The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-06-25 00:00:00

tinned, to he shelved for the session by being ve.
ferred, in company with the new competing project,
to a select committee. Already it is half acknow-
ledged that government are prepared to give the
weight of their influence to the latter ; and, at all
events, when we recollect the creeping progress of
past legislation upon the subject of the bankrupt
and insolvent law, it is morally certain that the pub-
lic have no more immediate certainty with respect to
the settlement of that law upon a satisfactory and
permanent basis than they had at the commencement
or the close of this or any other session of Parlia-
ment.

It is painful to witness such mockery of the pub-
lic interests and regardlessness of the public feel-
ings, as is apparent in this and similar proceedings
of both houses ; and still more painful when the
authors of such procrastination of important ques-
tions are the members of a government who have
been accustomed to protest so loudly against the
same course when pursued by former governments.
A goodly list we have already of measures initiated
in both houses, and strangled prematurely or
shelved during the present session,—of registration
bills, education bills, new poor-law amendment
bills, and other projects, ushered into being with
much flourish and profession, and botched or bun-
gled in their progress. And if we are to have, as
we much suspect, a final and wholesale slaughter
at its close, there can scarcely be wanting a Whig-
Radical Lyndhurst to chronicle and catalogue them
before the face of the world.

It is not often that we are tempted to take up
cudgels in defence of the small body of men who
constitute the force of the Anti-Corn-law League in
the House of Commons ; and even in the present
instance it is with reluctance that we do so. But so
fearful was the blow dealt against them yesterday
by a local contemporary, that, in pure humanity, we
feel ourselves impelled to offer a few remarks, in the
hope or saving from utter political extinction such
amusing personages as Mr. Cobden, Mr. Milner
Gibson, and their offending brethren.
The Albion fastens upon these gentlemen the
charge of having, by their votes in favour of the
Ministers upon the Sugar Duties question, "thrown
away the best chance which the Liberal cause ha.?
had for years, and, perhaps, postponed the downfal
of Toryism to an indefinite period." With all due
respect for the ilibion's judgment, we must contend
that Mr. Cobden and his party have done no such
thing. By promoting the ministerial proposition,
and enabling a number of the Conservative party to
jump Jim Crow so successfully, they have perma•
nently weakened that party in the estimation of the
public out of doors, whilst they have weakened the
cohesion 3f its members in the House of Commons.
They have helped them to deal " a heavy blow and
great discouragement " upon a body of their
staunchest supporters, the West India interest, and
to exhibit themselves in the unamiable position of
standing between the people and a supply of cheaper
sugar. At the very moment when Ministers were
rubbing their hands over their escape from a second
defeat upon this question, and the Albion was fum-
ing at the thought that Sir Robert Peel was not out,
and Lord John Russell not in, Mr. Richard Cobden
was chuckling over the clever ruse which had kept
in their seats for a time an administration whose
every step approaches his own policy, and drags us
nearer the compulsory adoption of ultra measures
of liberalism, or rather of destruction to the best
interests of the country, whilst it had disappointed
the excited hopes of the most paltry set of pre-
tenders which ever abused the patience of a people.
Richard Cobden care for whig rule ! Fudge.

Beyond the fact that theme offending Leaguo
members regulate their votes by something like
principle, and thus,—regarding the measure of Sir
Robert Peel as a better free trade measure than that
of Mr. Miles, which Lord J. Russell and his party,
gaping for place and for nothing beyond, rushed to
support—cast on this occasion mere party considera-
tions, those favorite considerations of the Albion,
overboard; let us see what was the eminent consis-
tency—(inconsistency is imputed to Mr. Cobden)—
of the liberals who voted for the ministerial propo-
sition. The measure of Mr. Miles was one to in-
crease the differential duty, making it nominally 14s
in place of 10s, in favor of British plantation sugar.
Against that very principle—of differential duties—
who were the loudest in their protestations when
the Canadian Corn Duties Bill was under discus-
sion ? Why, the very members, composing a por-
tion of the late administration, who now, with a
party benefit in view, support the same principle
which is involved in Mr. Miles's motion. This is
inconsistency if you like ! But, we beg pardon ;
we are in error. There is a consistent love of place
evident ; a consistent love of embarrassing op-
ponents for personal benefit. Inconsistency in
principle—consistency in adherence to interested
motive.

