The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-09-20 00:00:00

NOTICE TO MARINERS.

His Britannic Majesty's Vice-Consulate, Key West,
July 24, 1833.
Sir,—The Beacon, on Love Key, Florida Reef, that was de-
stroyed by the gale in October last, is now rebuilt. It is thirty
feet high and twelve feet diameter, and has a black ball at an
elevation of eight feet from its summit. It can be seen about
eight miles tram the deck of a vessel in clear weather. It is in
24. 28. north latitude, 81.37. west longitude; twenty-eighttniles
from Whitehead's Point Lighthouse, or Key West, and thirty-
seven miles from Sand Key Light, and can be approached with
safety from the southward within two miles.

I have the honour to be, respectfully, your obedt. servant,
0. O'HARA, Agent.

LOSDON GAZETTE.-TUESDAY, SEPT. 17.

INSOLVENT.
Sept. 17.--Lkitniel Coekezill, Edmonton, cattle-dealer.

BANKRUPTS.

John Hodgson, Liverpool, merchant, Oct. 5, 29, at 2 o'clock, at the
Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool : solicitors, Messrs. Hall and Bishop,
Great James's-street, Bedford-row.
Thomas Fletcher, William Stanley Roscoe, 'Richard Roberts, John
Tarleton, and Francis Fletcher, Liverpool, bankers, Sept. 28, 29, at 1
o'clock, Oct. 29, at 10, at the George Inn, Liverpool: solicitors,
Messrs. Taylor, Roscoe, and Turner, Bedford-row.
John Bryant, Watlington, Sussex, draper.
George Trent, North street, Lisson-grove, dealer.
William Short, Henrietta-street and Compton-street, Erunsiviek-
square, and South Crescent-mews, Burton-crescent, cabinet-maker.
Henry Causer Ensell, Winchester,' glass-dealer.
John lierenburgh, Bloomtield-street, London-wall, tobacconist.
Richard Bragg, Southmoltun, Devonshire, wine-merchant.
Thomas Moore, Durslev, Gloucestershire, ironmonger.
Samuel Cook, Weston, gomersetshire, gardener.
John Lindegren, Portsmouth, merchant.
Charles Chambers, Duxford, Cambridgeshire, grocer.
David Wilby, Nottingham, currier.
James Harrison, Birmingham, auctioneer.
PARTNERSIIII'S DISSOLVED. . . - .

J. Rea and BrotilW,i;ii;sT,lreia;i:Coleinanjstreet, and Liver-
pool, grocers.—Morris and Baines, Liverpool, coal-merehants.—W.
and It. Abud, St. James's-street, Clerkenwell, gold-refiners.—W. T.
Abud and J. H. Turner, Long-acre, gold-refiners.—M. Oliver anti C.
Blakeman, High-street, Shoreditch, milliners.—T. Vincent, Sem-
mington. Wiltshire, and J. Child, Lambourn, Berkshire, corn-dea-
lers.—T. White and W. Pratt, Bilston, Staffordshire, grocers.—Lan-
ree, Tavler, and Co., Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, and Winn , pole-
street, street, 'Cavendish-square, tailors.—T. Webb and Co., TotteDhani-
court-road, cheesemongers.—W. Gill and Co., Warrington, Eanca-
shire. corn-dealers.—Clark and Wilks, Leeds, potters.—W. Grierson
and R. Montgomery. Warrington, Lancashire, surgeons.—E. Batche-
lor and J. Bishop, Birmingham, maltsters.—ltiottrani, Tat.. and Co.,
Sheffield, merchants.—S. and 13. Shaw, 0 venden-cross, Yorkshire,
mill wrights.—W. Smither and H. Redfern, Gracechurch-streetp,tea,
dealers.—Harris and Gregory, Bristol, soap-makers.—S. S. /Belding.
A. Peyton, and T. Melding -, so far as regards the said S. S. ickling-
-G. Rogers and T. Page, Shrewsbury, mercers.—J. Wise and Co.,
Broadway, Southwark, tea-dealers.--J. 11. Barrow • and J. Cocked,
Abingdon-street, Westminster, parliamentary-agents. David and
George Barnard, Portsea, Hampshire, coal-merchants.
DIVIDENDS.

