The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-11-01 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The communication of a "Native of Cumberland" will be at-
tended to.

The letter of our excellent correspondent, the "Vest Indian,"
will, if possible, appear in our next.
A " Country Radical" has our thanks for his good wishes, but
he writes in so extraordinary a vein that we suspect he would
not be over well pleased to see himself in print in his own
fashion, and we have no leisure to translate him.

The controversy about potatoes and the bogs of Kintyre, al-
though no doubt of a very interesting nature, is quite out of
our line—at least so many acres of it. •

vibe nibtrpool tanbarb,

FRIDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 1, 1833.

Various important but voluminous papers, relative to
the state of the negociations between Holland and the
London conference, have been published in the course of
the week, but they are by far too dull and lengthy for our
png-oci, We confess th%t ttice documents are important,
but we must qualify this term by explaining that it is not
the matter of the documents which gives them an inter-
est, but the absence of facts and concessions which would
lead to the reasonable conviction that any rear settlement
of the dispute is seriously intended. We do not regret,
therefore, nor will the generality of our readers regret
that we are unable to find room for these papers. The
object of the ccurts of France and Great Britain is to
impose harsh terms upon WrI.LIAra of the Netherlands—
to strip liim of his hereditary dominions, and to encourage
the commerce of Belgium, and the inland navigation of
the Scheldt at his expense; while, on the other hand, the
policy of the King of HOLLAND is to resist their aggres-
sive demands, and rather appeal to the sword than per-
mit his subjects to be made the victims of injustice. To
think of any speedy adjustment, in this position of af-
fairs, is entirely out of the question. No settlement of
the question can take place until the relative situations of
the contending parties is entirely changed by some new
convulsion in Europe. That crisis, however, may be
near at hand.

As regards the civil war now raging in Spain, in pain-
ful unison with that of Portugal, the French papers state,
that the QUEEN REGENT has sent a formal request to
LOUIS PHILIPPE for the immediate aid and interposition
of a French army of at least 30,000 men. If this be true,
we shall very speedily be in possession of the resolutions
of the French cabinet. When Spain was last invaded by
the French, in the time of FERDINAND, Louis XVIII. did
not venture upon such a step without consulting the
other sovereigns of Europe. They acquiesced, and the
deposed FERDINAND was restored.
Now, the question comes, will Loins PHILIPPE dare to
invade Spain without following the example of Louis
his predecessor, and first•obtaining the consent of the
other powers ? We hardly think, backed though he be
by the English Whigs, that he would act so rash and
perilous a part. But, should he seek their consent, will
it be given ? No. If refused, will he march never-
theless? That is cal rying the inquiry as far as we can
safely go, and we here stop.
We refer to our foreign head for other particulars.

The news brought by the Nautilus is not confirmed by
the Athol, and, consequently, the " important intelli-
gence': which was received from Portugal by the former
vessel, and which put an end, for at least four-and-
twenty hours, to the mortal career of DON MIGUEL, is
presumed to have had a Stock Exchange origin. The
successes of DON PEDRO, he himself, as it was represented,
leading the van, in all the victorious charges upon the
enemy, are supposed to be equally apocryphal. The fact
is, that all the recent advices from Lisbon come through
such a disreputable channel that no reliance whatever
can be placed upon them. The last and most authentic
accounts admit that MIGUEL was at Santarem, a town
about thirty miles from the capital, surrounded by his
small army, which has, at no time, since he approached
Lisbon, amounted to more than ten thousand men,
where he awaits reinforcements, which, considering the
season of the year and the state of the roads, it must be
difficult to bring up. Where BOURBIONT is, no one, not
even Don PEDRO, seems to know.

The Lady Rowena, Captain MAIN, arrived here yes-
terday from Charleston, from whence she sailed on the
26th September. We were previously apprised of the
sailing of the Lady Rowena, by the packet ship George
Washington, three days ago. We have received by this
conveyance, through a highly respectable house here,
some detailed intelligence of the present and probable
state of the cotton market in the United States, furnished
by well-informed parties in Charleston, which we give
in our third page. We have reason to believe that this
will be found the best arranged statement which has hi-
therto been made public on this subject, so important. es-
pecially to this and the neighbouring counties.