But, to the consideration of the main point of
offence—the question of the fact what injury Mr.
Cobden has by his conduct and that of his friends
inflicted upon the whig-radical party. The Albion
states the question to be one between

A Liberal Government. Four shillings more or less
Repeal of the Corn Laws. duty on white foreign
Alteration of the Sugar Du- clayed sugars, and all the
ties, including the point blessings of a Tory Go-
at issue in the present vernment into the bar-
struggle. gain :
Repeal of the Income-tax.
End of the spy and packed
jury system in Ireland.
Termination to the letter-

peeping Government in
England.
thus leaving us on record his sage conviction that
the success of Mr. Miles's amendment would have
brought about the various consummations in the
first column ; and the success of government the
consummation described in the last.

Now here we beg once more to differ from our
contemporary, and to assure him of our convictk.n
that nothing that could possibly have befallen Sir
Robert Peel's government, with respect to this ques-
tion, could have produced such a lusus naturae as
would be a whig administration, in the state of
public feeling existing at present in the country.
Sir Robert Peel might possibly have resigned; but
it by no means follows as a matter of course that
Lord John Russell would have occupied his place.
On the contrary, it is, in our estimation, and in that
of other parties better qualified to give an opinion,
far more likely that the formation of a strong Con.
servative administration would have been the result
—an administration by whom some deference would
have been paid to the declared opinions of the ma.
jority of the nation—of which the right hon. baro-
net might have formed a member, but of which
some other gentlemen, now his colleagues, (amongst
whom we include Sir James Graham,) would not ;
and by such a process we are rather inclined to
think that the chances of power for the whig party
would not be very greatly advanced. The forma-
tion of such a government might involve a dissolu-
tion of parliament ; but that is a matter over which
we should not materially grieve. It would afford
an opportunity to the constituency of weeding the
House of Commons of a few members who have
been of late rather crotchetty, and whose place
could be supplied by better materials.

We have expressed our regret elsewhere, and we
again express it, to find the name of our valued

representative, Sir Howard Douglas, amongst the
list of those voting against Mr. Mi'es's amendment,
on Monday last, and thus, in effect, affirming the
principle of the Government measure from which he
had on a former evening dissented ; but we must dis-
tinctly he understood to impute no unworthy motives
—nothing of a time-serving character—as having
actuated him in so doing. Such an imputation on
our part would have been most unwarrantable, di-
rected towards a highly honourable man and faith-
ful representative, whose votes and conduct in the
House, since his election, have been all that we
could have wished. Entertaining the opinions
which Sir Howard did, of hostility to both proposi-
tims, he could scarcely have pursued any other
course, unless, on the last occasion, he had with-
drawn from the House, which might have given
occasion to a charge (that of shirking the straight-
forward course), which we feel assured, from the
manly character of Sir Howard, would be more
grievous to him than any which the ribaldry of our
Radical friends can bring against him.
We are happy to be able to do something towards
allaying any ill feeling, and removing any miscon-
ceptions, which might result from the anomalous
position in which Sir Howard has been temporarily
placed, by the publication of a correct report of his
speech (extracted from Hansard), from which it will
be seen that the gallant member expressly guarded
himself from the imputation that he voted on Mon-
day with Ministers on account of any change of
opinion, or any wish to avoid the consequences of
his former vote :