Oct. 8, J. Sutherland, Liverpool, coppersmith.—Oct. 10, T. Turner,
Liverpool, ironmonger.--Oct. 14, 11. Fletcher, Finsbury-place South,
bookseller.—Oct. 14, F. Jones, Cornhill, silversmith.—Oct. 8, W. P.
Litt, Lime-street, merchant.—Oct. 8, B. Pinney, Stafford-place, Pim-
lico, picture-dealer. Oct. 8, M. Andrew, Crown-court, Thread-
needle-street—Oct.lo, J. Monkhouse, Bagnigge-wells, tavern-keeper.
—Oct. 10, B. Bovill and C. Banbury, Catherine-court, Tower-hill,
corn-factors.—Oct. /A), 11. Barwise, Great Newport-street, tailor.—
Oct. 10, T. F. Lucas, Long Piuckby, Northamptonshire, stage-coach
proprietor.—Oct. 15, M. Meek, Knaresborough, Yorkshire, linen-
merchant.—Oct. 8, J. Tliackrey, Leeds, merchant.—Oct. 11, A. Hu&
dlestone. Bilton-with-Hamw,gate, Yorkshire, hotel-keeper.—Oct.
30, W. Thomas, Bath, woollen-draper.—Oct. 12, R. Kerry,-Bucklers-
bury, warehouseman.—Oct. 9, W. IL Edwards, Norwich, maltster.—
Oet. 8, J. Radcliffe, Stockport, Cheshire, cotton-spinner.

CERTIFICATES, OCT. 8.
W. Bromfield, Whitehurch, Shropshire, and High Ash, Cheshire.
cheese-factor.—C. H. Linter, Portsea, Hampshire, grocer.—W. Hazel-
den, Goudhurst, Kent, butcher.—B. @am Preston, Lancashire, corn-
tnerehant.7—W. N. Clay, St. Helen's, Lancashire, manufacturing
chemist.

Elie Runt :pool Atanbarti.

FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 20, 1833.

Lord PALMERSTON, we are assured by the ministerial
papers, in the name of the convention of which he and
M. TALLEYRAND are the only members, has sent his ulti-
matum to his Majesty the King of the NETHERLANDS. A
categorical answer, it is also said, is demanded to this
last of the last notes, and it is expected, as the lawyers
say, " forthwith." Should his MAJESTY not comply with
the terms proposed by this illustrious convention, in that
case we are told that coercive measures will again be re-
sorted to. \
The answer to the threat of coercive measures at 'the
present crisis is—the conference—the meeting of the
northern powers! The noble Secretary for Foreign
Affairs will be pleased to bear in mind, that pending the
discussions at this conference of the allied sovereigns any
thing like a menace, or any premature declaration of
war, would instantly change the whole aspect of the
question, and range the northern states on the side of
Holland. England, if she only knew her own position
or her own crippled state, has quite enough to do 'with
Portugal at the present moment.

Open resistance to the taxes has already commenced in
London ! A printer in the neighbourhood of Lincoln's
Inn, whose goods had been seized by the broker for ar-
rears of assessed taxes, succeeded in intimidating the man
in possession so as to induce him to retire. The walhoof
his house were placarded, intimating the circumstance of
the distraint—effigies of the tax-collector and the broker
were suspended from along pole put out at an upper win-
dow---a large mblvassembled—a deputation of the " Ma-
rylebone association for the abolition of the assessed
taxes" visited the house—and, in short, every preparation
was made for resistance, when the poor man who watched
the goods, afraid of being murdered, made his escape.—
This,.to say the least of it, looks like rebellion !

As soon as the officer was beaten off, the occupier of
the house issued a sort of proclamation addressed to the
rabble which had clone him such good service. . He says;
"For your attendance this day I sincerely thank you. Should
the tax-harpies again hssail me, I will immediately hoist my paper
tocsin, and shall be again glad to see you. To my neighbours
I would say, I have given you the hint; take it, or reject it; as
von may think fit. If you will suffer yourselves to be robbed, I
will not! If you prefer my course, the tax-gatherer and. the
broker may be obliged to become useful producers in society;
but if, on the other hand, you will continue patiently to be put
off with false rirornisei,',they, like two mill-stones, will grind you
to the earth. As long as you will bleed, the leeches will suck.
Out of every two distraints by the King's tax broker, on an
average one pauper is made, thereby adding to your poor rates,
while the broker revelS on the destructiOn of his industrious
neighbour. How many poor creatures, with their infant chil-
dren, have been driven to the workhouse through the rapacity
of the King's tax gatherer!"
This is something like a formal declaration of war
against the authorities and the King. There is no ques-
tion but that the "neighbours," honest souls, will "take
the hint," and when they do, there is an end to the law
and the taxes. It remains to be seen what the govern-
ment and the King's Attorney-General will do in this
matter. The Whigs have created the monster which now
stands over them armed with a bludgeon. Lord F/TZ-
WILLIAM and Mr. WILLIAM BROUGHAM recommended the
people on a recent occasion not to pay the taxes, and the
people are now acting upon the advice.
And•it is not the taxes only that they seem resolved not
to pay. In Edinburgh they refuse to contribute to the
support of the established clergy ; and as rapacity and
injustice increase their demands the longer they are en-
dured,. it would not surprise us to see a refusal to pay
rents become popular before another twelve-mouths.

