The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-06-16 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The space occupied by the corporation reform bill totally pre-
vents us from availing ourselves of the contribution§ of seve-
ral esteemed correspondents before Friday.

'Cie Eiberpool
~E:tanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 16, 1835.

Our parliamentary report, owing to the space occu-
pied by the municipal corporation bill, is to-day more
than usually brief. The negro slavery emancipation
act Was on Friday night the subject of some conversa-
tion in both houses of parliament. In the upper house,
Lord BROUGHAM stated that of the thirty thousand
slaves in the Mauritius, the greater part had been im-
ported after the passing of the act prohibiting that trade,
and therefore that the present owners of these slaves
were not entitled to any relief under the compensation
act.

In the commons, Mr. FOWELL BUXTON gave notice
that on Tuesday (this day) he would bring forward a
motion to suspend the payment of the twenty millions
on the grounds that the conditions stipulated,. for in
favour of the negroes had not been complied with. Mr.
BUXTON also referred to the slaves illegally imported
into the Mauritius, and contended that no compensation
ought to be awarded for them. Sir GEORGE GREY re-
plied, with reference to the Mauritius, that the slaves
imported into that colony had, together with the whole
mass of slaves, become apprentices, and that the com-
pensation for them now stood on a different foundation.
With this answer Mr. BUXTON expressed himself much
dissatisfied: That an attempt would be made to defraud
the planters of the money agreed to be paid to...them
for their emancipated slaves we never had a doubt.
Mr. BUXTON'S motion will, perhaps, remind our readers
of the quarrel between the wolf and the lamb, who
chanced to be slaking their thirst at the same stream i—
where a predisposition to quarrel exists, a pretext for
quarrelling is very easily found.

Our attention has been called to the members of the
committee appointed by Mr. POULETT THOMSON to
take into considCration the duties on timber and to re-
port their opinions thereupon to the house." . It consists
of thirty-two members, twenty-four of whom are well
known to entertain the most decided opinions on the
subject—opinions in favour of the Baltic and foreigners,
and opposed to the trade at present carried on by British
shipowners between this country and our North American
colonies. The object that Mr. POULETT Tame:mop; has in
view may be conjectured when we mention that Mr.
WARBURTON, Mr. GROTE, Mr. LABOUCHERE, Mr. HUTT,
Mr. ROEBUCK, and Mr. EWART, are members of the com-
mittee, and that Lord SANDON, Lord FRANCIS EGERTON,
and Mr. MATHIAS ATTWOOD, are excluded. Lord SAN-
DON, we understand, is to call the attention of the house
to the subject. If ever there was a packed jury in the
world this is one. Our colonial trade can have no chancel
in such hands. Why, it is notorious that Mr. WARBUR-
TON owns large forests on the shores of the Baltic, and
is deeply concerned in promoting his own interests at
the expense of the British shipowner, and the colonists
and owners of property in Canada. Surely if there had
been any regard for decency or impartiality, the name of
Mr. WARBURTON would have been omitted. If the trade
of the country is thus to be placed at the mercy of so
many interested speculators and senseless visionaries, no
man of property
.is safe for asingle hour. There will be
a petition from Liverpool on the subject in a few days,
and we fruit the strongest and most urgent remonstrances
will be made.

Often have the columns of this paper been the channels
of earnest appeals to the protestant. subjects of King
WILLIAM the FOURTH. We have cried aloud against
the degrading errors of Romanism—we have laid bare

