The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-18 00:00:00

said that he had -three direct charges to bring against his Ma-
jesty's ministere—tirst, with having created a riot, instead of
preventing one; seccilidly, with bringing into disrepute a useful
body of men; and, thirdly, with pursuing an illegal line of con.
duct in what they called the administration of justice. The
hon. and learned gentleman then detailed the particulars of this
affair, on which a debate ensued, and at three o'clock was ad-
journed to the following day.

The Speaker resumed the chair shortly after five o'clock.
Admiral ADAM presented petitions from shipowners of Alloa
and Kincardine, complaining of losses sustained under the re-
ciprocity system.
Mr. H UM F. expressed his belief that the shipping interest ge-
nerally throughout the country had been benefited by the adop-
tion of that system.
Mr. G. Yocac declared that the system had proved most
disastrous to the shipowners.
On the motion of Admiral ADAM, the petitions were referred
to the committee on comfherce, navigation, and shipping.
Sir R. FERGUSON gave notice of a motion for a select com-
mittee to inquire into the Warwickshire election, on Friday the
29th inst. The hon. baronet postponed the motion relative to
the issuing of a new writ from Monday next till Monday seln-
night.
Lord DUNCAN NON brought up the report of the grand juries
(Ireland) committee.
Colonel CoNox.i.v recommended government to withdraw the
bill for the present session.
_Mr. O'CONNELL concurred in the suggestion.
Lord DCNCANNON admitted the bill could not pass in its pre-
sent shape, hut thought that if Irish members directed their at-
tention to the subject, alterations might be made which would
render the measure available.
Report ordered to be taken into further consideration on
Wednesday, and to be printed.
Mr. Ew ART had given notice of motion to-night for a bill to
adjourn the assizes of Lancashire from Lancaster to Liverpool
and Manchester; but as the Solicitor-General had taken the
subject up with a view to a general measure, he should abandon
his proposition, at least for the present, merely expressing a hope
that the hon. and learned gentieinan's bill would effect what he
(Mr. Ewart) proposed. He had also given notice of a bill for
better defining the law in cases of housebreaking and burglary,
and for abolishing capital punishment in cases of returning from
transportation and letter-stealing. As the law stood at present,
if the offender introduced his hand into a house, he was guilty
of burglary; he proposed that unless the whole body were in-
trodu,:ed it should not constitute the offence. He contemplated
another alteration, founded upon the practice in America and
France,—namely, that a burglar, to be liable to capital punish-
ment, must be proved to have come armed to the place. With
regard to letter stealing, he should only observe that, although,
capital punishments hid been inflicted, there were many more
cases of conviction than of capital punishments.
After an observation from -Mr. SIIAW, leave was given to
bring in a bill.
Sir R. Milos postponed, till next session, his motion for
leave to bring in a bill to prevent the necessity of a member
vacating his scat in Parliament on accepting (Alice under the
Crown

EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
On the motion of Mr. C. Grant, the order of the day for a
committee of the whole house on the East India Company's
charter was read.
On the question that the Speaker do leave the chair,
Sir G. STAUNTON said he should take that opportunity of
moving his resolutions on the subject of the China trade. -His
object was not to take the sense of the house on the resolutions,
but merely to move them pry/inets, that they might be entered
on the journals. He thought it desirable to bring forward his
suggestions while the subject was open to alteration, and before
the government plan was finally determined on, and with that
view his resolutions had been pieced in the hands of members.
The hon. baronet concluded by moving a series of resolutions,
which have already appeared.
The resolutions having been put and negatived, the Speaker
left the chair.
Mr. C. GRANT addressed the committee. The right hon.
gentleman said that he rose in pursuance of the notice which
he had given a few days ago of his intention to bring before the
house on that night certain resolutions respecting the East
India Company's charter. He was happy to think that the sub-
ject, great and momentous as it was, and uninteresting as it
might appear at first sight, was yet not entirely new or strange
to many of those whom he had the honour to address. The va-
rious committees which had of late years examined the subject
had rendered it more familiar to the house, and especially to
individuals who took an interest iu Indian affairs, than it was at
a former period. The resolutions which he intended to submit
to the house would be brief and simple, and would relate chiefly,
if not entirely, to the discussions which had taken place between
the Giivernment and the East India Company, and embody the
result; they would relate to the arrangement into which the
Government and the East India Company had entered. In
stating his resolutions to the house, it would be his duty to refer
to some other measures, which, though not embodied in those
resolutions, he thought it essential to iM.roduce into any bill or
act of Parliament which might be passed in pursuance of them.