• Among .the commodities entering into. the list of our
imports for consumption, sugar is, at the present time, of
leading,consequence. Under every circumstance, and at
all periods within the last half century, at least, this arti-
cle has been one of considerable moment, from the great
extent to which it is used—the large revenue derived
from it—and the important considerations, commercial
and political, bound up with the scenes of its production.
If this were so at all times antecedent to the present year,
no one will, we think, venture to deny the increased in-
terest which attaches to our colonies, when the next few
years may make them, with reference to their productive-
ness and consequent utility as the media of commercial
intercourse, or the connecting links of British wealth and'
British prosperity, little more than objects of historical
recollection • ;—regretted sources of former power and
riches, public and private ;—remote but prominent bea-
cons, marking once happy and prosperous spots, reduced
'by hasty and improvident principles of legislation=as
clamorously demanded by misled philanthropy, as weakly
adopted by ignorant and self-willed rulers—reduced, we
say, under such circumstances and by such means, to wild
wastes, the abodes of misery, and the scenes of those
Crimes of which misery so brought about ever has and al-
ways will be most prolific. Little will it avail us when
this state of things arrives—and arrive it must, unless
IJrne miraculous change in the order of nature should
be worked in our especial favour—little; indeed, will
it avail us then to think of retracing our steps, to
attempt 'a re-adjustment of our policy, and endeavour
to place ourselves in the situation in which we stood
before the suicidal acts of the present year were
committed. All such thoughts and attempts will then be
as unavailing as were the efforts of those experienced
men, equally versed and interested in colonial affairs,
who, from the commencement of the present year down
to the period of the passing of the fatal act of abolition,

oralred, vainly offered, their knowledge and experience,
in check of that reckless spirit of innovation and destruc-
tion which, on this, as on numerous other questions of
state
.policy, had seized on the ministers of-•the Crown.
A conviction that the decree which has gone forth from
what was once the fountain of wisdom—the legislature
of Britain—whose acts, in former days, were the results
of calm deliberation—based in honour—having for their
objects public and private happiness—directed to the
sustenance of national honour, and of national and
individual prosperity—and sent forth in terms and
in manner alike consistent with their regard to these
objects, and to the maintenance of the public faith at