the cold heresies of Socinian introduction, we have
warned every friend of order against the hydra-headed
monster of dissent, and it has even been our painful duty
to admonish those who minister at the sanctuary, but we
certainly were not prepared for such an attack upon the
church of our fathers as we have now before us from the
pen of an archdeacon of that church.
We allude to a handbill purporting to be Archdeacon
Glover's Letter to the Very Reverend the Dean of Nor-
wich on the Church Altablz'shment. It has seldom
fallen to our lot to read language on sacred matters
which partakes so little of apostolical soberness as this
precious document. The enemies of the church at the
present moment are unquestionably the confederate
band of papists and schismatics ; but her impregnable.
fortress would be proof against even the apprehension of
danger had she not traitors within the camp. ,Such men
as Archdeacon (!) GLOVER and the Rev. Doctor WADE,
and others whom we forbear to mention, as being less 1,
conspicuous in the impious work—these are the men
who, holding sweet dalliance with th 6 enemy, are pre-
pared at any moment to betray the citadel. It shall
arise from no faulty negligence on our part if these
" hirelings, whose own • the sheep are not," be suffered
any longer to hide their malignant features of treachery
and anarchy under the vitiated and spurious mask of
a christian charity and regard for the opinions of others.
Now to our work.
The occasion of the manifesto before us seems to have
had its rise in the Dean of Norwich having requested

Dr. GLOVER to lend his countenance to an address,

praying the King to withstand an alienation of the re-
venues of that branch of our church which is situated in
the sister island. This he refuses to do, and proceeds to
allege certain reasons for this conduct. He begins by
informing us that he considers warm professions of
loyalty and duty in times like the present are " cruel
snares" to beguile the King, and are especially " ill-
timed and mischievous."

Is that a " snare" which would preserve the King from
a violation of his sacred oath ? Is that " ill-timed"
which is calculated to avert the downfall of the church ?.
Is that " mischievous" which would secure to us our
temples for the true worship of the living GOD ? Away
with such trash ! We stay not now to quarrel with the
archdeacon for the mournful paean which he sings over the
late appeal to the nation ; we wait not to show the
shuffling manner in which this guide talks of the PEEL
and MELBOURNE-O'CONNELL administration; we will,
however, answer the folloWing question in connexion
with the recent dissolution of parliament. He asks,
" What has been the result ?" We reply, a mighty

triumph of truth over error. Give us but such another de-
feat and then, whiglings, retire to your owls' nests and
hide in their native darkness your diminished heads.
A contemporary has alluded to the spirit of this letter
by quoting a passage showing the love of pelf exhibited
by the writer: We proceed to detect and expose a base
falsehood. We are gravely told that "it is from the state
that our church revenues, as protestantS, were derived."
Not so fast, reverend sir. Know you not that the church
of Rome is, and was at the time of the reformation, an
apostate church—apostate from. the faith of the early
christians- apostate from the faith of the donors of vast
portions of their ecclesiastical property ? If you are not
cognizant of the fact, it is high time you should be. Go,
reverend sir, to
.your study, consult the " monastic re-
cords" of which you so sneeringly speak, show'a:better
acquaintance with the legal tenure of our church pro-
perty, and do not again insinuate that the promulgation
of an anti-christian idolatry and atheism was the object
and intent of these endowments, which you , are anxious
to see answered.

The archdeacon now proceeds to say " The church of
Ireland is an entirely different and isolated question. It
is so widely separated from the church of England, both
in character and usefulness, that it is idle to represent
them, except for the purposes of party, as linked toge-
ther." We do not trust ourselves with furnishing the
answer to this extraordinary statement. We gladly bor-
row language from one who, being also an archdeacon,
has not partaken of the base leaven of anti-christian
liberality, and is not prepared to hand over his church
to the demoniacal and infuriate band of its belea-
guering enemies. We allude to the charge delivered
to his clergy in the present year by the Rev. and Vene-
rable Archdeacon WILKINS-a charge not unworthy of
his former protests against prevalent errors in religious
opinion. Speaking of the Irish church, be thus writes:—

" That branch is an integral part of our establishment. The
church of which we are ministers is the united church of Eng.
land and Ireland. The laws of the one are the statutes of the
other—the churches are so identified with each other as to form
two separate parts of one and the same establishment, and if it
be just to spoliate the one, it, is equally so to weaken and
despoil the other."