These were measures of a- general character, with respect to
which the principle had been amply developed in the docu-
ments before the house. He proceeded then to approach the
consideration of the subject with reference to the future govern-
ment of India, and the claims of this country upon the eastern
world. But in stating the general measures contemplated by
his Maj esty's ministers, which, after all, were ultimately the most
important, it was necessary, in the first instance, to deal with the
existing interests of the present administration of the affair of In-
dia. With respect to the political administration of India, the first
question naturally was, " why any change should take place ?"
To that question the answer was, that Parliament having fixed
a period for the revision of the exiting system of Government
in India, it ras right that Parliament and Government should
enter into the merits of the case, and take into account the
change of circumstances and progress of events that had taken
place, and which might have affected the question ; but the rea-
sons which had induced him to propose such measures as, he
now brought forward, he should more particularly explain and
develop as he proceeded. In looking at the condition of India
as to its political administration, he was disposed to consider
the practical operation of the system without reference to mere
theoretical symmetry of design. In viewing the practical work-
ing of a system of -Government he cared not what seeming
anomalies might exist; the only question was, whether it pro-
duced practically beneficial effects. He would admit that there
were evils in the system of administration in India ; that there
was sometimes too great a weight of taxation ; that there was
often a delay of justice. These, he admitted, were evils exist-
ing in the system of administration in India ; but when he
came to look-at the whole system, and to consider of the re-
medy, he must ask what had been the condition of the people
of India under former Governments to which they had been
subjected? If he compared that condition with what it had
become under the Government of the Company, he must
at once admit that under the latter they enjoyed greater secu-
rity of life and property than they had ever enjoyed under
former governments, save that of one of the Mogul monarchs,
whose wise administration was a subjectof praise amongst them
to the present day. He admitted that the happiness and pros-
perity of 10),000, GO of people were bound up in the due ad-
ministration of the Government in India ; but, in comparing the
condition of our Indian population with that of the colonies of
Spain, of Portugal, of llolland, and even of some of our colo-
nies in the West Indies, he must claim for the inhabitants of
our Indian possessions much greater advantages than were en-
joyed by the colonies of any, other nation. If they went back
to .the administration of the Government of India for the last 40
years, it would be seen that it had effected a great improve-
ment in the condition of the people of India. The Go-
vernment of India for the last 40 years had, with all its faults
and imperfections, proved of the greatest benefit to the peo-
ple of that country. A Government which should distinguish
itself by a brilliant career was not that which was required by
the people of India. Such had been the government within the
period to which he referred. It was sluggish he would admit,
and not calculated to make any great or rapid strides at im-
provement ; but it was such a government as the people requir-
ed, as it gave ample security to person and property ; it excited
vigilance against any encroachment of violence and rapacity; it
gave to the people that which they most required--repose, secu-
rity, and tranquillity. The very jealousy excited by the nature
of the company's monoply had been security to the natives
against the encroachments of others. But when it was asked
what the company had done for the people of India, they had a
victorious answer in this fact, that the native population, if they
had not been greatly advanced, had been amply protected.—
Within the last 20 years, the native population had acquired a
political existence, which was fully recognized by our govern-
ment—a circumstance which would have been treated as quite
chimerical if it had been talked of some years before. The con-
sequence of this improvement was, that the people were now
beginning to feel and to acknowledge the value of the laws.—
Public opinion and public feeling in this country were now act-
ing on the government of the people of India—not producin.g
any violent effects, hut operating to the amelioration of their
condition by the slow hut certain process of kindness. These,
then, were reasons which would justify the continuance of the
political government of India in the hands of the company for
a time longer; but there were, besides, other reasons for the
continuance of the company's administration. To these he
would not now advert in detail, but there was one point which
interposition
of could not omit to notice—it was, that by the
of the company between this country and the people of India,
India had been preserved from being agitated by those constant
fluctuations of party and political feelings which were so strong
in this country, and than which nothing would have opposed a
more formidable harrierto the improvement of the people of
India. Any other form of Government would be likely to pro-
duce very considerable evils. 'What were the circumstances that
marred the efficiency of the East India company's government ?
