The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

The able speech of Lord Ashley, on Thursday
night, in urging his motion for leave to introduce a
Ten Hours' Factory Bill, ought to decide the ques-
tion as to the practicability of such a measure being
carried out, without injury either to employers or
their operatives. On the grounds of humanity and
morality, the necessity of the measure has been
proved years ago. His Lordship shews us now
that the experiment of a reduction of the hours of
labour for adults to eleven hours per day has been
tried by Mr. Gardner, an extensive spinner and
manufacturer of Preston; and the result has been,
from Mr. Gardner's own data, that the total pro-
duce of working has not decreased at all. The
leading argument, hitherto used against reduction,
has been, that the produce would decrease in pro-
portion with the reduction in time; and that, hence,
reduction of wages must follow. No such reduc-
tion of wages has taken place in Mr. Gardner's
mills. The quality of the work done was better,
owing to the workers being able to retain their
energies during the eleven hours of working more
easily than during twelve. The health of the hands
employed has undergone a marked improvement.
In reply to Lord Ashley's question as to " the
means of improvement, if any, which the diminution
of daily labour was found to give to both sexes for
the comfort and duties of domestic life," the follow-
ing statement was furnished him, by Mr. Gardner,
which his Lordship considers "the most striking
and satisfactory of all "

" When our mills worked 12 hours, the number that
attended night school was 27, and a few months of er the
change they increased to 96 ; the female part of our
hands timed their leisure time more to the needle, and
those that are married, to their domestic concerns ; I be-
lieve there is a better taste for reading among the work-
people ;' and he instances the demand for Bibles and
Testaments."

We may add, that the hands themselves were uni-
versally satisfied with the change, and the best
relations subsisted between them and their em-
ployer. . _ .

Prom other evidence adduced by his Lordship, it
was shown that similar results had attended experi-
ments made in different parts of the country, where
the time had been limited to ten hours a day.
" In October last," he says, " I received a letter from
a very large powerloom weaver in Scotland, who volun-
teered the communication to me, knov,ing the part I had
taken on this question, and in what way I was likely to be
engaged with it, and he says he has himself instituted the
experiment, with these results :—' About six months ago
we came to the resolution of employing our workpeople
only 65 hours a-week, instead of 69 ; it has been entirely
successful; we have ha I no reason to regret the change,
neither have our workpeople; we made no alteration in
the wages, and there never was more earned in our works
than at present by those employed at work paid by the
piece. We have it in con'emplation now to reduce our
time to 60 hours. The more I have considered the matter,
the more convinced have I become that for all parties a
ten -hours' bill would-be advantageous.' I have a similar
report from a large worsted mill near Bradford ; the pro-
prietor says be has lately tried the ten-hours plan with
profit and advantage I have another report from a wool-
len mill near Leeds ; the overlooker says. the limitation
of the hours of labour has been of incalculable benefit to
the labourers, not only in relieving physical suffering, but
in distributing the wages over a longer period. I have
another report from a worsted weaver in the West Riding;
he says, I have been trying the ten-hours' principle,
and I get nearly as much work done as my neighbour gets,
who works for a longer time.' A manufacturer in the
West Riding writes, that he " used to work 16 hours
a-day, but he gets more work and better work in 10 than
he ever did in 16.' (Hear, hear.) These are the results
of experiments instituted in various parts of this country,

and in every instance the amount of work produced has
not fallen off, the wages have not diminished, the physical
condilion of the people has been much improved, they
have turned to great moral advantage the time placed at
their disposal, and the best understanding has arisen be-
tween the employer and the operative."