Here we have a clear statement of a simple truth-7-a
statement worth ten thousand such instances of the
petitio princzpii as is exhibited in the weak and enve-
nomed letter of which we are now writing. We much
question if there be any other instance on record of so
flagrant a desertion of protestant duty,as is exemplified
in this letter to the Dean of Norwich.' We have here
a man who has not `only professed and sworn his own
attachment to the articles of our pure faith, but one
whose duty it is to see that others do not make light of
their pastoral charge ; we have, in short, a dignitary
invested with high and authoritative functions telling
the world that no religion ought to be the established
religion, unless it be of the form professed by the ma-
jority. Here is, indeed, an awful exemplification of the
stifling of the vox Dei by the maddened cry of the vox
populi. We have here an unblushing assertion of the
novel and dangerous dogma, that "the power of protes-
tantism to do good should vary inversely as the power of
popery to do evil,"—a dogma so monstrous that we trem-
ble for our nation when we see it sanctioned by a digni-
tary of our church. • Once let this be the tenure of
protestant existence, and we may soon expect to hear the
fiendish accents of popish .rebels exclaiming, that there
lives not a single protestant in Ireland ! For as in the
memorable massacre contemplated by the papists in 1605
and 1678,\ so now would they not hesitate to involve spi-
ritual foes and friends in one common massacre rather
than that any of the former should escape—ai in the Jew-
ish history we read that HEROD slew even his own son
lest the promised MESSIAH should escape alive. For in
the proceedings of the Irish papists we cannot fail to re-
cognize a conspiracy formed for the subversion of our
nation and religion. Their object and that of their arch-
leader seems to be the acquiren,tent of an infamous cele-
brity by the immolation of their King and country to the
fury of a licentious rabble ; and while destruction is
spreading his sable wings over the land from verge to
verge of the horizon, and sweeping the scattered elements
of social happiness into one mouldering mass of death,
then—aye, even at that moment when desolation bath
done its deadliest work, and the state of. things is such
that even sin and death might flee to hide themselves in
chaos for horror at their own work—then it is that the
great agitating curse of Ireland will himself rise on this
fearful platform of his own construction, and stand forth
as the conspicuous monument of 'protestant annihilation
and popish ascendancy.
Such is the character of those men in accordance with
whose views Dr. GLOVER tells us we should sacrifice
our church. The Irish branch of our church is to
be lopped off' because some people have an " hereditary
avers'oa" to it. Carry this argument out, and we shall
then pronounce religion a fable, and christianity
in-
compatible with the present advanced state of intellec-
tual research.
Is there not reason for wonder that we should still be
asked to concede to our Romish brethren, after the total
failure for any good purpose of what we have already
yielded. We have admitted them to a civil equality;
are we to wash away the spiritual landmarks ?
Instead of the calm which was to follow popish eman-
cipation, the same boisterous euoroelydon has risen
again upon our coasts, and seems to 'threaten to sink
this kingdom deeper than ever in the gulph of misery.
For such is the disposition of men whose delight it is
to be always uppermost, like mire in troubled waters,
that nothing is a greater eye-sore to them than a last-