home and abroad ;—a conviction that the decree thus sent
forth, from a body which once merited description in
these terms, but is now, alas best described by its di-
rect reverse, must be final in its consequences upon their
prosperity, has induced some of the colonies, and may,
perhaps, lead the iemainder to acquiesce in this fraud
upon their property—this violation of their hitherto un-
doubted and undisputed rights—this attempt to wrest
from them their worldly wealth and sole means of sup-
port, to be compensated by something which, however
large in itself, with reference to the public finances, con-
stitutes, at last, but a wretched pittance, a small divi-
dend upon that which will be annihilated by the law that
gives to the colonies this fancied representative of a
portion of their property. But 'the decree, we repeat,
has gone forth—the seed is sown--tand bitter, most bitter,
will be the fruits to be gathered. The first to suffer will be
those most immediately interested—the resident colonists,
who have the compound evil before their eyes of certain
deprivation of property, and possible, if not probable,
destruction of life. The next in the grade of suffering
will be that class—more fortunate only, inasmuch as they
are exempt from the risk of personal violence--rthe non-
resident proprietors the persons who, with their fami-
lies, are located in the western portions of the metropo-
lis, in Bath, Cheltenham; Clifte4, and nnmerosts other
parts of the country, whose importance in the scale of
society will only be fairly estimated when the cessation
of the expenditure of what formerly constituted their
abundant incomes shall open the eyes • of the various
classes dependent upon that expenditure to their own
changed positions; a change for which those classes are,
we suspect, for the most part but little prepared. Next,
is the diminution of mercantile capital, involved to an
enormous extent in the affairs of the colonies. But will
the evil rest here ? Little do they know of the bearings
of the whole question, if any such there be, who enter-
tain that opinion. That which bears directly . with so
much hardship upon the proprietors and upon the mer-
cantile interest immediately implicated, will also apply,
although indirectly and collaterally, still with scarcely
less disastrous consequences, to innumerable other in-
terests in the country, dependent upon the intercourse
with our colonies. Which of our productive classes is
likely to be exempted from the consequences that must
inevitably attend the alarming injury inflicted upon the
colonies ? Is it our manufacturers of piece goods ? Wit-
ness the thirty or forty millions of yards of cottons, the
ten or twenty millions of yards of linens, and large quan-
tities of woollens, and almost every other description
which, for a loug series of years, have annually found
their way to Me colonies. Are our metallic branches
likely to be exempt from the evil consequences ? An
annual consumption of seven or eight thousand tons of
iron, copper, brass, lead, tin, hardwares, and cutlery, we
should incline to consider worth preserving. Will it
affect other branches of manufacture ? Let those an-
swer who, interested or not, can estimate the value• of a
supply, in each year, of five or six millions of pounds of
soap and candles, of some millions of pieces of earthen-
ware, of twenty-five to thirty thousand cwts. of glass, of
thirty to forty thousand dozens of hats, of ten thousand
cwts. of cordage, and innumerable other articles of ma-
nufacture to a large amount. Will our soil, in the va-
rious direct productions of its surface or its bowels, and
the fisheries of our coasts escape ?
If an annual exportation to the West Indies of 150 or
200,000 cwts. of provisions, of 60 or 70,000 barrels of
herrings, of 10 to 15,000 casks of beer, of 60 or 70,000
bushels of salt, of 50,000 tons of coals,—if these, and
large quantities of every other production, agricultural
or manufacturing, be of no importance. to the country in
its present state; then are our views exaggerated; and
the evil is limited far within our scale of apprehension.
But we have not done. Is the employment of nearly
1000 sail of large ships, measuring about 250,000 tons,
and navigated by 12 or 14,000 seamen, engaged in the
direct trade between these countries and the colonies, to
pass for nothing ? Nor must we overlook the extensive
traffic carried on, and consequent employment of ship-
ping in the intercourse between the West Indian colo-
nies and British America, the loss of which would be
almost as severely felt in this country, as if it were car-
ried on with us directly.

Important as are these considerations, they are still
far from constituting the sum of what presses upon our
notice with reference to the West Indies. They apply,
in fact, almost exclusively to the expenditure of income
here, and the export of manufactures and produce to those
devoted portions of the empire. We have next to con-
sider the consequences that will flow from the certain di-
minution, and, as regards many articles, the ultimate
probable suspension of supplies of those products which
custom has rendered indispensable to the comfort of
every class of persons in Great Britain ;—and of which
sugar is the most essential. When we see an importa-
tion of the value of six or seven millions sterling per an-
num it this one commodity, and an average net revenue
of nearly five millions per annum derived from it, placed
in jeopardy 6y the course of proceedings to which we
have here adverted, it behoves us anxiously to inquire
where the supplies both of sugar and of money are
henceforward to be obtained. We fear the British pub-
lic and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER will both
learn, when it may be too late to remedy the evil, that
the derangement of established systems is much easier
than their restoration ;—that the destruction and the re-
construction of manufactures, whether of cotton- cloth in
England or of sugar in the Tropics, are not either sy-
nonYmous in terms, or matters of equal facility in prac-
tice ;—that it is less difficult to throw away than to con-
quer and organize colonial possessions ;—and that, al-
though the surrender of power, political or commercial,
and the annihilation of interests, public and private, may
be of easy accomplishment, by any set of men sufficiently
desperate to make the attempt, the-re-acquirement of that
power, and the re-establishment of those interests may
be a task surpassing the talents of the wisest and most
accomplished statesmen.
We have been led to this length by the importance of
the :question, when our intention, at the outset, was,
merely to make a few observations, prefatory to an ana-
lytical view of the sugar trade for a series of years past.
That object we must now defer to a future number.