As a further encouragement to persevere in the
cause of humanity, his Lordship shows, most con-
vincingly, the great amount of benefit to the working
classes in factories, derived from past measures of
amelioration, viz :—those measures of the past two
sessions, by which the period of working children
under thirteen years of age was reduced, first to
eight hours, and subsequently to six hours per day;
and that of young people between the ages of thir-
teen years and eighteen years, was limited to twelve
hours per day. It was predicted that these changes
would prove ruinous to those, for whose benefit they
were expressly enacted. After noticing these pre-
dictions, his Lordship continues

Now, let us see how 'far the prediction in regard to these
classes was founded in truth. I shall take first the work-
ers between the ages of 13 and 18, whose labour was re-
stricted by the bill of 1833 to 12 hours a-day. The ave-
rage rate of wages for those young persons before the re-
striction of 1833 was ss. 4d. a-week ; the average rate of
their wages since the restriction has been 6s. lld. a-week,
thus showing an increase of 30 per rent. on the average
drawn from the four large towns of Manchester, Bolton,
Preston, and Oldham. (Hear.) It was predicted also that
the wages of children would be reduce.l to a mere fraction.
Now, observe that the average rate of wages for children
under 13 years of age, at more than 12 hours a-day, before
1833, was 3s .Id. a-week. When the limitation took place
that none under 13 years should be exposed to more than
8 hours a-day, there was no diminution whatever. Since
that time Parliament has passed another law, restricting
the labour of children under 13 to 6 hours. We have seen
that with more than 12 hours' labour their average wages
were 3s. Id. ; but during the period they have been work-
ing only 6 hours a-day, their average wages have been
2s. 2d. a week. (Hear.", And though the wages have
in this way been less, yet, in many instances, the families
of these children have not suffered any loss. By the
restriction of he hours of labour of these children, there
has been a greater demand for children of that age than
formerly, and families that used to send one child to the
factory now send two, by which the weekly wages are
increased. (Hear.)
So far, therefore, his Lordship's views are tri-
umphantly confirmed, and those of the politico-
economical school, who opposed the ameliorations
in question, have been corn i; letely overthrown, and
proved to be worthless. Wit beyond this his Lord-
ship shows that these meas.::es have already exer-
cised a powerful effect, in promoting the spread of
education amongst the lab '..ring classes.— _ _ _

" It is difficult," he remarks, " to obtain statistical in.
formation as to the condition of children under 13 years
of age before 1833, but this we know, that very few were
receiving any education at all. Now I have grounds to
assert, there are working six hours a-day, and receiving
three hours' education a-day, no less than 30,000 children
between 8 and 13 years of aye. In Manchester, Bolton,
and Preston, the increase of children at school is as eight
to one, and these are exclusive of those who attend night
schools. But the increase in school attendance of those
above 13. who are kept at the lull period of labour, 12
hours a- day, is hills or nothing."

Of course, the latter is likely to be the case. The
boy or girl, of 15 or 16 years of age, who has
worked twelve hours a day in a factory, is more
likely to feel an inclination fur rest or sleep than for
education ; and by these classes, in consequence,
the night school is deserted.
On this occasion,. no Ministerial opposition was
offered to his Lordship; and, therefore, we are as
yet somewhat in the dark as to the grounds upon
which a Conservative Government can jdstify such
opposition. Sufficient, however, fell from Sir James
Graham, on Thursday, to assure us of the fact that
such opposition will Le offered,—that, with respect
to the overtoiled far c)ry workers, as with respect to
the Corn-laws, tl, • League and the Government are
in the same boal. "It will be expedient," Sir James
says, "to postpone the discussion of the House
upon the principle of this Bill until their opinion
bad been pronounced upon the great proposition of
his Right Hon. Friend at the head of Government,
in respect to the supply of Corn." But the Home
Secretary leaves us in no doubt what his own course
is likely to be, even should Lord Ashley he weak
enough to concede to his expediency and postpone
his measure until after the settlement of the
Corn-laws. _ _

•` He (Sir James) was bound to say, speaking for him-
self, that no decision with respect to the corn laws—lnti-
mately connected as that subject was with the one now
under discussion—could ever alter his opinion with res-
pect to interfering with adult labour in the manufactur-
ing districts. lie could not anticipate that the noble lord
would use—certainly he had never used—any arguments
which could induce him to support the second reading of
the bill. (Hear, bear.)"
Sir James Graham is too much of a philosopher
and leaguer to interfere with " adult labour in the
manufacturing districts," or, to speak out of the
jargon of political economy, he cannot bring him-
self to throw obstacles in the, way of men, women,
and helpless youth of both sexes, being worked to
idiotcy and premature old age, to rear up fresh fab-