The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

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imprrial Varltament.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY

Lord CAJ4;;EI.7. brought in a bill to establish a general
registry of deeds respecting land.
The Duke of RICHMOND, in presenting petitions in fa-
vour of the corn laws, expressed his hope that parliament
would not make any alteration with respect to those laws
without an appeal being made to the people. He was
convinced their lordships would not be intimidated by the
hired emissaries of the Anti-Corn-law League. The
noble duke then, in pusuance of notice, asked the Duke of
Wellington the causes teat bad led to the late resignations
in the ministry, and their reasons for accepting office again,
pledged to carry out the same measures which had cause
their resignations ?

The Dike of WELLINGTON said that he had received
her Majesty's permission to state what had occurred. He
wished, however, to know whether the noble fluke had any
further question to ask ? _

The Duke of RICHMOND was anxious to know the
grounds which had led to the late resignations.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, in consequence of the
accounts received from Ireland, and different parts of
Great Britain, in the course of the autumn, his ri

;ht hon

friend at the head of the government deemed it necessary
to call the government together, and to submit the reports
which had reached him to their consideration, and to pro-
pose the adoption of certain measures. One of the measures
suggested was an order in Councilto suspend theoperation of
the existing corn laws, so as to open the ports for the ad-
missio❑ of corn duty free. lie (the Duke of Wellington)
did not think the measure was at that time absolutely ne-
cessary. At the same time measures were taken to afford
employment for the people and to procure them food. It
was said that the suspension of the corn-law might ren-
der the rtnewal of it difficult, and that an essential altera-

tion might be necessary. Every one admitted that some
alteration was necessary. ( Hear, hear.) He (the Duke
of Wellington) was opposed to the adoption of any
essential alteration in the corn-laws, but considered una-
nimity in the Cabinet to be essential to the safety of the
government itself; and having served the Crown for 50
veers in high public stations. he did everything in his power
to reconcile the differences of opinion which existed among
his colleagues, and to preserve a government which en-
joyed the confidence of the Sovereign, the people, and
both houses of parliament. He, however, failed in so doing.
The question was then discussed whether his right hon.
friend should call parliament together to propose the
alteration which he thought necessary, having a divided
Cabinet, or whether he should resign the situation which
he held. The latter course was determined upon. Lord
John Russell having failed in forming a Cabinet, his right
hon. friend was again sent for, and determined if he stood
alone, he would enable her Majesty, as a minister, to
meet parliament. He (the Duke of Wellington) ap-
plauded the determination of his right hon. friend, and
was resolved to stand by him. He was delighted with the
course taken by his right hon. friend, and would have ta-
ken the same course under the same circumstances. He
was well aware at the time of the situation in which his
right hon. friend stood with respect to the corn-laws. How
could his right hon. friend go into parliament and defend the
corn-law when it was known that his opinion was in favour
of an alteration. In supporting hisri;ht hon. friend he knew
that he must be a party to a material altt ratio❑ of the
corn-law. Although the purport involved a material al-
teration of the corn•laws. he believed it would be satis-
factory to the country, and give such advantages to the
landed interest, as they had a right to expect on the gene-
ral arrangement of the affairs of the country. (Hear,
hear.) But whatever the measure might be, he (the Duke
of Wellington) could not refuse to aid his Sovereign in
meeting Parliament in such an emergency. Hear, hear.)

The Duke of BUCKINGHAM did not believe the measure
would be satisfactory, and would therefore join his noble
friend (the Duke of Richmond) in endeavouring to defeat
every attempt that might be made by the Government.
(A laugh.) The noble duke thought their lordships ought
to know why those who had been called upon to form a
free-trade government had failed in their taski

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied, that the matters
connected with the late changes had been so fully stated,
that he did not think it necessary to go into any further
detail. When it was impracticable to bring a fixed duty
before the consideration of parliament with any chance of
success, he felt that a repeal of the corn-laws was abso-
lutely necessary, with a determination to alleviate, as far
as was consistent with the principle of justice, every bur-
den upon the landed interest, and upon the occupiers of
land in this country. (Hear, hear.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that upon being asked
whether he would form a government upon the principle
of maintaining the corn-laws as they at present existed, he
declined doing so, believing it impossible. He trusted the
House would wait till they had heard what the measures
of his right hon. friend were, and not attempt to conjec-
ture them.

After some further observations from several noble
peers, the subject dropped, and the house adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY.

The SPEAKER communicated her Majesty's answer to
the Address, which was presented on Saturday.
Sir It. PEEL called the attention of the house to the
number of railway plans likely to be brought before the
house, which required the adoption of some mode of
dealing with the vast amount of business of this descrip-
tion likely to be brought under consideration. There
was no less than 815 railway plans deposited with the
Board of Trade, proposing to construct 20,687 new
miles of railway, at a proposed expenditure of capi-
tal to the extent of £330,000,000 sterling. This was an
amount of capital, that they might well doubt the pru-
dence of its being at once applied to one description of
speculation. Even for the benefit of railway enterprise
itself, he thought it right that some principle should be
laid down for the government of their construction. The
right hon. bart. concluded by moving for a select com-
mittee to consider the mode in which the house shall deal
with railway bills proposed to be submitted to the house
during the present session.
Mr. GISBORNE said, before giving their sanction to
such a motion, they ought to have a more comprehensive
statement before them than the very meagre one which
they had just heard from the right hon. gentleman. He
wished to know if the proceedings before the Standing
Orders Committee were to be suspended during the dis-
cussions of the committee ?

Sir R PEEL replied in the negative. He had purposely
been less explicit in his statement than if he had to propose
his plan to the house itself.

Sir G. GREY thought it would be better to enable par-
ties to save the expense of going before the Standing
Orders Committee, if they were to be liable, notwith-
standing having incurred such expenses, to be defeated by
the report of the Select Committee. He was of opinion
it would be better to transfer a portion of the jurisdiction
of the house in these matters to a competent tribunal in
which both Houses of Parliament might be disposed to
place confidence.
Sir R. INGLIS said it was physically impossible for the
House to attend properly to this branch of business, and
suggested a sort of ambulatory commission as likely to be
more satisfactory, and to save the parties three-fourths of
the expense.
Mr. C. BULLER also thought it would be better to
refer the taking of evidence, &c., to a commission com-
posed of competent persons out of that house.
Mr. HUDSON thought that the house ought to know in
the first instance how many of these railways had obtain-
ed the requisite deposits, and whether they were likely to
pass the Standing Orders' Committee, for he was con-
vinced a great number would fail in these particulars. He
was not alarmed by the amount of money required for
these schemes. The money was nt,t going out of the
country. One-fifth of it would go to the landlords, a large
portion would go to the iron merchants, and a still greater
portion to the labourer. Nothing could tend more to the
relief of the distress in Ireland, than encouraging this
kind of enterprise. He could not conceive in what way
they would limit the amount of money to be spent in rail-
ways, and had no doubt but enough of means could be
found for all useful objects, unless, indeed, the money
was sent out of the country in loans to South American
states, or to buy foreign corn to import into this country.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the right hon. baronet
should, on the responsibility of the Government, have
proposed his plan to the House, and then moved its refer-
ence to a select committee.
After some discussion,

The EARL of LINCOLN said the two questions for the
consideration of the committee were—First, whether it
was dot desirable that some limitation of capital should be
adopted ; and, secondly, whether the promoters of rail-
ways should go on before the Standing Orders' Commit-
tee. These points had been carefully considered by the
Government, and would not be thrown loose upon the
committee.