ing peace.
Now follows a deal of stupid ribaldry about deans
and chapters, which is so unworthy the name of argu-
ment, and so derogatory to the character of him who
wrote it, that we content ourselves with a bare allusion.
The story about the Carfax clergyman reminds us of
one BEVERLEY, who, being notorious as a reckless
character while at the University, and celebrated as the
subsequent object of several public castigations, thought
to add to his celebrity by bedaubing Alma Mater with
his slimy filth, thinking to prove Cambridge gene-
rally corrupt, by telling us that himself and associates
were a disgrace to human nature. So with Archdeacon
GLOVER; he does not tell us whether this hurried ser-
vice was not at his own request ; he does not inform us
whether he had been an instrument in the hands of the
devil for the corruption of this Carfax clergyman. But
he tells us that there was no service in the church on
„some particular evening, and that he acqnlirSted in this
omission. Upon this gratuitous assertion of his own
connivance at evil he grounds an unjust argument with
respect to the Irish church, an argument base in itself,
but ten thousand times baser from having its origin in
ribald nonsense. But though we thus treat futile and
absurd argument, we cannot allow a writer who pre-
fixes reverend to his name to utter falsehoods with im-
punity. We are told that "parliament has for a long
series of years 'voted protestant money for catholic pur-
poses." When ? What money ? The assertion is
'false ; must we be compelled to add, wilful:y false ?
Parliament • has voted money to general .purposes;
but the public money comes from general sources.
Taxes are paid by catholics as well as protestants, and
it is from the taxes that Maynooth and similar grants
are made. But evn were this not a lie in the outset,
it is false that it has been done without a "religious
outcry." The illustration of the "poor beggar" is
meagre and puerile in the extreme, and wholly inca-
pable of application in the case of robbing the revenues
of a protestant ecclesiastic establishment.
Neither is the reference to the,Lancastrian schools of
any weight. Their positive influence is still matter of dis-
pute. For our own part we arc inclined to look upon
them as engines which, unless very judiciously watched,
. will still add to the vast scheme of guilt in which this
. ination seems involved. We admit the "rapid," but we
altogether deny the "safe" increase of knowledge.
We again borrow from the valuable charge of Arch-
deacon WILKINS, to which we have already alluded, in
order to answer the oft-repeated nonsense about the reve-
nues of the protestant church being "wrested," &c.:—
" It must be remembered," says Dr. Wilkins, "that this pro-
perty not only devolved, by the law of inheritance, from one to
the other, but was also confirmed by the 'act of reformation, and
that although to the measure of the uniou of the two countries

. .
he catholics were favourable and the protestants adverse, yet
both agreed that the one legislature should yield to the other its
separate rights, or as the act itself expresses it, 'the union of
the churches of England and Ireland shall be deemed to be
essential, and taken to be a fundamental part of the union.'
Now, although in this compact no condition was made against
the removal of the civil disabilities of the people, there was a
very specific stipulation for the retention of the whole church
property; so that it is impossible to divert any portion of it (ex-
clusively given in trust for the maintenance of our religion) to
any purpose not strictly in accordance with it, without at once
violating the principle of the trust so committed to the protest-
ant church, and the principle upon which the union of the two
countries is founded. The great bulk of the landed property in
Ireland is the property of the. protestants, and although the
occupiers of it are chiefly catholics, yet the tithe which they
pay, and which their labour produces, is claimed from the land-
lord as a deduction from the rent ; so that, its point of fact, the
burthen is not imposed upon the occupiers, but on the owners
of landed property, who, whether protestants or catholics, know
and acknowledge that the tenth part of the land is not theirs,
BUT BELONGS OF RIGHT TO THE CHURCH ITSELF."

But we must in mercy stay our pen; and, in conclusion,

thank Archdeacon GLOVER for referring us to the "faith
of our primithe founders." By that faith we are con-
tent to stand. They bled for our hearths and altars—

they were massacred by popish fiends—they felt the hor-
rors of the inquisition, the torments of the rack. They saw
and exclaimed against that creed, by which he is declared
the greatest saint who is the most expeditious suicide.
They did not, as.did the papists, retire to the cloister, in
order the more readily to deform virtue, nor did they be-
take themselves to the schools to mistify faith.
To our "primitive founders" we look back with grati_
tude. We praise and bless GOD for having enabled them
to strike off the fetters of Romish superstition, and to
loose themseles from the manacles of papal bondage.
And while we thus praise and bless GOD for the past, we
look to him for help in the time to come. And if we
look and pray faithfully for this, we may safely and boldly
say, let the sons of Belial conspire and contrive what
they please—let the covetous priests build seven altars
and add seven more to them, and let theth offer upon
every one seventy times seven bullocks, and as many
rams, masses, relics, candles, posts, and what they please—
let them lay their crafty heads together, aye, even call
up the ministers of Pandemonium to their consultation—
let them prepare every torture, and summon to their aid
every rebel apostate, and we can still exclaim, all is vain,

for "He that sittetli in the heavens will laugh. The
LORD shall have them in derision, he shall speak unto
them in his wrath, and vex them in his sore displeasure."

We have done with this Archdeacon GLOVER, and to
all those who like repasts, fit only for the furies, we say,
feed still on the lacerated entrails of your distracted
church, but beware—" The day of retribution is at hand."