" Sir Howard Douglas was desirous of saying a few
words in explanation of the vote he was about to give.
After baying maturely considered the measure proposed
by her Majesty's government, believing that it would be
greatly injurious to the British West India, and Colonial
interests, he had voted against that measure. But he did
not approve, and therefore could not support, the amend-
ment of the hon. member for Bristol; because he (Sir
Howard) did not think it provided adequate protection or
security, as a remedial measure, for the prejudicial effects
which that proposed by her Majesty's government was
likely to produce; and because by voting for that amend-
ment, he would be committed to some propositions and
admissions to which he was opposed. For these reasons
he (Sir Howard) had come to the resolution to vote
against both propositions, previous to the discussion of
either; and he might appeal to friends around him, and
to the hon. member for Bristol himself, whether he (Sir
Howard) had not made this intention known. By nega-
tiving both propositions, he kSir Howard) would keep
himself in a position free to go into the discussion of
that large question, for the settlement of the sugar duties,
in a more permanent and beneficial manner to all parties,
to which the attention of the house must be called in the
next session of parliament.

" Sir H. Douglas, in explanation, begged to say, that
he had changed no purpose on the present occasion, nor
hail he swerved from the vote which he had from the first
intended to give on the lion. member for Bristol's amend-
ment. He had voted against the proposition of the go-
vernment on Friday night, because he did not approve of
it, and he had openly stated his intention, to vote against
the proposition now before the committee, if it should be
brought forward. That course had been pursued by the
hon. member for Bristol, and he should feel himself called
upon to act as he had prescribed, and to vote against the
amendment."

Ties FUNDS, Saturday night.—The English Stock
market has further slightly improved to-day, notwith-
standing the limited hours of business. A few orders
on behalf of the public were concluded early in the morn-
ing, and these gave the better tone to prices. Consols for
the account finally closed 984 to Bank Stock, 1974 to
1984 ; Exchequer-bills, 735. to 755. p.m.; Three per
Cents. Reduced, 984 ; Three-and-a-Half per Cents.
Reduced, 1024 to ; Long Annuities, 124 ; and India
Bonds, 94 to 95 p.m. There was also an improvement
noticeable in the foreign securities, which in most cases
were quoted the shade better, though no great deal of
business was transacted. Spanish Five per Cents. left
off 234 to 4 ; the Three per Cents, 354 to : Portuguese,
464 to 474 ; Peruvian, 27 to 28 ; Mexican, 344 to 4 ; the
Deferred, 144 to ; Dutch T.vo-and-a-Half per Cents.,
614 to 62 : the Five per Cents., 1004 to 101: Danish, 88
to 89; Colombian, 134 to ; Buenos Ayres, 35 to 37;
Brazilian, 814 to 824 ; and Belgian, 1034 to 1044.
THE BANK OF ENGLAND.—In Friday night's Gazette
we had the return of the quarterly average of the weekly
liabilities and assets of the Bank of England for the three
months from the 23d March to the 15th instant. Com-
pared with the quarter from the 24th of February to the
18tn of May, the following are the results :—The circula-
tion has decreased from £91,3Q3.000 to £21,327,000,
being a difference of £66.000 ; the deposits have increased
from £13,345,000 to £13,483,000, being a difference of
£138,000, making the total liabilities £34,810,000. The
securities have increased from £21.786,000 to £21,916,000,
being a difference of £130,003. Thebullion has decreased
from £16,010,000 to £15,900,000, being a difference of
£llO,OOO, making the aggregate assets £37,816,000. The
surplus or rest has decreased from £3,058,000 to
£2,006,000, being a difference during the month of
£20,00.

LORD SANDON.—A letter from Lord Sandon appears
in the Times of Wednesday, in which he complains of an
incorrect report of his speech on the Sugar Duties' Bill.
His lordship says :—" I am represented as urging the go-
vernment not to be depressed by the difficulties of their
present condition, nor to exaggerate them. This lan-
guage, and all that follows, I addressed to the West In-
dian proprietors, to whom I recalled the great natural and
acquired advantages which they possess for the growth of
sugar, the prospect which now opens for a really adequate
supply of labour, and the knowledge of the protection
which they are likely permanently to enjoy, as reasons for
not desponding, but rather for looking at last to a hopeful
issue out of all their difficulties."