A lengthened discussion followed, which terminated in
the adoption of the resolution proposed by Sir R. Peel,
and the committee was forthwith qpuointed,

leave to bring in a•bill
to amend the Drainage Acts in Ireland, the object of
which was to carry to a still further extent the provisions
of the bill of last session.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY.

The Earl of MINTO presented several petitions, praying
for a repeal of the corn-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions praying
that the protection of agriculture might be maintained.
He would take that opportunity of stating that a gentle-
man, named Feargus O'Connor, had stated at some pub-
lic meeting, that a proposal had been made to him by him
(the noble duke), to induce him to desert his present
principles, for the purpose of advocating protection. He
could assure their lordships that he had never bad any
t communication, direct or indirect, with that gentleman;
nor had he ever made any attempt to induce any one to
desert his principles, because he thought that any man
who would take money fur such a purpose was not to be
trusted.
Lord CLANCARTY gave notice that on Thursday, the
sth of February, he would move for the appointment of a
select committee to inquire into the operation of the laws
giving relief to the poor of Ireland.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY.
Sir R. PEEL, said, that in pursuance of the recommen-
dation of the speech from the throne, he was about to call
upon the house to review the duties which applied to se-
veral articles the produce and manufacture of other coun-
tries. He should proceed on the assumption contained in
her Majesty's speech, that the repeal of prohibitory and
the relaxation of protective duties was in itself a wise po-
licy—that protective duties abstractedly and in principle
werelopen to objection—and that, though the policy of
them might in some cases be defended, it must always be
on some special grounds of national interest, or of justice
towards individuals. He was also about to act on the pre-
sumption, that during the last three years there had been
increased productiveness in the revenue, notwithstanding
a large remission of taxation ; that there had been an in-
creased demand for labour; that there had also been in-
creased competence, comfort, contentment, and peace,

among the population. In advising the continued appli-
cation of those principles, which had produced such salu-
tary results, and which had already been sanctioned by the
house, he was not inclined to disregard the necessity of
maintaining public credit unimpaired, and he was, there-
fore prepared to act with forbearance, in order that he
might not prejudice in any respect the permanent interests
of the country. It was possible that, owing to the numer-
ous and various interests which his present proposition
would affect, an impression might arise that his scheme
was a rash one, and to be discouraged. If such be the opi-
nion of the partisans of protection, nothing would be more
easy for them than to meet him on an early night with a
resolution that protection to domestic industry was in it-
self a good, and that the principle of it ought to be sanc-
tioned by the house. It might, on the other hand, be the
conclusion of the house, considering all the difficulties of
this question, and the nature of the contest which had
long existed, and would long continue to exist if there
were not a satisfactory adjustment of it—that his proposi-
tion, extensive as it was, ought to be accepted as a whole,
though there might be objections in details to parts of it.
If that should be the conclusion of the house, he should
have confidence in his ultimate success ; but if not, the
sooner its disapprobation was expressed, the better for all
parties. The great principle of the relaxation of protec-
tive duties he was not going to apply to any one particular
interest : on the contrary, he asked all the interests of the
country, manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural, to
make the sacrifice, if it were one, of their protection, to
the common good. Of late years the whole tariff had been
submitted to the review of the house. In 1842 he had
proposed, and in 1845 he had carried out to a very large
extent, a plan for remitting the duty on the raw materials
constituting the elements of manufacture. There was at
this moment scarcely a duty on the raw material imported
from foreign countries which we had not abandoried. He
had, therefore, a right to call on the manufacturer to re-
linquish the protection of which he was now in posses-
sion. The onl; two articles of raw material now subject
to duty were tallow and timber. He intended to reduce
the duty on tallow from 3s. 2d. to ls. 6d. per cwt., and to
make a gradual reduction on timber till it reached a point
at which it would remain fixed, and which he would defi-
nitely describe on a future day. Having given the manu-
facturers free access to every raw material of manufacture,
he called upon scch of them as were engaged in making
the three articles, wool, linen, and cotton, which formed
the clothing of the country, to give a proof of the sincerity
of their convictions by relinquishing the protection which
was now given to the articles of their manufacture. He
made this call upon them the more confidently, because it
was the manufacturing, and not the agricultural interest,
which first called on the government for protecting duties.
He then stated that he intended to relinquish all duties
upon the importation of the coarser articles of manufac-
tures in wool, linen, and cotton, and to reduce the duties
on linen and woollen goods of a finer quality from 20 to
10 per cent. At present there was a duty on silk, which
was called 30 per cent., but which was often higher. He
proposed to adopt a new principle in the levying of that
duty, which was now an encouragement to the smuggler,
and not to the British manufacturer, and to impose a duty
of 15 qer cent.,instead of 30, for every £lOO value of silk.
The right hon. baronet then described at great length the
reduction of duties which he intended to make upon the
importation of paper hangings, manufactured metals,
dressed hides, boots, shoes, hats, straw plat, carriages,
candles, soap, brandy, geneva, sugar, and various other
articles—for which we must refer our readers to our ta-
bles ; and then proceeded to review the articles connected
with agriculture on which import duties were levied. He
proposed to reduce the duty on all seeds to ss. per cwt.
Indian corn or maize, which was of such importance in
the fattening of cattle, he proposed in future to introduce
duty free. In removing that duty he was not depriving
agriculture of any protection, but absolutely conferring a
benefit upon it. He also proposed that buck wheat, and
maize, and buckwheat flour, should be admitted duty
free. If any gentleman would ascertain the price which
had been recently paid by farmers for linseed cake and
rapecake, they would agree with him that the removal of
the duty on maize was not a disservice to the agricultural
interest. The right hon. baronet then described the re-
duction of duty which he intended to propose on the im-
portation of foreign butter, cheese, hops, and cured fish,
stating that in each case the duty would be reduced to
half its present amount. On all articles of agricultural
produce which constituted meat as distinct from corn he
proposed an immediate repeal of duty. Every kind of ve-
getable and animal food would be admitted at once free of
duty. All animals from foreign countries would also be
introduced on the same terms. He then proceeded to de-