From a list of about three hundred notices of motions,

entered in the books of the House of Commons last week,
we select the following as curiosities.
Mr. Buckingham—bill for authorising the constitution of
courts of honour, as tribunals for the adjudication of those dis-
putes now commonly decided by an appeal to arms; with a view
to provide a competent substitute for the absurd, murderous,
and unchristian practice of duelling.
Mr. 'wart—address to the crown in favour of the appoint-
ment of peers for life.
Colonel Evans--To draw the attention of the house to the in-
convenience and dangers of the late assumption of the diff.rent
offices and powers of the state by the Duke of Wellington being
liable to be drawn into a precedent.

Mr. W. S. O'Brien--in committee on the bill for the

franchisement of the borough of Stafford, to move, that the pri-
vilege of sending two members to parliament be transferred from
the borough of Stafford to the county of Cork.
Mr. Waklev—to move that an humble address be presented
to the King, praying that his Majesty will be pleased to grant
a pardon to, and direct the recal of the six Dorsetshire labourers,
who were convicted at the assizes held at Dorchester in the

spring of 1834, on a charge of having taken an oath which was
not required by law, and who were thereupon sentenced to trans-
portation for the term of seven years.

Air. F. Maule—bill for relief of the tenants and occupiers of
land in Scotland horn the damages done to their crops by hares;

pheasants, and rabbits.

Mr. Grantley Berkeley—to move that a portion of the stran
gers' gallery be set apart for the accommodation of the ladies.

Mr. Ewart—select committee, to inquire into the best means
of extending a knowledge of the arts and of the principles of de-
sign among the people (especially among the manufacturing
population) of the country; and also to inquire into the consti-
tution of the Royal Academy, and the effects produced by it.
Mr. Ewart—re-appointment of select committee on the claim
of Baron de Bode.

Mr. Buckingham—bill to authorize the purchase of land for
the purpose of making public walks, gardens, and places of
public recreation in the open air in the neighbourhoods of all
towns, for the use of the population generally.
Mr. Buckingham—bill to authorize the erection of public in-
stitutions, to embrace the means of diffusing literary and sci-
entific information, and forming libraries and museums, in all
towns, for the use of the inhabitants of the same.
Mr. Andrew Johnson—address for copies of communications
from the parishioners of Kirkmichael, county of Ayr, received
by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, respecting
the recent appointment of a minister to that parish, and of his
answers to the same.

Mr. Sharman Crawford—copies of any reports from the ma-
gistrates, or officers 'bf the constabulary, to his majesty's go-
vernment, with reference to riotous proceedings which lately
took pace in the village of Ballykelly, parish of Tamlaghfin-
lagan, and county of Londonderry.
Mr. Ewart—(in committee of supply) on the vote for educa-
tion in the estimates, to submit to the house the propriety of en-
couraging the formation of public libraries in towns, open to all
classes of the community.

In the above will be found no less than four motions
or intended motions, by our very sagacious representa-

tive, Mr. WILLIAM EWART. The honourable member,
it seems, is in favour of life-rent peers whose honours
and titles shall die with them. He is, we suppose, con-
vinced that talent is not hereditary; perhaps he has proof
of this in his own person; and he is anxious that the
HOWARDS, PERCYS, and GROSVENORS should be placed
on the same level with the EwARTS. But might not the
member for Liverpool carry his scheme a little farther,
and thereby increase the utility of its operation ? Why
not move for leave to bring in a bill to compel every per-
son who aspires to a seat in the House of Commons to
p►oduce testimonials that lie has learnt to read and write,
that he can behave like a gentleman, and that he has
some knowledge of the etymology and definitions of the
English language ? This, in our humble opinion, would
be a much more wholesome reform, and a more beneficial

measure.