We were enabled to give in the Second Edition of our
Tuesday's number some important commercial informa-
tion received from New York by the packet-ship George
Washington, which arrived off the port on that day ; part
of which intelligence we re-publish to-day for our general
readers. We perceive, as we expected, that the determi-
nation of the PRESIDENT to withdraw the public funds from
the United States' Bank, has raised a strong controversy
in various parts of the union ; and the New York papers
present a diversity of opinions, drawn from various quar-
ters, on this, doubtlesSlmportant, subject. It is difficult
.for us, -at this distance, to comprehend all the bearings of
the question ; but, from the best view we have been en-
bled to take, 'we are inclined to think that, whatever the
policy of the measure, there appears more of the exercise
of arbitrary will in the PRESIDENT'S decision than would
seem to belong to the head of that form of government
which is established in the United States. Connected
with this subject of banking, a new feature presents itself
in the following paragraph, extracted from the New York
Gazette:—

"BANKING.—We learn from the Philadelphia Intelligencer that
the Girard Bank of that city, and the Manhattan Bank of New
York, have made arrangements with the American agentof the
Rothschilds of London, for the loan of one million and a half
dollars each."

We are prevented by press of other and temporary
matter from extending our ex,racts from the American
papers, which contain many interesting articles. But, as
we are touching upon new features, we must notice an
announcement of something perfectly new in steam navi-
gation, being an extract in a New York paper from one
published in Boston. We noticed this in our Second
Edition on Tuesday, but in 'such a manner that it might
be mistaken for a Liverpool announcement

From the Boston Transcript.

" STEAM-PACKET TO LIVERPOOL.—The keel of a splendid
steam-packet, with four engines to ply between New York and
Liverpool, will be laid this week. She will be of a large size;
and, as the enterprise is undertaken by gentlemen of capital, no
expense will be spared to make the experiment in the best pos-
sible manner, so that there can be butlittle doubt of its success."

The taxes still form the prominent subject of domestic
interest. A grand attack was made upon the resisters on
Saturday last, in London, which terminated rather fa-
vourably for the assailants, some few pounds in money,
and several articles of furniture, of no particular value,
having been secured for the, government.
It is pitiful—it is truly melancholy—to see the execu-
tive of this once great nation reduced to the sad alterna-
tive of calling out the Life Guards to hold in check a few

THE L I VERPO

unruly tradesmen, and protect the sheriff' in collecting
the just debts due to the KING and the public creditor.
What an imposing force ! The Royal Horse Guards, or

Oxford Blues, two regiments of foot guards, and three
thousand armed police, under arms the whole day, fur-
nished with forty rounds of ball cartridges, pistols loaded,
muskets ready, bayonets fixed, orderlies riding about, all
for what ? Was THOMAS ATTWOOD, and his million of

men, on Hampstead Heath ? Had Captain NAPIER,

now Admiral PANZA, taken Portsmouth ? Had Sir JOHN

KEY declared war against the Treasury ? Had CosTEn

returned from the Hulks with a legion of felons to rob

the bank ? In short, was the Thames on fire ? Nothing
of the kind, most inquisitive reader ! All these martial
movements and this magnificent display were caused by
one citizen HARMER proceeding, in the course of his
official duty, to levy upon the goods and chattels of some
three or four inhabitants of Marylebone for certain ar-

rears of taxes, which these worthy people had refused, or
were unable, to pay, and the whole sum due not exceed-
ing eighty pounds sterling ! In former and better days
these dishonest patriots, and valorous costermongers of
Cockaigne would have been beaten into submission by a
constable and a broker's apprentice. For the very threats
they have used recently they would, in those days, have
been sent to gaol. For daring to challenge the right to
levy taxes, or for meeting to combine against their pay-
ment, or for uttering any declaration in contravention of
law, or for offering even passive resistance,they would
have been indicted for constructive treason, found gui'ty
as a matter of course, and either hanzed or sent to Bo-
tany Bay. These times, however, are gone by, and the
law has fallen into the sere and yellow leaf; it exists only
to be trampled upon, and its mandates, instead of being
respected, are universally despised.,
And is it come to this ?—that upwards of five thousand
armed men have to be called into requisition to aid the'
sheriff in collecting the house and window duties in Ox-
ford-road, London ! When the present ministers gave.
up the tithes in Ireland, they represented that the cost of
collecting them by military force exceeded their value.
It would app,..ar that ministers ,are pretty much in the

same way in England as respects the assessed taxes:
With all the imposing force described above they could
only execute their warrants upon, three individuals—two
of whom paid the money, or it was paid by their friends,
and the third refused. If the government should be
compelled to call out three regiments of soldiers at every
trumpery distraint of this kind, it will be the dearest kind
of tax-grinding that ever was tried, for they will be pre-
cisely in the enviable situation of the Irish drummer who
spent half-a-crown out of sixpence a-day.
It is melancholy, we have said, to see any government,
much less the government of this extensive empire, whose
commerce and manufactures are entirely dependent upon
public security and the power of the laws, reduced to so
abject and humiliating a plight. But while we lament
the circumstance, it is impossible to sympathise with
those who are now reaping the harvest of their own folly,
and who are the sole authors of the calamities which they
deplore. Their own Lieutenant in Ireland told the' people
to " agitate, agitate ;" and their devoted adherents, Lord
FITZWILLIAM and Mr. W. BROUGHAM, tendered the same
advice in England. Ministers yielded to the Irish call ; and
as sure, as the sun shines, they will be compelled to yield
to that nearer home, and now resounding amid the echoes
of Downing-street. The surrender of tithes was a cow-
ardly and a most unjust concession to the rabble of Irish
priests and their slaves the mob. O'CONNELL, in bis most
towering days, was never anything but a tool of these
priests. Ministers, however, yielded, and in so doing
they not only connived at treason, stratagem, and crime
in Ireland, but they gave being and influence, and, as it
would appear, sovereign power, to the revolutionary party
in England. The people of this country are supine and
slow in their movements. It requires something more
than ordinarily attractive, or some act unusually iniqui-