scribe the nature of his proposal with respect to the im-
portation of foreign corn. He had already stated that he
intended to exempt some articles now included in the
corn-laws, as maize, from duty altogether. It might,
therefore, be as well for him to inform the house at once,
that though he did not intend to propose the immediate
repeal of the corn-laws, yet, in the hope of making a final
adjustment of :the question, and for the sake of giving
time for adjustment to the agricultural interest, he did in-
tend to propose that their continuance should only be
temporary. The bill which he should therefore introduce
on this subject would contain an enactment that after a
certain date grain of all kinds should come in duty free.
He proposed, however, that a considerable reduction
should be made at once in the existing amount of duty,
and that the duty so reduced should be limited to the con-
tinuance of three years. His bill would contain a provi-
sion that at a period, when the change would be least felt
—namely, on the Ist of February, 1849—oats, barley, rye,
and wheat, should be only liable to that mere nominal
duty w'aich he intended to apply to maize, for the purpose
of procuring statistical returns of the quantity imported.
The main question, then, for the house to consider wa
this—what is to be the intermediate state of the law ? He
proposed that there should be an enactment for three
years, to this effect,—that till the Ist of February, 1849,
the following duties should be levied on all wheat im-
ported into this country from foreign ports. Whenever
the average price of wheat should be under 48s. a quarter
in this country, the duty should be 10s. a quarter; that
above 48s, and under 495. it should be 9s. a quarter; that
above ,19s. and under 50s , it should be Bs. a quarter, and
so on till the price reached 545. a quarter, when he in-
tended to impose an invariable duty of 4s. a quarter. The
enactments which he proposed for all other descriptions of
grain would follow the scale of duties upon wheat ; but he
referred the house for the details of them to certain pa-
pers, which he would have printed next day. There
would, therefore, be levied on wheat at its present price a
duty of 4s. instead of the present duty of 16s. a quarter,
and every other grain taken out of bond for home con-
sumption in the home market would be liable to little
mote than a nominal duty. Such was the arrangement for
the adjustment of this great question which her Majesty's
government now offered to the house. He intended to
accompany that arrangement with other provisions, cal-
culated, he would not say to give compensation to, but to
advance the interest of that portion of the community
which would be called upon to relinquish protection, with
which he was himself more particularly connected, and in
the welfare of which the prosperity of England was deeply
involved. He then reviewed some of the burdens which
fell on the land, and which he thought capable of allevia-
tion by useful reforms, and not by transferring them to
other parties. First among these burdens he placed the
highway rates. They were administered by 16,000 local
authorities distributed throughout the country. Nothing
could be more defective than that a highway which united
several distinct parishes should not be under the control
of every distinct parish through which it ran. In each pa-
rish there was a different surveyor of the high roads. The
system led of necessity to a lax expenditure, and to a very
bad reparation of the roads. He proposed to compel pa-
rishes to unite themselves into districts for the repair of
the roads. Those districts would be generally the same
with the Poor-law Unions ; and thus the high roads would
be under the control of 600 instead of 16,000 different au-
thorities. Another of the burdens grievously, and he
thought justly, complained of by the agricultural interest
arose out of the law of settlement. Under that law, du-
ring manufacturing prosperity, the rural population was
encouraged to migrate to the manufacturing towns. The
peasant thus migrating consumed the prime of his life,
and gave all the advantage of his strength to the manufac-
turers. A revulsion took place in trade, and manufactures
ceased to prosper. The individual was then sent back to
the rural district, and is thus transferred to a new home,
where he is not able to obtain a livelihood, from being
unused to rural employments. For the purpose of not
merely relieving the land from a burden, but of also pro-
tecting an indigent man from injustice, government in-
tended to propose that the power of removability should
be taken away in the case of every labouring man who
had had a five years' industrial residence in any manufac-
turing town. He likewise proposed that the children of
any person, or the children of his wife, legitimate or ille-
gitimate, under 16, residing with the father or mother, and
the wife of any person, should not be removed where the
removal of the person himself was prohibited. Further
he proposed that no widow residing with her husband at I
the time of his death should be removable for 12 months'
after his death from the parish in which he resided at the
time ; and, lastly, that no order of removal should be ta-
ken out on the ground of chargeability shown to have been
occasioned by accident or sickness, unless the removing
magistrates should be satisfied that the effects of the acci-
dent or sickness are such as to be permanent and incura-
ble. Here, again, by alteration of the law 'a great social
advantage would be obtained, and the agricultural interest
would be relieved from a great burden. He then ap-
proached another matter, in which he advised, without
any loss to any other interest, a great advantage to the
agricultural interest. There was a natural dread in that
interest of a very formidable competition on the cessation
of its present protection. It was impossible to deny that
agricultural science was yet in its infancy; and he
therefore, proposed that the state should give facilities to
the improvement of agricultural skill and industry. The
Duke of Richmond had collected a mass of interesting
evidence to show the great capability of improvement
which was inherent to all kinds of land. Much benefit
might be effected by increased drainage. Mr. Pusey had
proposed several schemes for the improvement of land ;
but great difficulties occurred, especially among the ow-
ners
of entailed estates, in raising the funds to carry them
into execution. Government proposed that the credit of
the state should be employed in enabling those improve-
ments to be made. An advance of Exchequer-bills
should be made by way of loan for the purpose of agricul-
tural
improvement, security being of course taken to pro-
tect
the country against loss. The right hon. baronet,
after describing at some length the mode in which these
advances were to be made and repaid, concluded by stat-
ing that that was another plan by which be hoped to ena-
ble the agricultural interest to meet competition with the
foreign grower. With respect to the local burdens press-
ing on the agriculturist, he must declare at once that he
could not advise any alteration in the mode of the assess-
ment of the poor-rates. It had been said that they were
a charge upon the land, and that there should be an alter-
atilm in the mode of the levy. In point of fact they were
not a charge upon the land. The opposition was between
real and personal property. It was real property upon which
the poor-rate was levied, as on mines, houses,lands, and ma-
nufactories. If the poor-rates were a charge for general