As we do not know what Mr. EWART means, in his

second motion, by "extending the principles of design
among the people," we pass it by for the present in order
to reach that which has reference to the "formation of
public libraries in towns, open to all classes of the corn-

munity."
We confess we did not knew until now that there were
any towns in England and Scotland in which there are
no libraries "open to all classes of the community." But
supposing this to be the case, what is the reason ? If there
be a town where there is no library, would it not be well
to inquire, before a library is established,whether the
people" can read. Every Englishman cannot boast of the
advantages which Mr. EWART has derived from educe.
tion ; and we presume that the absence of libraries can
only be accounted for upon the assumption that books are
not indispensable where the schoolmaster has not yet
been.

But why establish public libraries at all ? Would it not
be equally wise to establish shops for the distribution of
ginger beer in hot weather, " open to all clases of the
community ?" The good subjects of the King who sell,
and make a living by selling that spicy and fermented
water, (which by the way is so much like some members
of parliament,) would not like to see a public pump for
the free distribution of ginger beer. They would be
apt to exclaim, "The parliament has taken the bread out
of our mouths!—the parliament has reduced us to pau-
perism!—the parliament has sent our wives and children
to the workhouse!—the wisdom of the wise has been our
ruin!"

There are many persons too, who in various towns
obtain their livelihood from their stock in trade of books,
which they call circulating libraries. Some of these per-
sons, we are inclined to believe, voted for 111 r. EwAnT at
the last election. But what would they say if their trade
was intruded upon by parliamentary rivals, and their
customers inundated with books obtained free of all
charge, and " open to all.classes of the community ?"
Would they not think that parliament was interfering
with their means of subsistence, and depriving them of
their property ?
It is lamentable to see the time and the books of the
House of Commons wasted and disgraced by such con-
temptible absurdities. To see men who are supposed to
have arrived at the years of discretion bringing forward
motions which would bring disgrace on a schoolboy, is
a sad reflection on the march of intellect. Legislation on
panning tops—legislation on mouse traps—legislation

JUNE 16, 1835.

on poor lads calling "sweep" in the streets, was per-
haps worthy of the first reformed parliament ; but we
contend that it is unworthy of any set of men having the
slightest pretensions to the character of British states-
men. We wish some respectable and intelligent radical
would read Mr. EWART a lecture on these matters. If
he or the House of Commons have any funds to spare for
the benefit of the people, let them give the people bread,
bacon, and beer. Before they begin with libraries, let
them feed the hungry and clothe the naked. Before they
•
pamper the middle classes with nonsensical books, with
the fooleries of the political economists, with the trashy
writings of Lord BROUGHAM, or with the magazines and
Melanges of simpering pantaloons and literary thimble-
riggers, let them give food to the poor man, and increase
the comforts of the labourer. We have too many books,
such as they are, already. Education as it is pursued in
too many instances already, is a curse rather than a bles-
sing-to the working classes, and it is pernicious in the
highest degree when conferred, as is too much the case,
without the appliances and influences of pure religiort.
But we take leave of Mr. EWART, and turn to a mem-
ber who is Called SHARMAN CRAWFORD. This worthy
gentleman has a motion on the books relative to certain
" riotous proceedings which lately took place in the
village of Ballykelly, parish of Tamlaghtfinlagan, and
county of Londonderry." There reader ! read that mo-
tion, but be careful of your jaws. The whole matter is
.an Irish row in an obscure village, in which no doubt
some descendant of a Milesian king has broken the head
or shins of some other person of similar descent, and yet
this cannot be allowed to pass, or be settled by the local
magistrates, without eliciting a long string of unintel.

ligible speeches in the House of Commons. Gracious
powers ! are these matters worthy the attention of a
British parliament ? Are there not five hundred ques-
tions of ten thousand times more importance which de-
mand investigation and adjustment, and the consideration
of which is postponed in consequence of a riot in the
village of Ballykelly, parish of Tanilaghtfinlagan, and
county of Londonderry ? 0 wise age ! beautiful states-
men ! precious patriots !