It is singularly flattering to modern wisdom to find
that, among the liberals, those who raised the loudest
veil in favour of reform, and who were prepared to
bludgeon any man to death who should say a word in
dispraise of their favourite bill, are the very men who
now express the strongest disapprobation, and speak in
the most disrespectful terms, of the reformed Parliament.
This may be accounted for in two ways :

First, the worthy patriots who during the mania ob-
tained admission into the national assembly unexpectedly,
and who found themselves, when there, to be as much out
of their element as fish out of water, or as Humphrey
Clinker in the drawing-room, are naturally enough dis-
appointed, or rather chagrined, at the figure they have
cut, the failure they have made, the jeers they have
caused, and the merriment they have excited. Such men
as FAITHFUL of Brighton, BUCKINGHAM of Sheffield,
WILLIAMS of Ashton, PETER of some place in Corn-
wall, FIELDEN of Oldham, WALLACE of Greenock, and
some fifty others, all of the same class and kind, are no
more competent to offer an opinion on any question
involving th 6 interests of this country than the most ob-
scure and illiterate clodhopper 'in it. They have been
thrust forward to occupy a position which nature never
intended they should occupy, or as if some goodnatured
friends had done. it in a joke merely to make theM ridicu-
lons for a season. For this- reason-these men are vexed

SEPTEMBER 20, 18334

and annoyed beyond measure, without being conscious
that they have committed any fault or neglected any

duty.'
Secondly, these patriots, finding that the✓ hare failea
within the house, are anxious to explain to their consti-
tuents why they have failed, and at the same time en'
deavour to cajole them into a continuance of their apPre'
bation. Hence their meetings and feasting in the
country—hence their toasts and interminable speeches'
and hence the bitterness of their reproaches against 0*
Parliament which they principally aided in reforming

and degrading.
In all that they say we heartily concur, with this die'
ference, that they themselves, in their own proper person*,
,
are the strongest living objections that can be urge 4
against the reformed house. They, of course, do not oe'
it, but other men saw it from the first, that the adiniisi°°

of such members would bring the Parliathent into coil:
tempt, neutralize every effortvfor the public good• and
make men laugh at their representatives who had Door
before been accustomed to levity. It 'is not reform ab-
stractedly that has brought the British Parliament into
obloquy, but the members themselves, the elite of the
reform bill, the creatures of the unions, the pledged
delegates who have entered into obligations to do that,
which, thank Heaven, is beyond the powet of such
dis-
reputable instruments. In a town scantily supplied %vial
water it would be a laudable enterprise, on the part of II
company, to dig wells in every street ; but the inhabitaots
would not thank the company if they were to pump °P a
compound of rptdten eggs and sulphur, and inundate the
streets with bilgt. This is precisely the case with the
reform bill. We do not complain of reform so much u°
we do of the reformed members. We object to it be-
cause it excludes from the house the talent and respects'
bility of the country, and fills it with quacks and charlatang
—men alike destitute of sound information and good

principles.
However,, some of these worthies4ave,Asithin the last
few days, bad theit junkettings with their constituents
and first and foremost on the list stand Mr. FAITHFUL? 01
Brighton, and. Mr. BUCKINGHAM, the independent rerre*
sentative of the very respectable town of Sheffield. We
select these two towns as being new boroughs which
have exercised the suffrage for the first time, and the mem-
bers for which as being tolerably fair specimens of the ne'c
representativeveturned under the reform bill. It is im•
possible to tell *hat sort of people congregated at the
Brighton feast ; but we may hazard a surmise from the
fact that one of the company, having presumed to dissent
from some of the unbearable nonsense uttered by FAIT°.
FUL, was instantly kicked out of the room, repeatedly
knocked dow4y some ruffian, and narrowly escaped be'
ing murdet ed. •.i) this sensitive or sanguinary rabble
Mr. FAITHFUL adlressed these words :

" I predicted, that if you expected much from the refortnet
Parliament, you would be woefully disappointed ; and I cantioneo
you against reposing unlimited and unqualified confidence
the ministry. Has a single measure been passed by the Far
Lament tending to the relief of the people ? I defy any mantel
point to such a measure. It is true they have taken the duty
off tiles (laughter) ;' but I can't make tiles, and you cant' maker
tiles, and so the duty repealed is put only into the tile-maker'.
pocket. It was clear the house had no disposition to relieve the
people; its object was to preserve a vagabond Whig administration'
(Tumults of applause.)"