objects, it would be just to make personal property contri-
bute ; but they were a local charge, and personal property
could not be called on for contribution without establishing
an inquisition into every man's affairs, which, for the minute
objects of a poor-rate raised to relieve local distress, would
not be tolerated. The rate on personal property had been
abandoned because it could not be levied, and therefore
he was not prepared to propose any alteration in the mode
of assessment. He would, however, relieve the-agricul-
tural interest of the charge of maintaining the prisoners
in the county gaols, and would provide for that charge by
an annual vote of that house. He also proposed that that
portion of the charge for prosecuting felons which was
now defrayed in England and Wales out of local rates
imposed upon the land, should likewise be transferred to
the state. The relief in point of money would not be
large ; but if it enabled you to exercise an increased con-
trol over prosecutions, it would be a great social advan-
tage. In Ireland the relief would amount to £17,000,
and in England to £lOO,OOO a-year. He then proceeded
to contend that if there was any part of the United King-
dom likely to suffer from the withdrawal of protection, it
was Ireland ; for Ireland had not, as England had, the
means of finding employment for her agricultural popula-
tion in her manufacturing districts. Here, again, he
would propose no relief from local burdens which was
not accompanied by social advantages. In Ireland the
police was paid partly by the land and partly by the
Treasury. He believed that it would be for the general
advantage to place the police entirely under the Treasury,
and to vest the control of it in the executive government.
Such was the recommendation of Lord Devon's commis-
sion ; and he, therefore, proposed that all the charge for
the rural police in Ireland should hereafter be borne by
the public Treasury. Sir Robert then adverted to the
subject of the medical relief of the poor in this country.
He believed that there was no part of the poor-law which
had given greater or more just dissatisfaction. He pro-
posed to relieve the unions of half of the charge on
this score by taking it upon the Government. He
estimated that the total amount of charge in that
case would be £lOO,OOO for England and £15,000 for
Scotland. The subject of medical relief in Ireland was
under a different system, and would shortly occupy the
attention of the other House of Parliament. He next
proceeded to intimate his belief, that in the parish work-
houses of England the provision for purposes of education
was very inadequate. He did not propose in any way to,
interfere with the right now vested in the board of guar-
dians to appoint a schoolmaster or schoolmistress to su-
perintend the education of the pauper children ; that
right of appointment would remain where it now was ;
but Government, in undertaking to provide £30,000 a
year for the salaries of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses
for the children of the destitute, would reserve to itself
power to inquire into the qualifications of those instruc-
tors, and a power of inspecting, and to a certain extent
controlling, the schools. Then, again, as to the auditors
of the unions, he proposed that their salaries, like those
of the commissioners and sub-commissioners, should be
defrayed at the public expense. He called upon the
house to recollect that in every compensation which he
had proposed for the land, he had also proposed to give to
the community great social relief. He, therefore, hoped
that, before this law was rejected, both parties, if their
immediate views were not accomplished by it, would
recollect that it proposed great benefits for society at
large. ‘'N hether those benefits would be sufficient to
induce both parties to give their assent to his proposi-
tion, he could not as yet tell ; but he wished them to con-
sider it calmly and temperately, and to reflect upon the
consequences which might accrue from its rejection. He
concluded with two observations—one connected with our
foreign and our commercial policy, and another connected
with our domestic policy. In making these great reduc-
tions on the importation of articles the produce or manu-
facture of foreign countries, he could give the house no
guarantee that foreign countries would follow our exam-
ple. He had resolved to consult our own interests alone,
and not to punish other countries and ourselves by conti-
nuing high duties, and the necessary concomitant of high
duties, smuggling. He could not promise them that fo-
reign countries would exhibit any gratitude for what we
were now doing. On the contrary he might be told that
many countries which had benefitted by the relaxation of
our duties on their commodities bad applied a higher rate
of duties to our goods. He relied on that fact as an en-
couragement to proceed in our past course. What had
been the result of those increased duties on our export
trade ? Why, that it had flourished in spite of them, be-
cause the smuggler of foreign countries had been called in
by the inhabitants to our aid. He was convinced that our
example would ultimately be followed by foreign coun-
tries, and that reason and the common interest of the peo-
ple and the government in those countries would induce
a relaxation of hostile tariffs. He instanced this by re-
ference to recent publications in the United States, Na-
ples, Norway, Sweden, Austria, and Hanover. With re-
spect to our domestic policy, he had been asked why he
had determined to disturb the prosperity which had now
lasted for nearly three years. " It had co-existed with
the corn-law of 1842—what reason was there to disturb
it?" His answer was, that up to October last all those
indications of prosperity did exist; ut since that time
there had been indications of sympathy in the manufactu-
ring districts between employment and the price of provi-
sions. What had occurred since October, 1845, was one
of the grounds on which he had determined to bring for-
ward his present proposition. Such were the proposals he
had to offer for the ultimate adjustment of this great
question. He believed that there was at present between
the master manufacturers and the operatives a sympathy
which did not prevail in 1842, and which led both of them
to the conclusion that these laws ought to be altered. But
although that was the case, there was nothing but general
content, loyalty, and confidence on their part in the wis-
dom of the legislature. But because there was calm and
no coercion, he entreated the hon. members to bear no
mind that the aspect of affairs might be chzcnged. They
might have worse harvests, and therefore they ought to
avail themselves of an adjustment on this question which
must ultimately be made, and which could not be long de-
layed without endangering the peace and security of the
empire. He recommended his proposition to the calm
consideration of the house, in the hope that it would, in
the language of her Majesty's speech, promote friendly
feelings between different classes, provide additional secu-
rity for the continuance of peace, and maintain content-
ment and happiness at home by increasing the comforts
and bettering the condition of the great body of the peo-
ple. Sir R. Peel concluded his address at five minutes
past eight o'clock, amid loud cheers.
Sir R. PEEL rose again to suggest that the discussion
on this resolution should be taken on that day week. His
measure involved a great remission of taxation, and, there-
fore, a defalcation of the revenue. Besides, it incurred an
annual charge amounting at least to £600,000.
The debate on the Premier's propositions was adjourned
to Monday, Mr. Liddell and Lord Ingestre having stated
that though they had stood firmly by Sir Robert Peel hi-
therto they could do so no longer.
In answer to some questions respecting the means by
which he proposed to replenish the revenue after his pro-
posed reductions, Sir IL Peel stated that he did not anti-
cipate any great reduction of revenue from the reduced
duties ; and certainly that he had no proposal to make
forincreasing the Income Tax.
Mr. WAKLEY decried any " agitation" out of doors
during the period given for consideration of the measure.
Mr. NEWDEGATE said he could not pass over the ob-
servations of the right hon. member for Finsbury with-
out addressing a few words to the house. For the first
time had that hon. member deprecated an appeal to his
countrymen. Why, did he fear agitation? Else why did
he make that long and powerful appeal to the feelings of
his countrymen against the danger of inflaming the pas-
sions of the working classes ? Had he known the gentle-
men on that (the ministerial) side of the house to excite
angry feelings ? Had he forgotten 1842? (Cheers from
the agricultural members.) Had he forgotten that it was
the gentlemen and yeomanry of England who mainly con-
tributed to restore and preserve the peace which had been
disturbed by the agitation of a party in connection with
the Anti. Corn Law League ? Had he forgotten that he
(Mr. Newdegate) was attacked in this house for making
the statement, and that he produced evidence which
showed that the Anti Corn Law League was liable to the
imputation of exciting the people at that time? Did the
hon. member forget the fact that it was the agriculturists
who then saved the country from the consequences of
such excitement ? Whilst he (Mr. Newdegate) was upon
his legs, and this question was mooted, he would call to
the recollection of her Majesty's government, that, per-
chance with the best intentions, but with no distinct view
as the right hon. baronet had admitted, of the consequen-
ces, of the proposed measure, as it might affect the pro-
perty of the agricultural interest hereafter, they might not
meet with that cordial support when danger threatened
them which they had hitherto received, and that, per-
chance, those men who now furnished themselves for the
defence of the country might not be able to do so again.
When they considered the present measure they could
not forget that it had been mainly promoted by agitation,.
They could not forget that the right hon. baronet said he
had carefully prepared the mind of the country for the in-
troduction of the measure of 1842 ; but who had prepared
the mind of the country for the introduction of the mea-
sure of 1845 ? Was the agitation to be employed against
the agriculturists alone? They might be told that they
did not understand the interests they defended ; but were
they really so dense that they could not read the volumes
produced for the information of the house? Were they so
utterly incompetent that they could not form an indepen-
dent judgment of their own ? He contended that the mea-
sure had been introduced suddenly, and that the secrecy
with which it had been concocted gave the agriculturists
good reason to say " We will have a full consideration of
it before it passes." The demand which the hon. mem-
ber for Somersetshire made for time was a most reasona-
ble and fair one. He was certain the right hon. gentle-
man at the head of the government could not have refused
it. He remembered that the right hon. baronet's previ-
ous financial measures were never allowed less than a
month for consideration ; and if the proposed measure
was in accordance with the feelings of the country why
was it not to have time to consider it? He was surprised
to hear the hon. member for Finsbury and the right hon.
member for Montrose pressing this great measure, which
involved so many interests, through the house, as though ,
they feared the country would express an opinion against
it. His own experience was, that when a Minister had
cast aside the experience of a long life, and was prepared
to act on a four years' experience, during which, as he
himself stated, the policy he advocated had not been acted
upon, then that minister would better consult the inter-
ests of the country, his own character, and the character
of this house, as well as serve his sovereign better, if he
allowed the full expression of public opinion upon the
question. The noble lord opposite, by producing letters
instalment
of the house in evidence, had paid the first
of the gratitude which he felt towards his sovereign by at
once vindicating her position in the eyes of the country
and the house. The imputation of the hon. member for
Finsbury, that the gentlemen with whom lie (Mr. Newde-
gate) acted were about to stir the passions of the people,
did not come with a good grace from that hon. gentleman
—and he now told the hon. member, as he had before
stated in this house, that if the people were exposed to