tons or infamous, to rouse them into action. But when
once roused, all the persuasive eloquence that ever drop-
ped from human lips—all the innocence that would charm
the hyaena—all the guilt that would convict an angel—
would not shake them in their purpose, or turn them from
their design. That they had abundant reason for being
discontented we freely admit. They of course did not see
the injustice of robbing the Protestant clergy of Ireland.
In the hey-day of their political fever, fraud, combination

and spoliation, had no repulsive aspect to them. An
Irish parson was considered fair game. Slander had re-
presented him as an indolent and useless labourer in the

vineyard of charity, a cumberer of the ground; a perse

cutor of the poor; and the million mouthed mob accord-
ingly set upon him in full yell. For three years the Pro-
testant clergy of Ireland were refused the payment of
their tithes. They were reduced to a state of helpless

dependence, akin to pauperism. Ministers of our re-
formed religion—exemplary and pious men—to the eter-
nal disgrace of the British government, were reduced to
the painful necessity of selling their books in order to
provide sustenance for their families. At all this distress
the Irish priests rejoiced, and the English rabble laughed.
But the Providence which weeps at folly punishes guilt;
and the people of this country, who had no sympathy for
the deeply-injured and cruelly-persecuted Protestant pas-
tors of Ireland, were soon convinced that the evils they
inflicted, and the wrongs they encouraged, would be ter-
ribly avenged in their own persons. Lord ALTHORP, the
brother of a Popish priest, was selected to be the instru-
ment. We have ever done this noble lord justice', and
now in so serious a case we will not deny that he was an
unconscious tool. Nature in her bounty had so ordered
it—in kindness.

Lord ALTHORP, however, finding all other resources
unavailing—that tithes could not be collected—that the
Protestant clergy -were in absolute want—that robbery
prevailed over the law—called upon the Commons—the
reformed House of Commons—to grant a million sterling
out of the consolidated fund of England to make good a
portion of the arrears due to the Protestant clergy of
Ireland. He had suffered the priests and the rabble.to
pillage with impunity, and then he called upon the com-
munity of blockheads, who form the mass of this " beast
of a nation," to make good a part of the damage.
This was the first obvious and tangible upshot of agi-
tation. The costs fell upon us of England. The hedge
priests had piped, and we had danced; but the sluggish
and stupid animal had to pay for his former mirth and
entertainment. It was 'delightful beyond expression to
see the " Irish parsons" robbed; but it was hail and
snow, fire and brimstone, to be compelled to pay PAUL
for the frauds of PETER.

And so it was. To saddle us with a million -for the
sake of peace—to take from our pockets that which
should have come from the priests, demagogues, and
beautiful peasantry of Ireland—was as flagrant an act
of injustice as was ever committed by any government
in the worst of times. The revolutionary party—the
people of the unions—the insolent tradesmen of London
—soon saw and felt the force and the injustice of this sort
of policy.- Hence all their present soreness and violence.
Hence their resistance to the assessed taxes. Hence
their determination to agitate, in order to extort from
the government something equivalent to the extra charges
and burthens imposed upon them for the relief of the
Irish clergy. They are right at last, although like the
ministers and their servile and ignorant parliament, they
have been wrong from the beginning.
In this struggle, however, between the government
and their former supporters—in this war of roguery
against knavery—it is distressing to- witness the infatu-
ation which prevails. One man, a member of the union,
states, that he has for twenty-two years paid his assessed
taxes and other rates, but that owing to the stagnation
of trade, and the distresses of the times, he is now not
only unable to pay them, but is so reduced in his circum-
stances, as " not to be able to make that decent appear-
ance in society for himself and family that he was desir-
ous to maintain by his labour." What this man means
by a " decent appearance in society," is a question of
degree, and can only have reference to his income or his
wages. It is clear enough, however, that he is worse
off now than formerly. We take for granted that he la-
bours as hard, or is willing to labour as hard, as he was
wont to do. Why then is he worse off at present ? Let
the political unions—let the disturbers of the public
peace—let the blockheads who clamour against and de