STATE OF OUR SUGAR COLONIES.—We find in the
Morning Herald of Friday last, an article in which the
writer—who is evidently well acquainted with the sub-
ject—condemns the " make-shift and momentary legis-
lation which has hitherto been the bane of our West
India colonies"—contends that it can no longer be pur-
sued—that the evil may be cured, though not, he admits,
without difficulty—that this is not to be accompli-hed
either by protecting duties or a reduction of duties; and,
after an exposition of the culpable idleness of the negro
population, concludes by submitting what he conceives
would prove an efficacious remedy. It appears that at
the period of emancipation, the number of slaves. young
and old, employed in sugar cultivation in all our colonies
was about 500,000, out of a total of 718,000. These in
1832 produced 4,678,272 cwts. of sugar, or 91 cwt. for
each: after the addition of about 40,000 Africans and
Coolieg, only 2,980,701 cwts. were produced, or only
about 54 cwt. for each. Probably not above one-third of
the former number now engage in work, the remainder
having either relinquished the cultivation of exportable
produce, or will only work occasionally at wages so high,
that no price that can be obtained can remunerate the un-
fortunate proprietor. According to the evidence given by
several well-informed parties before the Housa of Com-
mons, in 1840, the .noney wages paid and other advan-
tages bestowed in Guiana were equal to 4s. 2d. per day,
and in the other colonies the rate is proportionably high,
and labour equally scarce. With such a defalcation of
labour no exporting colony can exist, or compete with
countries where labour is abundant and wages low. This
excessively high rate of wages, and the abandonment of
labour by the mass of the negro population, are the real
causes which bear down the West Indies ; and the writer
contends that this country ought not to be further taxed
to enable negro labourers to earn in colonies where there
are no severities of seasons and no taxes to pay, 4s. a day,
rapidly to enrich themselves, while the British agricul-
tural labourer can but obtain 7s. to 9s. for incessant toil,
in this inclement climate, and is, moreover, heavily taxed.
When the £20,000,000 was paid for the emancipation of
the negroes, the reasonable condition that should have
been exacted for the boon—for such it was—was that they
should, like other populations throughout the globe, work
for reasonable hours and for reasonable wages, in order
to supply the customary quantity of sugar at a moderate
price—not materially differing from what it can be ob-
tained for elsewhere. In this there could have been no
hardship or injustice, as we are told that the free men can,
without difficulty, do much more work than the slave.
Unfortunately,in the hurry of emancipation no such con-
ditions were thought of or required ; but surely no really
good and honest men would contend that liberty was to
be exempt from labour; and that " a rebellion of apathy
and idleness"—the parent of poverty, misery and crime—
against activity and industry--was to be endured? The
writer, after some amplification of these views, says :
" By just, energetic, and prudent conduct and counsels on
the part of the Government and the colonies, much, if
not the whole, of the evil may speedily be removed. The
road is safe, the remedy is simple. Let the British Go-
vernment peremptorily command all the colonial gover-
nors and authorities to inculcate on the minds of the ne-
gro population that if they will not labour continuously
and for reasonable wages, like other men, the inevitable
result will be the' introduction of foreign sugar into Eng-
land without any protecting duties, when they will receive
no wagei at all, and when any exportable produce which
they may attempt to cultivate for themselves will be
beaten out of every market by productions raised by more
industrious and reasonable beings ; they will understand
this, and act accordingly." He says that it would be well
to " try this simple remedy before the colonies are lost ;"
and is of opinion that if the government will but do so
honestly, firmly and fairly, with all the weight of their
authority, he has no fear of a successful result. We con-
cur with him in the propriety of the attempt. At all
events, we consider it little short of suicidal in Sir R.
Peel to reduce the protective duties on our own free grown
sugar, without an energetic effort to extend to the almost
ruined planters, the means of obtaining labour by immigra-
tion,orotberwise as will enable them to compete with slave-
employing states. On this point we are corroborated by
the colonists themselves. In an article on the subject in
the Guiana Herald of the sth of April, the editor urges
" the necessity of a petition to government, numerously
signed, but principally by the labourers, praying that no
alteration. in the present protecting duties be made until
extended !mmigration has not only been conceded us, but
but sufficient time has been allowed to feel its effects."