Mr. BUCKIAHAM, in language nearly as refined, es•
pressed similar 4timents. Speaking of the House of
Commons, and the manner in which they conducted
themselves during their sittings, he declared, "that thee
was not such it disorderly assembly in tOpeorld. Eves
the negroes of Arica, who met together to transact their
business under the shade of a tree, were not half so bar

We take their words for it—both FAITHFUL and Buck
INGHAM are honourable men and candid to excess—and
the House of Commons is exactly the bear-garden whieil
they describe. All this is most unquestionably true. Afri-
can savages deliberate with more decorum, and the °ill,'
object of a majority of the representatives of the nation is to
" preserve a ragqbond Whig administration." True,
gentle sirs, most true; but, by the way, who formed Oil
house, the members of which support a " vagabond admi-
nistration ?" The same sort of people, we conjecture,
who returned Messrs. FAITHFUL and BUCKINGHAM to
Parliament—who have returned MARK PHILIPS, Joart
;GULLY, Colonel WILLIAMS, Captain BAYNTUN, WHIV-
TLE HARVEY 11r. 'HAWES, Sr SAMUEL WHALLEY, W*
BROUGHAM, and Sir JOHN KEY. In former Parliaments
we had no complaints of any serious obstruction to pub-
lic business. This nuisance, then, which honest FAITS-
FUL and respectable Mr. BUCKINGHAM both deplore, NO
had its origin in the new constituency of the reformed
Parliament. It is the reformers—the whole bill men----
who roar, and brawl, and jabber, and bray, in order to keep
a " vagabond administration" in power. They prop them
and sustain them; simply because they know that with ther
"vagabonds" a majority of that house must stand or fall.
They know that if a dissolution were to take place, their
honourable career would be at an end.

Now all this is a proof to us that instead of it being
desirable that reform should be pushed farther, it 110
already gone too far. The grievance of which Kilning,
and BUCKINGHAM complain satisfies us that neither
Sheffield nor Brighton should ever have been permitted
to return members at all. The samples which these
towns have sent are of spurious metal, stamped of course
as genuine, but made for sale nevertheless, for ready
money, 'at a low price. In one part of his speech we
observe thai*EINTHFIrt. advocates republican sentiments.
He says " tbereis plenty of the spirit (of republicanism)
every where, and I fervently hope it may increase, c5-c.'
What a satire is this upon the loyal inhabitants of Brigh-
ton, a town which owes its very existence to royalty.
which is supported by the aristocracy, and which if it
were deserted by the wealthy, would sink into its erigi-
nal insignificance—an obscure hamlet upon a patch of
barren chalk by the sea side. When such a man is re.
turned for such a town as Brighton there must be some-
thing rotten in the country—the nobles.must be'destitute
of energy—all the impulses of loyalty. and patriotism
must be dormant—the middle classes must be demoralised
and ungrateful—the pride of the young checked—tbe
recollections of the old chilled.

With respect to Sheffield, the choice that its elector's
have made in the person of JAMES SILK 'BUCKINGHAM is
another strong argument against reform. Is there no
gentleman resident in Sheffield, no respectable manu-
facturer in the town, no individual of sufficient standing
and reputation, that they are compelled to import this
political quack from some. almost unknown lane in Lon-
don ? 'He is of no more use in Parliament than would
be one of the African savages of whom he has made such
honourable mention ; his place, like theirs, should be
under the tree. But we are sick of such worthies and
their " vagabond administration."—N.B. By the way, svg
are curious to learn if Mr. FAITHFUL be a member of the
Temperance SOCIETY ?

The sentiments recently expressed by the Bishop Of
EXETER relative to a union between the Church and the
Wesleyan Methodists have led, we regret to say, to
some unpleasant controversy in London. A paper called
the Christian Advocate, which still professes to be the
organ of the Methodists, has committed the unpardon-
able folly of attacking the Prelates of the Church,-. and
of misrepresenting the opinions of the most respectable
portion of the ministers and members of its own con-
nexion. In consequence of these misrepresentations no
less than sixty-four of the leading ministers have withdraw a
their patronage from the journal in question, and have
in the most candid and unequivocal terms disclaimed its
sentiments, and deprecated its undeserved and invidiou s
censures. _

vv
That these most respectable clergymen have not acted
hastily, or without being urged to the course they 1005
taken by the most irresistible inducements, will appear
by the following extract from the Christian Advocate
itself