In short it is only necessary to glance at the several
motions to be assured of their silliness and absurdity.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM proposes to establish "courts of ho-
nour" to prevent duelling. Mr. Fox MAULE is to bring
in a bill to relieve "tenants and occupiers of land in
Scotland from the damages done to their crops by hares,
pheasants, and rabbits." Why not snails and grubs,
beetles and caterpillars, rats and mice ? Bless the man !
does lie not know that tenants take their lands subject to
the injury done to their crops by rabbits as well as rats ?
It would seem not. What a legislator ! One Mr.
O'BRIEN is to move that the right of returning members

to parliament in the borough of Stafford be transferred,
of all places in the world, to the county of Cork ! Why
Cork ? Why not Derrynane Abbey at once ? But we
are sick of the subject.

We regret to observe that Lord STANLEY, without
being challenged, has taken the field against conserva-
tive associations. The noble lord will, by and by, per-
haps have a/ much cause to regret this as we do now.
Most of our readers know that one of these societies has
recently been formed for the northern division of this

county, and in a long letter to Sir THOMAS HESKETII,

published in the Preston Pilot, Lord STANLEY " &pre-

cates" the institution. He says:—

" I do not deny that the present is a period at which great
nterests are at stake : I do not deny that the reform bill itself,

necessary as I believe that measure to have been, and called
for by the deliberate opinion of the country, may have had tbo
effect of stimulating the desire of political change, and of excit-

ing in men's minds an overweening anxiety for alterations in

our institutions, and an unreasonable expectation of advantages
to be derived therefrom. I am far from denying that to correct
such exaggerated expectations, to reason away such overstrained
desires—nay, even to expose the sophistries of ignorant or mischiev-
ous quack doctors in politics, who impose upon the ill-informed by

persuading them that the benefit to be derived must be commensu-
rate with the strength of the dose administered—may become the
duty of those whom Providence has placed in a station to give
them the means of forming a more dispassionate judgment, and
the influence to add weight to that judgment on the minds of
others. But that such objects may be most beneficially pro-
moted by an organization of clubs and corresponding societies;
that such organization, though it were compelled by an ovei-
whelming necessity, can be productive of even partial good
without entailing at least corresponding evils of fearful magni-
tude, I do, for my own part, utterly disbelieve."

We much question the "deliberate opinion" here al-
luded to, but n'importe ; his lordship proceeds :

" Against what are you defending yourselves? Are you
united for the purpose of protecting your principles and the
representatives of your principles against some dangerous coun-
ter-organization occupied in disseminating republican doctrines,
in weakening the prerogatives of the crown, in nnderminingthe
independent character of the House of Lords, in controlling
the freedom of the House of Commons ? If such general orga-
nization there be in North Lancashire, I have lived in as igno-
rance of it which I do not wish disturbed."

Lord STANLEY asks, with some apparent earnestness,—
" against what are you defending yourselves ?" We
will tell him. Perhaps Lord STANLEY has some faint
recollection of a powerful and menacing association
called the Birmingham union, which has ceased to exist,
not from any reaction of spirit, but from the want of
funds, or rather from the dishonesty of its members, who
have become involved in debt which they either cannot
or will not pay. Now, if Lord STANLEY have any re-
collection of the Birmingham and other political unions,-
he can hardly fail to remember that the conservative
associations were formed to counterbalance the influence
of the unions. They have succeeded in all those places
where they have ripened into or near to maturity. But
for these profligate unions we believe, most conscienti-
ously believe, that the conservative associations never
would have been called into existence. And who
patronised the unions ? Not Lord STANLEY, perhaps,
but the government of which Lord STANLEY was a mem-
ber. Lord ALTHORP and Lord JOHN RUSSELL were cor- .
responding members of the Birmingham union. Earl
GREY'S franks were used in hundreds to promote its
object. Lord BROUGHAM secretly- worked with them
through a sly unitarian attorney, JOSEPH PARSES by
name. In short, the unions formed what was afterwards
termed the " pressure from without'a pressure origi-
nally given from within. Ministers made the giant
which they subsequently found they could not controul.
But at that period did we hear any, eloquent depreca-
tions come from the lips of Lord STANLEY ? Did he
write letters to Binningharft - condernting unions,-and
inferentially condemning his -colleagues ? No, -no ;
they were then as useful to Lord STANLEY as they were
to Lord GREY and Lord JOHN RUSSELL. They were
the cat's-paw of the day ; the auxiliaries of reform.
Possibly we shall be told by some of the noble Lord's
friends that, as the Birmingham union is defunct, it is
impolitic to establish conservative associations. Stop a

