Corporation of
Scarborough, by Sir G. CAYLEY, from certain housekeepers and other
inhabitants of that town—for a repeal of the duty on soap, by Mr. J.
OSWALD, from the soapmakers of Glasgow, and by Mr. PATTEN, from
Rochdale—for the house to proceed immediately to take measures for
the extinction of colonial slavery, by Mr. PELHAM, from Conin„osby—
for a repeal of the duties on malt, by Mr. PATTEN, from Rochdale—
for a revision of the poor-rates, by Sir J. B. WILMOT, from Ather-
stone—for the better observance or the Sabbath, by Mr. ESTCOURT,
from Tetbury—ognitol the assessed taxes, by General PALMER, from
Bath—for the relu'al of the house and window tax, by Sir F. BURDETT,
from the parish of St. Ann, Westminster. Mr. CORBETT said, that
these taxes were odious on account of the notorious partiality that at-
tended their imposition. Laws, though severe, might be just, but
they cannot be just where they are partial. The hon. gentleman re-
peated his former observations on the house tax, and said, before a
penny was granted in a committee of supply, he hoped he should be
able to persuade the house to inquire into the subject of taxation ge-
nerally. A MEMBER, whose name was not known inthe galleg, said
the smaller branches of the assessed taxes were more annoying and
degrading than the house and window taxes. The higher orders shel-
tered themselves from this by compounding for their assessed taxes.
In answer to a question from Lord G. SOMERSET, it was stated by
Lord ALTUORP that two bills were in preparation for newly regulat-
ing the Court of Exchequer.
On the motion of Mr. WARM!, a return was ordered of the number
of persons thst had been lost by shipwreck in the royal navy from the
sth of January, 1816, up to the present period.