•• •
" Unfortunately for the church, the union, however dishable)
for her, is hopeless and impracticable. In taking it for granted,
that the overture would be received with much gratitude by t"
Methodists, and that they would think themselves but too happy
to be ' pressed to the bosom of the church,' the Bishop
ofExetc r
has made one great mistake. They know, at least, that at one
time the church was disposed to give them a bear's hug ; and
it would be difficult to persuade them that the leopard is the_
~
only animal which cannot change its nature. But the dread or
being crushed is not the only motive by which thellllethodis?
would. be induced, to Shut their ears against these sulooti)


.SErTzmuEit 20-1, 1833:

speeches, to refine to- listen to4he voice ore

of Exeter, charm he never f.,4) wiselT.'; 71 e charming Bishop
ere is in the minds o
nine-tenths of them as rooted an antipathy f
among the dissenters (so called). theinseltel to the church as exists
- To say that these remarks arc-uo4
b .
- an spirit, would be to treat sy written in a Chris-
-1 an Aduicate too
.Homed and malignant
They indicate an ch env,
.Homed hatred of the Church, and: thi.
s malignity is rendered
more base by being clothed
the very best authority, that ? falsehood. We assert, on
."
-of the Wesleyan Methodi o far - from nine-tenths"
•
tipathy to the church," the cherishing any " rooted an-
might say four-fifths of the
great majority of them, we
the-intelligence and rasp .m, comprehending almost all
--
cerely attached to the V
2ctability -of the body, are sin-
illustrious founder was . -lurch of England, in which their
as the great temple it • reared, and consider that Church
teligion are still prey which the truths of the Christian
•
erved in their original purity. Nay,
we might go furthe
the Weileyans are
r, and aver that a large majority of
dissenting only fr
' .
mevery sense of the word churchmen,
.
connectedwithh
um her on points of discipline wholly un-
er rites and doctrines. The Christian Ad-
vacate, •therefc
.re, by asserting that these truly estimable
and conscient.
ions men are in their hearts hostile to the
• Protestant C
.hurch, first accuses them of hypocrisy, and
• upon this tr
.ost foul and false accusation, grounds its second
slander of
enmity against the religious establishments of
the tour
try.
This
• is the way in which societies are broken up, dis-
card l
,eing engendered by some heartless friend becom-
- .he advocate of a community whose attachments he
.ves to cool, whose confidence he betrays, and whose
Or pinions he either wholly misunderstands or systemati
cally misrepresents. The Wesleyans should not only
. discountenance such an advocate by the mouths of their
most influential ministers, but they should, one and all,
• for the sake of order and unanimity, cease giving any

support to a newspaper, the conductors of which seem to
be either .unitarians-op jesuits in disguise, and who ap-
pear to be actuated by motives of rank hostility to the
communion whose orgAns they profess to be. A hollovV
friend is worse than an open enemy.' He that is not
with them is against them.
As to the primary question out of which this contro-
versy and this secession took their rise, namely, the union
of the Wesleyan methodists with the church, we enter-
tain an opinion rather opposed to that of some of our
friends. Upon grounds of policy we should be sorry to
see this union effected, unless it could be clone unani-
• mously, without leaving a remnant of uncompromising
dissenters. As this unanimity is at present impracti-
cable, the cause of religion renders it an imperative duty
• • to postpone the consideration of the question. Even if
the union were practicable, we are far from being satis-
fled that it would be a politic measure. In using the
word politic we einploy it in that sense only which con-
• -fines its meaning to the religious welfare of the people.
It is extremely doubtful whether the Methodists, if they
were to throw aside the exterior manifestations of dis-
sent, would be able to retain for any considerable length
of. time an extensive and commanding influence on the
public mind. They are, at present, not only the most
useful, but the niost powerful body of religionists in Eng-
.
and, apparent dissenters, but real friends and conscientious
auxiliaries of the Church. Knowing all this, and appreciat-
ing it as it merits, we are the more reluctant to advocate
any change, desirable as it is in many respects, which
might shake this union,Or diminish this salutary influence.

In another part of our present number will be found
an article extracted from the Carlisle Patriot, which ex-
hibits the character of the statesman most concerned in a
light too odious to admit of our commenting upon it ac-
cording to its deserts. Our _contemporary-, however,
has done this with far more forbearance than even the
brother of the LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR is entitled to
under the circumstances, and we leave the castigation for
the present entirely in his hands.