any severe pressure, as the result of foreign competition,
and the heavy burdens which pressed upon the country,
he would seriously consider the propriety of extending the
suffrage wider than it was at present. That opinion he
had before expressed, and he was not now prepared to re-
tract it.

The house, after some further discussion, adjourned

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY

Mr. GISBORN proposed certain resolutions for the pur-
pose of giving the committee on the petitions for railway
bills power to report not only whether the standing or-
ders had been complied with, but also whether in any
particular case they ought to be suspended and the parties
allowed to go on with their bill ; but they were opposed
by
Lord G. SOMERSET and Mr. STRUTT, and negatived
after a short conversation without a division.

On the motion of Sir T. FREEMANTLE, the Public
Works (Ireland) Bill was read a second time after a short
discussion on the adequacy of the grant, in which Mr.
Hume, Mr. O'Connell, Sir R. Ferguson, Sir H. Barron,
Mr. M. Milnes, and Mr. F. French joined. The only
feature of importance in it was Mr. O'Connell's empha-
tic declaration, that they were within three or four weeks
of an actual famine in Ireland. The bill was then ordered
to be committed to-morrow.

.o-
HOUSE OF LORDS.-THURSDAY

The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions in favour
of protection, and reiterated his attacks on the ministerial
scheme, which he conjured their lordships to reject, and
thus force the government to appeal to the country, the
great body of which bad been proof against the bribes of
the league.
Lord KINNA lAD defended the League against the
charge of bribery, and when the Duke of Richmond de-
clared his readiness to be responsible for all that was said
or done at protection meetings, wished to know whether
the noble Duke was willing to be responsible for burning
The Times, or for comparing a member of the other
house to Satan?

Earl GREY expressed his satisfaction at the proposed
measure, but regretted that it had not gone further. It
seemed to him that delay would only keep agitation alive,
and that the country required the abolition of all protec-
tive duties, which were, in his opinion, from first to last a
mistake.

Lord ASHBURTON agreed that a free trade, if it could
be established, was consistent with common sense, but
could not see how it was to be introduced in a country
like England, burdened with debt, and in which so many
complicated interests were at work. Free trade was a
fallacy, for there were certain duties, such as those on
tea, which must be retained for the purposes of revenue.
In his opinion, it would be impossible for the British far-
mer to compete with the foreign corn•grower. With re-
spect to the conduct of the Anti-corn-Law League,
though not illegal, it was fatal to the constitution, and the
government would neglect their duty if they permitted
such a system to continue.

Lord MONTEAGLE could not see that the maintenance
of duties for the sake of revenue on such articles as tea
and tobacco had anything to do with the abolition of pro-
tection to native industry. Though he objected to the
three years' limitation in favour of the agriculturists, he
was prepared 'to look upon the proposed measure as a
whole, and to consider it as the greatest step yet made to-
wards improved legislation on the subject. After some
further observations from the Duke of Richmond, the
matter dropped.
The Earl of DALHOUSI E then brought forward the sub-
ject of railway legislation, and having called the attention
of the house to the vast amount of railway business to be
transacted during the session, as well as to the immense
amount of capital involved in the projected lines, and the
consequent difficulty in dealing with them, proposed the
appointment of a committee of the same nature as that
appointed in the lower house on the motion of Sir Robert
Peel.

After some discussion, in which Earl Grey, Lords
Brougham, Kinnaird, Aionteagle, and Ashburton took
part, a numerous committee was appointed, and their
lordships adjourned till Monday.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY.

Petitions were presented for various railway bills,

Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on MoLday, he would
move the re-appointment of the Committee on the Game
Laws.

Sir R. PEEL, in answer to a question from Lord Jobn
Russell, said he had no objection to lay on the table the
papers with respect to the hostilities in Rio de la Plata,
as far as they bad reference to the grounds on which
France and England had united on this question, but the
papers relating to the atrocities committed he must at pre-
sent decline producing.
Loz d JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to a question from
Mr. Escott, stated that he had not yet determined whe-
ther he should, during the present session, again bring in
the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill.

Mr. HASTIE, on the part of the bankers of London,
complained of their being compelled by the standing
orders to pay the money they received for railway deposit
into the Bank of England in the name of the Accountant-
General of the Court of Chancery. He thought there
ought to be some relaxation of the standing orders in this
respect, as the greatest confusion would prevail. He be-
lieved that all purposes would be answered by paying the
money into the Bank of England, and sufficient protec-
tion afforded to all bond fide railways. He would make a
motion on the subject on a future day.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the
deposits, when paid in to the name of the Accountant-
General, were as available for the purpose of trade as if
paid into the Bank in any other way. All that was re-
quired to get it out was the order of the Court of Chan-
cery. _ _

Sir R. PEEL trusted the house would not interfere in
this matter, as he felt convinced that the spirit of impro-
per speculation would never be put an end to unless the
public sustained some inconvenience. _

After a few observations from Mr. F. BARING, the
subject dropped.

Sir C. NAPIER moved for a committee to inquire into
the manner in which the poor-law commissioners have
exercised the powers for the establishment of district
asylums for houseless poor in the metropolis, confided to
them by the statute of the 7th and Bth Vic., c. 101. Also,
to inquire into the effects of any asylums supported by
voluntary subscriptions, which may have been formed for
the same purpose.-- Agreed to.
Lord ASHLEY, in moving for leave to bring in a bill to
reduce the hours of working of young persons in factories
to 10 in the day, observed that he was about to revive a
discussion which had often been proposed and often re-
linquished in that house. He was the more encouraged
to do this by the recollection that the last decision on this
important question was not the decision of the house, but
the decision of ministers. The house twice asserted his
proposition ; and it was only after the greatest exertions
that the minister at last succeeded in reversing it. Dur-
ing the discussion on that occasion 33 out of 42 represen-
tatives of towns in the manufacturing districts had voted
for a Ten Hours Bill through all the divisions, and he ex-
pected that they would pursue the same course during the
discussion to which he was now inviting the legislature.
He believed that the same desire for a Ten Hours Bill i
which then prevailed among the operatives still existed
unmitigated among them, and that, instead of having
abated, it had gathered strength and increase from the
lapse of time. Two years had now passed since his last
proposition on this subject bad been rejected. In that
time events in our own country had demonstrated the
truth and safety of the principles which he advocated, and
accounts had been received from foreign countries corro-
borating in every material respect the conclusions to be
drawn from the events in Great Britain to which he al-
luded. The question might be reduced within this nar-
row compass—" Can a Ten Hours Bill be adopted with-
outinjury to the interests of the trade, and without de-
preciation of the wages of labour ?" He then gave the
house a history of a series of experiments which had re-
cently been made in the manufacturing districts on the ef-
fect of reducing the hours of labour. Mr. Gardner, of
Manchester, had reduced the hours of labour in his fac-
tory to 11 hours. Messrs. Harrocks and Jackson, of
Preston, had made a similar reduction. So had several
other eminent manufacturers. The result in every case
demonstrated that the produce of the reduced hours of la-
bour was both greater and better—that the hands were in
better health—that their children were better educated—
and that the feeling between the employers and the em-
ployed was much ameliorated. Such, also, had been the
effect of a decree issued in Prussia limiting the hours of
labour to 10 hours a-day in the case of all children under
16 years. Accounts had been transmitted to him from
Elberfeldt, in which the most satisfactory description was
given of the results of that law on the moral and physical
condition of the operatives. Passing from these indivi-
dual details, he proceeded to show that the effects of the
limitation of the hours of labour on the moral, physical,
and financial condition of our population engaged in ma-
nufactures formed a constant contradiction to all the pre-
dictions uttered by the antagonists of the Ten Hours Bill
when it was last under discussion. Their first prediction
was, that the cotton trade would be destroyed by any such
limitation as he proposed ; their second was, that the wa-
ges of the protected parties would be diminished; their
third was, that the wages of their children would be re-
duced to a mere nothing; and their fourth was, that the
children would be dismissed, and tha t great physical suf-
fering would be the result in their respective families.
The history of the cotton trade during the last year was
the best refutation of the first part of these predictions :
the fact that there were now 30,000 children under 13
years of age working six hours and receiving instruction
three hours a-day, when there were very few receiving
education in 1833, and the report of the operative spin-
ners themselves,—who formerly opposed the enactment
limiting the labour of children to half time,--stating that
the pbysical and moral condition of their children had
been so much improved that they did not appear to be
the same race of human beings, were the best refutation
of the latter part of them. He implored the house to
consider that the greater part of the children employed
during the present long hours of labour were females.
Was there not something cruel and monstrous to take
young girls of 13, the very day on which they reached
that age, and to demand from them the same extent of
labour which was demanded from the most vigorous
adult men ? How could they learn on their return home
any of those domestic arts which were so necessary to the
comforts of the labouring man when he returned jaded
and weary to his humble cottage? There was evidence
enough to prove, though he would not quote it, that the
degraded condition of the female population was one of
the chief causes of distress and crime in our manufactur-
ing towns. He contrasted with the degraded condition of
the female population in our manufacturing districts the
great improvement which had taken place in the intellec-
tual, moral, and physical condition of the female opera-
tives at Lowell, in the United States, since the labour had
been limited to 12 hours a-day. The fact was, that our
women were unsexed in nature and habits by being ab-
stracted from their domestic duties so long by their pro-
tracted industry in heated factories. Society suffered by

