The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-25 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

that, and they will do that duty, in whatever " state of
life it shall please God to call them to," under whatever
form of government.
Now with respect to triennial parliaments, what evil
will they inflict so great as this ? We have had trien-
nial parliaments before, and found no difficulty in getting
rid of them when they became inconvenient; and in
practice, parliaments have lately been little more than
triennial. We had, indeed, a sexennial parliament from
1820 to 1826, which favoured the country by the ruin of
its commerce; and another parliament of four years, and
which expected to be of six, and that was the parliament
which sat zn 1829, and successively supported the four
several distinct, and in some instances adverse, admini-
strations of that and the preceding year. We confess
there is nothing in our recollection of longer parliaments,
to frighten us at the prospect of their being abridged by
a triennial law. _

With regard to the ballot, it is, as we have often shown,
a bad thing, per se; but it is the greatest nonsense in
the world to look upon it, or upon any other modification
of human conduct, as an abstract proposition. The bal-
lot is a bad thing, chiefly because it corrupts public mo-
rals, and disparages legitimate influence ; and are we,
therefore, to utterly destroy the springs of public morality,
and cut up all legitimate influence by the roots, for the
sake of viva voce voting ?
" Propter vitam vivendi perdere causas."

What would have been the effect of the ballot at the
late election ? It is our firm conviction it would have re-
turned a greater number of conservatives—it would, we
are persuaded, have given all the county members, at
least, to the conservative interest. What is the use of
hunting from concealment those disgraceful acts, in which
men learn to take a pride ? Do you expect that you will
make a drunkard by sober arguments of shame, while you
are making him more drunk by renewed supplies of li-
quor ? Nov this is precisely the wise policy of such as
would give up the church to evade the ballot ;—they have
made " the mouvement" drunk with success, and they
propose to ply it with further triumphs. Of the repeal
we need say he less, because upon that point the mini-
sters themselves begin to get frightened. But let it
never be lost sight of, that the union has been actually
repealed in form by Mr. O'Connell; he has had a par-
liament assembled in Dublin, by abuse of the King's
writ; he has summoned this parliament by the name of
"a National Council," at a time when the imperial par-
liament was not sitting, and, therefore, not with the jus-
tification which may be put forward in the case of meet-
ings of members during a session, to determine upon a
particular measure or a particular line of conduct. The
National Council in Dublin is, to all intents, a revolu-
tionary parliament. Say it is not of any strength—not
an object of present terror ; neither was the honourable
and robust member for Pontefract in his infancy. It is
a beginning—a beginning of a course, which, if not ar-
rested by active measure, must lead to more than a re-
peal of the union. It is not enough that ministers now
say they will rest on their oars with respect to Ireland.
They must be compelled to do a great deal more. They
have pulled us into the current which leads to destruc-
tion, and they must be made either to row us out of it,
or to give place to those who will. We seriously submit
to. the conservative party, whether it is not more impor-
tant to the general interest to save the church, and to
compel ministers to save Ireland, than to babble on one
side or the other about a triennial bill and a ballot, which,
if adopted in 1833, would probably be laid aside in 1834.
And now a word to the Conservative peers and rich
Conservative commoners, and any higher person or per-
sons interested in the preservation of existing institutions.
What carried the currency measures, that began the
ruin of commerce, and sowed the first seeds of national
discontent ?—Schedule A and schedule B.

Who were the great doctors of political economy ?
Schedule A and schedule B.

Who carried the free trade measures that greatly ex-
tended commercial ruin, and made misery universal?—
Schedule A and schedule B.

Who carried the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts ?—Schedule A and schedule B.
Who carried the Roman Catholic question ?—Schedule
A and schedule B.

And now that all is done, where arethey ?
Dead and gone; slain in the consummation of the sys-
tem of change which they began ; entombed in the ruins
wrought by their own folly, or cowardice. They who
will not take instruction from such lessons, cannot be
taught, though one came from the dead. The aristo-
cracy have now, we believe, their fate in their own hands;
if they oppose a firm front to the enemy, they may yet,
as we think, save themselves and the country by saving
the United Church—and whatever may be the chances
of ultimate success, even the faint-hearted will feel
that the most dignified is also the safest attitude—back
and front are alike vulnerable, but wounds behind are
more difficult to be parried, as well as infinitely more
base. The coward must be a fool, too, if he turn his
back within reach of the enemy.--Standard.

tlements on the continent of South America and the island
of Trinidad (which has a great deal of very fertile land)
were ceded to his Majesty. tinder the protection of this
monopoly, and while their soil was unexhausted, the old
islands became stocked with slaves. After the acquisi-
tion of the new colonies, the labour of slaves and the em-
ployment of capital became much more profitable in them
than in the old islands, but the negroes could not be re-
moved out of the respective islands where they happened
to be—there, or not at all, the proprietors were obliged to
employ them. At the same time, importation of slaves
into the new colonies being prevented, and the produce
of the labour of all the slaves not being much too great
for the home demand, plantations continued to be cultiva-
ted, which, under a free circulation of labour, must be
abandoned.

Supposing the negroes to work as diligently in their
character of freemen as they do at present, they will of
course carry their labour to the best market; and if they
are really free they will not be confined to the market of
the English colonies ; and while great tracks of fertile
land lie open to them on the banks of all the great rivers
of South America, we can scarcely conceive it possible, if
the representations we hear of the comparative fertility of
the islands and the continent be true, that any but the most
favoured parts of our old colonies can continue to be cul-
tivated at a profit for the supply of Europe. We cannot
conceive at all that they can be cultivated profitably by
planters living some thousand miles from their farms.
It will become necessary, therefore, to provide for the
aged and helpless, who in some of the less fertile islands
may be the only inhabitants left, some other fund than
the rent, of land which will be less profitable than the
clergy reserves in Canada- This we mention as one of
the practical difficulties illustrated by a fact—it is but one
of many which render it a matter of duty to the negroes
themselves to obtain the4ullest possible information, al-
though at the expense some delay, as to the manner
in which so great a change as the transition of a popula-
tion from slavery to freedom may be best effected.—Globe.