bit, worthy friend. The political unions are only nomi-
nally defunct; they survive in all their deformity in the
shape of trades unions, which are political and secret
clubs of the most monstrous kind, the members of which
are bound by oaths, and who do not even stop at assassi-
nation to accomplish their purposes.
But Lord STANLEY is pleased to observe, "if such
general organization there be in North Lancashire, I
have lived in an ignorance of it which I do not %visit
disturbed." But his lordship's ignorance must be dis-
turbed. The " wish" here, we suspect, is not the father
of the thought. If Lord STANLEY be ignorant of the fact,
his is culpable and unpardonable ignorance. There is
not a town—there is hardly a village in England, in
which there is not a trade's union; and the members of
these unions, almost to a man, vote against conservative
interests and in favour of levelling and destructive can-
didates. Who returned ATTWOOD and SCHOLEFIELD
Birmingham ? The political union. Who returned
EW ART for Liverpool, THORNELY for Wolverhampton,•
WAKLEY for Finsbury, and many others ? The trades
unions. Who did return the king's attorney-general for
Dudley but the trades' unior. of that-town, under the dis-
play of the tri-coloured flag, the hated emblem of revo-
lutionary France—the emblem of sacrilege, plunder and
assassination?

Lord STANLEY must therefore permit us to tell him
that similar unions exist in many parts of the, important
district which he represents in parliament, and that it is
to resist arid neutralize their power that the ,conservative.

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association in the north as well as in the south of Lan-
cashire has been formed. If the noble lord imagines that
he can damp the ardour of the members, by deprecating
their proceedings, he is very *inch deceived, if not gross-
ly imposed .upon. His fulminations, princely though
they be, will only have the effect of stimulating the as-
sociations to greater exertions. No opposition has yet
been offered to Lord STANLEY in this county, because
Lord STANLEY has been considered to be in spirit and in
principle a conservative. But his opposition to the so-
ciety may rouse opposition. We throw out the hint in
time. Those who are not
-with us are against us !

We have made considerable sacrifices to make room
for the whole of the corporation reform bill, which will
be found in the impression of this day; we must, how-
ever, defer any observations upon it until Friday,

LONDON LATEST NEWS.

City, Saturday Evening, Half-past Seven o'clock.

Two defaulters have been declared in our foreign market
during the week. The English securities have been on the ad-
vance, and yesterday the closing price of Consols for Account
was 92. This morning the market was rather, flatter, and the
closing price this afternoon was 91; for the Account. Money
is very scarce here for commercial purposes, and Exchequer
Bills and India Bonds have, in consequence, receded from their
extreme recent advance, the for"mer closing at 26 to 30, and the
latter at 8 to 10.

In our foreign market there is•but slight reaction from the
extreme decline. Spanish Bonds have been as low as 34, and
the Scrip at 19 discount, the former closed at 40,,aud the latter
at 151 this afternoon. Portuguese Stock is firmer, being at
861, and the 3 per Cents. are 62. In other Bonds little is doing.
Columbian Bonds are 34; Chilians 46; Mexican, 34; and
Dutch 5 per Cents. 100 f.

STATEMENT OF RF.CEIPTS OF COTTON,
FOR TILE YEAR ENDING IST OCTOBER, 1834:

Louisiana and Mississippi.
' Lake #-.,....••••••,......•,..4....•.;••• ....4.. • ' • 9,223
North, Alabama, and Tennessee.,.. ;... 135,542
Arkansas • 1,616
Texas . 917.
Mobile
•.. ,
Florida

641,435
258,655
227,359
33,220
44,725-

Georgia...
South Carolina..
North Carolina
!Virginia .

77,945

Crop of 1833 and 1834..

1,205,394