it—individuals suffered by it ; and the operative popula-
tion would suffer by it, until legislation gave them, what
Madame Campman told Napoleon was the best gift he
could give to France, " a generation of mothers." He
impressed on the house the consideratio❑ that it would be
well both for the masters and the operatives to have this
question finally settled. Nothing could be easier than
to repeal his bill, if its effects should be found to be pre-
judicial ; for the operatives would be the first to cry out
against them ; but if its effects were likely to prove be
neficial, then they had a right to expect that the house
would assent to their just and reasonable requests. He
implored the house, therefore, not to throw out this mea-
sure ; for if they did, they would destroy all hope of se-
cular improvement among the younger part of the manu-
facturing population ; they would aggravate the fend
which so long existed between the house of want and the
house of plenty; they would render poverty discontented,
wealth and property odious, and would impede the social
moral and religious improvement of all classes of the
community.

Sir J. GRAHAM did not intend to offer any opposition
to the introduction of the present bill. After compli-
menting Lord Ashley on the sacrifices which he had
made in this cause—sacrifices which were greater than
fell to the lot of most men to make—he proceeded to con-
tend that everything which had occurred in the manufac-
turing districts since the passing of the act of 1844, in-
stead of encouraging further legislation on the subject,
showed that we ought not toisclisturb the existing ar-
rangements. If it were true that higher wages had been
gained by the operatives in consequence of a reduction in
their hours of labour, he was glad to hear it; but he
thought that it was a reason for not interfering further by
legislation between the employer and the employed.
After pointing out the advantages which had been gained
for the labouring manufacturing population by Lord
Ashley since 1833, in the prohibition of all infant labour
under a certain age, in the limitation of labour to six
hours among children under thirteen years of age, in the
prohibition of all night labour, and in restricting the
labour of all young persons between the ages of thirteen
and eighteen to twelve hours a day, he proceeded to con-
tend that any further interference by Parliament with
manufacturing labour would be an interference with ca-
pital and machinery, which would be highly dangerous
in a commercial country like our own. It might be
asked, why, if such were his opinions, he allowed this
bill to be introduced. His answer was, that on former
occasions Lord Ashley had endeavoured to engraft his
opinions as amendments on measures proposed by the
Government, but that on the present occasion he had in-
troduced, on his own responsibility, a substantive mea-
sure, which it would be discourteous to reject without
examination. He begged to remind the house that this
question was connected with the relaxation of the re-
strictions on our commercial code and on the supply of
food, which had recently been submitted to the considera-
tion of the house. He therefore thought that the deci-
sion of the house on his lordship's bill should be post-
poned until the house had come to a decision on the pro-
position of government as to the laws affecting the im-
portation of corn. So far as he was personally concerned,
no decision on those laws, be it favourable or unfavour-
ble to the government, could shake " his unalterable
opinion" as to the inexpediency of interference with
.adult labour. No arguments which Lord Ashley had
used, or would use, were likely to obtain his support to
the second reading of his bill ; nevertheless, for the rea-
sons which he had stated, he would not object to its in-
troduction.

Lord J. MANNERS would give his cordial support to
the bill of his noble friend.

After some observations from Mr. Bright against the
bill,
Mr. FIELDEN said his experience of factories was more
extensive than that of Mr. Bright, and he was surprised
that Government should oppose a ten-hours' bill, for it
might be adopted with great benefit to all parties. As to
the argument that the bill was an invasion of property, it
was precisely the same argument that was used in favour
of the continuance of slavery. To protect labour, it was
necessary to preserve the labourer from being compelled
to work as long as a steam-engine.
Mr. WAKLEY thought Mr. Fielden's opinion was de-
serving of more weight on this subject than that of any
man in the kingdom, and he hoped it would have its full
influence upon the mind of Sir James Graham.
Lord ASHLEY replied, and leave was given to bring in
the bill.
Mr. ESCOTT asked Lord John Russell whether it was
his intention to renew a bill introduced by him in the last
session for re-organising the ecclesiastical courts.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, before answering the question,
wished to take two or three days to consider the subject.
Leave was given to Lord J. MANNERS to alter and
amend the laws relating to pious and charitable purposes.
Adjourned to Monday—not so much to observe the fast
on the anniversary of the death of King Charles as in con-
sequence of the state of public business ! So, at least, it
was made to appear by Sir Robert Peel.

FOREIGN AND COLOIVIAG.

THE RIVER PLATE

DESTRUCTION AND CAPTURE OF THE BATTERIES OF
ROSAS IN THE PARANA, BY THE COMBINED BRITISH

AND FRENCH FORCES

The efforts of Britain and France to put a stop, by ne-
gociation or mere armed demonstration, to the devastat-
ing war waged by Rosas against Monte Video, and to
secure, at the same time, the opening of the River Plate
and its tributaries to the commerce of all nations, have at
length brought about an appeal to force. By the Cyclops
steamer, which left Rio on the 23d December, we learn
that, on the 20th November, the positions of Rosas, on
the Parana, were attacked by the united forces, and, after
an obstinate action, which lasted from 10 o'clock, a.m.,
until 7 p.m., were carried triumphantly, the enemy leav-
ing 400 dead in the forts (all blacks!), besides having
been all day seen carrying out their dead and wounded in
carts. The loss on the side of the combined forces is re-
ported to be, British, 10 dead and 25 wounded. Among
the former are two officers, Lieut. Brickdale, of the Fire-
brand; Andrews, Dolphin. The French lost 18 dead and
70 wounded. This disparity is in part accounted for by
one of their vessels, the St. Martin, being recognised by
the enemy as one of the Buenos Ayrean squadron captured
off Monte Video, and attracting an unusual amount of
his fire, and her being, besides, unable to take up her in-
tended position. This vessel had 44 disabled at an early
period of the engagement, and was riddled with shot.
To give our readers an idea of the strength of the
enemy, we give the following from the Brazil Courier, of
December 13 :

On the 18th of November, the combined forces
moored about three miles from Point Obligado.
" In the evening, the captain of the Fulton, and Capt.
Sullivan, of the Philomel, British, and Capt. Trehouart,
French senior in command, went in a boat to reconnoitre
the position of the enemy's forces. They found four bat-
teries established on the right bank of the river. These
batteries mounted about 24 pieces of artillery, mostly of
heavy calibre, besides several detached field-pieces. The
river itself was barred by a stockade formed with 24 ves-
seles bound together by three strong iron chains. This
stockade was placed between the third and fourth batte-
ries. At one of the extremities, on the right bank, were
10 fire-ships ready to be let go; at the other extremity,
on the left bank, was moored the Republicano (Rosas's
brig), armed with many pieces of heavy calibre, and de-
signed to take in enfilade the opposing ships. Two of
these batteries were nearly on a level with the river, and
two others on peaks more or less elevated. Lastly, about
4,000 men, infantry and cavalry, were posted so as to pro-
tect the shores, and oppose any landing. The works were
very strong, and evidently under the direction of Euro-
pean engineers, well acquainted with the rules of art ; and
the tenacity of resistance is to be attributed to the fact
that the batteries were served by foreign deserters."
The attack was excellently arranged. The little fleet,
consisting of two steamers (the Gorgon and Firebrand), a
corvette, two brigs, and a brigantine, British ; and one
steamer (the Fulton), a corvette, two brigs, and a brigan-
tine, French—advanced in three divisions, led respec-
tively by Captains Trehouart, Sullivan, and Hotham,
British senior in command. The St. Martin, Capt. Tre-
houart, got into difficulty, but was generously assisted by
the British brig Dolphin taking up a position near her,
and drawing upon herself a portion of the enemy's fire.
In this position, a bomb-shell from the Dolphin set fire
to Rosas's brig, the Republicano (he wasn't in it), which
took fire, and shortly after blew-up. The fire ships were
loosed, but the current floated them in the wrong direc-
tion to do harm. In the midst of the fire, Capt. Hope,
of the Firebrand, went in his boat to break the chains
which united the stockade.

His intrepidity was crowned with the most complete
success. When once the chains were broken, the strong
current opened the line of vessels forming the stockade,
and the Fulton immediately took advantage to pass
through, and place herself in a position higher up, so as
to cross her fire with that of the first division.

It was at this period that Captain Trehouart, quitting
the St. Martin, which was totally disabled for further
service, went on board the Gorgon to concert with his
colleague, Captain Hotham. Thence he passed to the
Expeditive, and made the signal of union to the Pandour
and the Procida : he then ordered his three ships to run
aground at pistol-shot distance from the batteries, at
which they threw a shower of grape. The corvette Comus
came up quickly to sustain this intrepid manoeuvre. At
the same time Captain Hotham disembarked, with much
skill and vigour, 325 English soldiers. This determined
conduct on the part of the two commanders, executed
with equal bravery and success, overcame the last resist-
ance of the enemy, and decided the day.
The first English detachment, under the command of
Captain Sullivan, bad been received on landing by a heavy
fire of musketry from the enemy in ambush in an adjoin-
ing wood, but the arrival of the rest of the troops, under
the orders of Lieutenant Hindle, quickly put the enemy
to flight, notwithstanding the efforts of their cavalry,
which were charging and ruthlessly slaughtering the
English infantry.
. . .

Captain Trehimart having likewise landed with his men,
shortly after joined the English, and took possession of
the batteries, on which the enemy discontinued further
resistance.

On the morning of the 21st, additional forces landed,
and completed the destruction of the batteries. The gun
carriages were destroyed, and the guns broken or cast into
the river. Ten bronzed cannon only were preserved, and
shipped on board the combined squadron. All this day
the allied forces remained ashore without being in the
least disturbed.

It was during the hottest part of this remarkable en-
gagement that Captain Ilotharn wrote to his colleague,
Captain Trhouart, the words underneath quoted—words
equally honourable to the writer and to the party ad-
dressed—" If the title of brave' has ever been deserved,
it is by you and your crews." "Si le titre de brave a
jamais 6t6 meritd, c'est par vous et vos equipages."
The engagement with the batteries brgan at 10 a.m.,
and lasted till 5 p.m., during which time there was an in-
cessant tiring. From sto 7 p.m. the landing and the des-
truction of the works took place.

Feb. 3, 1846.

Too much credit cannot be given to all parties engag!
in this gallant affair ; and it is particularly gratifyine,
notice the perfect cordiality and mutual admiration ev"
ing between the leaders and forces of the two nations•

AMERICA.
We have received New York advices to the 13th 4,1,
nuary inclusive, together with late accounts from Cant;
and Mexico, by the arrival of the packet-ship SLOP'''.
Whitney, Captain Popham.
These advices are of considerable importance. ate
proceedings in Congress with regard to the Oregon gar"rs
still continued to partake of the same warlike charact
but no decisive vote had yet been taken in either of the
houses. In the Senate, on the Bth ultimo, Mr. Allen re:
port ed_back from the Committee on Foreign Affairs tille
joint resolutions advising the President to notify to the
British Government the desire of the United States t°
terminate the joint occupancy of the Oregon territorit
now in force with an amendment directing the reesicle4l,l
to adopt that step. In introducing this Mr. Allen sal"
he was instructed to move an early day for its considers'
tion ; but, as a senator bad intimated to him that he„ifi
to nded to start a preliminary question on Monday,
January, he should on that day move the Senate to 0,1
day to take up the joint resolution. The proceedings
the Senate present no other feature of interest. As
_ire.
gards those of the House of Representatives, the disc
sion upon the Oregon notice question had not terminated'
The great demand upon our space precludes, however'
the possibility of giving any lengthened details of the p.
ceedings ; and we must content ourselves with stall'6
that no new views had been elicited during the debate.
The contemplated movement against the existing tart
had at length opened. A bill to repeal the law bad bee°
introduced into the House of Representatives.
All parties, speculators and buyers in the flour and cot'
ton markets, were eagerly looking ont for Europeal
news ; and, as the latest dates received from Englaa
were of the 4th December, it was expected that late sa:
counts would shortly be received by the sailing packets'
The arrival out of the celebrated Corn-laws announce'
ment of The Times might be daily expected.
Our Canadian advices still hint at the existence of dia.
sension in the Cabinet; but nothing definite had trap'
spired. The journals comment warmly upon the OW
tering proceeding of the American Congress.
Mexican accounts to the 14th December contradict the
report that General Paredes had made a revolutionori
movement against the existing Government.
The journals received publish a despatch from General
Paredes to the Secretary of War, dated San Louis F. 13:
v als
tosi, November 26, stating that Colonel Barragon ba
circulated reports of his intention to pronounce for a dit;
tatorship, he had ordered Barragon to be arrested sal
proceedings taken against him. The Mexican Diaro de'
Gaberne confirms this. There would, therefore, be Do
obstacle in the way of Mr. Slidell, the American mints'
ter; and we may probably receive within a short period
accounts of the settlement of the Texan and California°
questions.

The congregation of Ignatius Loyola have inaugurated/
in their church at Rome, a Triduum for the conversion
the people of England.
ANNEXATION OF IRELAND.—In the American Hough
of Representatives the other day, the clerk gravely read
proposal, made by a member, to annex Ireland to the
United States.

On the 12th ult., the anniversary of the birth of tb!
King of Naples, the Queen was safely delivered of a prince:
His Majesty, therefore, was felicitated on both events ab
the same time.
Another misfortune occurred last month to the Unite('
States steam-frigate Princeton, while in the harbour at
Boston. The furnaces of her engines set ber on fire, so
she was much damaged in the after part before the flame
could be extinguished. Her powder ma,razines were
flooded with water.

SANDWICH ISLANDS.—Of fifty-eight independent so'
vereigns in Europe, eighteen have less population thati
this kingdom, and thirty have less square miles. The
kingdom of Saxony approaches nearest to it in amount of,
territory, having 5,705 square miles, and a population of
1,680,000. This country is capable.of sustaining an ego'
number, besides having the great advantage of being fa-
vourably situated for a commercial marine.

Paris journals state that the campaign against Abd.el.
Kader was for a moment at an end. The splendid cavald
corps of Youssouf had been so cut up and harassed in OP'
pursuit of the Ernir, that it been found necessary to die
solve it. About Abd-el-Kaier nothing certain was known',
Besides the weather disasters of the desolating corps n:
General Levasseur, the Arabs hung upon his retreat, en'
off by scores the stray soldiers, and captured immense
quantities of arms and baggage.

The Akhbar of Algiers has a letter of the 6th instant
from Djidjili, stating that at about six o'clock in the even'
ing of the preceding day lightning fell upon the Vale
blockhouse, and caused four cases of ammunition to e%;
plode. The place and every article in it was destroye°,r
and the ten men who were on duty at it were all dread'
fully burnt or mutilated by the splinters. One gunner
died the same night, and five more were expected to shall
the same fate.

PROTESTANT CONFERENCE.—The result of the Evan'
gelical Conference, at Berlin, has not officially transpired?
but their discussions have turned upon the four followint
points :—the junction of all the Evangelical congregations
in Germany ; the organisation of a general church govern'
ment, arrangement in the mode of worship, and the
congregational confession of faith. It appears that the/.
have unanimously voted in favour of establishing ecclesl"
astical conferences at regular periods, the delegates to be
chosen by the various districts and by the universities'
With regard to the form of church government, it is to'
but certain that Prussia, Wirtemberg, Saxony, and Baden;
are favourable to a synod and to Presbyterian institutions',

1
PREMATURE INTERMENT.-The Paris eonstitutione
states that the cases of premature interment prevented bl
fortuituous circumstances amount in France, since the
year 1833, to ninety-four. Of those, thirty-five persolle.
awoke of themselves from their lethargy at the momet'
the funeral cei emony was about to commence ; thirteen
recovered in consequence of the affectionate care of tbe.ir
families • seven in consequence of the fall of the coffins ni
diey were inclosed ; nine owed their recovery t°
wounds inflicted by the needle in sewing their winding
a
sheet; five to the sensation of suffocation they experienced
in their coffins; nineteen to their interment having bee°
delayed by fortuitous circumstances ; and six to their in.
ment having been delayed in consequence of doubts her,
ing been entertained of their death. It is awful to reflen'
how many persons in the absence of such " fortuitod
circumstances," have been and may daily be buried alive'
No supposed corpse should be interred until it exhibits O.
equivocal symptoms of decomposition.

RUSSIA.—The last news from the Caucasus up to do"
20th December, informs us that the forts on the left vvieg,
of the Russian line were surprised by the mountaineers'
the Russian garrison consisting of from 800 to 1200 men;
has been cut to pieces, or made prisoners ; the loss of 0"
mountaineers was also very considerable. A large WWI:
tity of arms and ammunition fed into the hands of the 06:
tors. Prince Woronzow has given orders for preparation'
that are really extraordinary at this season of the yes,(l,
The preceding intelligence was communicated by a trave`,,
ler who left Teflis on the 20th December. They appear
tv
have been known in other parts of Russia, for a corm~
spondent writes from St. Petersburgh, the Bth Januaell
that the last despatches from the Caucasus had produce:
a great sensation in all circles. The Emperor Nichol
ro
reached St. Petersburgh on the 11th of January, on b't
return from his tour. After some hours' repose, he wen
to the cathedral church of Casan, and was present at tbo
mass. The populace received him with every mark of Sr,
tisfaction. From church, the Emperor went to the 110
ter palace after having reviewed the guard on duty•
the evening there were illuminations.
SITUATION OF THE CANTON OF BERN E.—The deco-
of the Great Council of Berne, relative to the revision s%
the Constitution being appointed to be submitted to ti;)
approval of the Primary Assemblies on the Ist of Fe
ruary, parties are beginning again with all energy to 14,1
tate, in order to bring together the elements of a victorl_vii
which both sides make sure. The eyes of all Switzer
are directed towards Berne, for on the attitude it o%f
depends in a great measure the fortune of the liberal Oro
of the Confederation. If the Government triumphs,
~5t
may be assured that there will be a pause, or at least vot
modifications in the federal policy; and if the banishniebe
of the Jesuits is obstinately demanded, there will not
o
again that display of hot zeal which a year ago excited ,4.
deputation of this canton. On the other hand, if the ""It
dical party obtain the upper hand, it may occur thin 4
.will bring into all that appertains to the federal polio'
ardour the more fierce in proportion to tle deep resePag,
ments it has to satiate. All, however, greatly deploo
which party soever may triumph, in keeping M. Newf
at the head of affairs. This Magistrate, whilst, wit" 001
extensive influence, he has supported a Governrafte
which, but for him, could not have lasted a month 90
the defeat of the corps francs, has by no means loot Id
ascendancy over the best-informed Radicals. The for%
diplomacy regards very attentively the march of eveP,lff
being quite aware of the consequence that may to(
throughout Switzerland from the political organizatie:the
the canton of Berne ; for it must not be forgotten the; fro
canton of Berne will take the lead in federal affairs if
the Ist of January, 1847.
n
MARITIME DISASTERS AT THE BLACK 016
several weeks past dreadful weather has prevailed onfof
Black Sea. Storms and hurricanes of incredible
drove the waves in every direction, and with such 510
that the shipping in the harbour are not in safety'. 4:0
hear from all quarters of fresh shipwrecks. More.
20 vessels, laden with wheat have been lost on the "V
sian coast coming from Taganrog and Kertsch. I
greater number of these ships were Turkish or Rils
and were bound for the coast of Anatolia, where the 00C'
tress of the population is increasing daily in eonserllloor
of the late bad harvest. A real famine rages in the '
rior, particularly in the districts of Upper Armeniatie
great number of Greek, British, and Austrian
,11
which were coming from the ports of Southern best:
and of which a part were likewise laden with i°00;
perished near the entrance of the Bosphorus, on the t
_DO
of the western coast of the Black Sea. The steanlos
which trades between Kertsch and Redut-Raleh li
danger of being cast by a whirlwind on the rocks het c,lo#
ogetf:,
Gelendschik and:Anapa. Its machinery became dera
and the boat continued its route with its sails• e tbf
mountaineers of that part of the Caucasus crowds stir
rocks on the coast in the hopes of pillaging the i'iortd‘
and some Circassian balls reached her deck. 010/
nately for the Russian seamen, the weather became Tb'
and they were enabled to reach the port of AnaPti
_.,* OS;
navigation of the sea. of Azoff is concluded for this 'l.l,
The ports of Taganrog, Ni aicopol, and PortjanskrbBer
ready covered with ice. On the 10th of Deceit' it
last merchant vessel passed the strait of Kertsch•
a Greek, freighted for Marseilles. The greater n. fro,
of the merchant ships which entered the Black Se; liPtg
the month of September to the month of November, pOl
Greeks, and came to purchase wheat to the souther_kicle.
of Russia, notwithstanding the high price of that 0"