One circumstance was the union of its trade with its govern-
ment. • This had been a generally admitted principle. It was felt
to be a great inconvenience that the company should be permitted
to carry on trade. Nothing more marred the perfect efficiency of
our government in India than the union of trader and sovereign.
Another circumstance which had interfered 'with the efficiency
of the government in India was the interference which too
often took place from home. (Hear.) It was essential to the
well-being of India that confidence should be placed jn. its
administration, and that, as far as possible, the interposition
of the home authorities be confined to cases of a strong and
extraordinary nature, or rather to cases of a general nature.
All thati depended on the administration of the government in
India odght to be left to the administration there. He thought,
for the reasons he had mentioned, as well as for other
reasons, the nature of which was well known to the house,
that it was on the whole most expedient to maintain the po-
litical administration of the East Indies in the hands of the
East India Company.. Ile would now come to the other
great point—the question of the company's trade with China.
He must say, however, with every respect far the feelings of the
public, he did not think that the people having generally made
up their minds on the subject would of itself justify an honest
minister in proposing it to the house, unless he had other
strong reasons to urge him to do so. It was not, therefore,
alone because this question had already been decided in the
minds of the people that lie urged to the house the propriety of
throwing open the China trade ; he had other and strong
reasons for proposing it. The change which had been made in
the public ,mind on this subject, and the urgency with which the
people pressed for an abolition of the company's monopoly,
was a natural result of the change which had taken place in
nearly the whole of the commercial policy of the country. In
'the alterations which that policy had undergone in the last ten
or fifteen years, it was impossible not to anticipate that they
must lead to an abolition of such a monopoly as that of the
company's trade with China. It was well known that up to
the period to which he had just referred the whole of our trade
with every part of the world was one of restriction. But at
length the growing intelligence of the nation burst those fetters,
and set a great part of the trade of the country free. The germ
of improvement was growing fast, and would not be checked,
and when other nations should have followed our example, it
was to be expected that, with such ,creative wealth as we pos-
sessed, we should still go on with the principle of'free trade, as
became a great commercial nation. The com_pany, it was well
known, had abandoned the whole of the trade with India, be-
cause it could not be continued except at a loss.' It was not
improbable that even if Parliament did not interfere, the same
course might be adopted with respect to the trade with China.
It would appear, taking the average of three periods of five
years each, that at the end of the first the profits amounted to
-£1,500,000, at the end of the second term they had fallen to an
average of £830,000, and at .the end of the third to £730,000.
From this he thought it not unfair to conclude that if the

house were disposed to continue the monopoly there were
reasons which would induce the company 1.9 give it up.
One effect of throwing open the trade would be that it would
tend to-destroy the monopoly of the Hong merchants. It was
well keown that up to about the middle of the last century
•there.were uo Hong merchants, at least there was no monopoly
of the trade with the company by that body. The first attempt
at the formation of a company-with a monopoly of the trade was
in 1713. As a shrewd and intelligent people they saw the ad-
vantage of the union of a wealthy body of men for carrying on
trade; they, therefore, attempted to form themselves into a
company with the monopoly of the trade with the British com-
pany. The East India Company warmly opposed the attempt
fur five or six years, and at last the matter was dropped. The
attempt was again renewed about the year 176 J, and was suc-
cessful. Siuce that time the Hong merchants retained the mo-
nopoly, but there was little doubt that when the English trade
should be thrown open it would have the effect of putting an
end to the Hong monopoly also. Another great objection to
the continuance of the company's monopoly was, that at the
present moment there were two great and independent bodies
engaged in the China trade—one was the company itself, and
the other was the great body of private traders. These last had
within a few years sprung up from the owners of a small trade
to be the successful competitors of the company itself. The
progress they had made in this respect wAild be judged from
the tact, that in the year 1814 their tonnage amounted to 1,000
tons, but in 1829 it bad risen to 60,000 tons. It would. be seen
that in the same period the trade of the company had fallen off.
In the year 1813-14 the value of the exports and imports of the
company to and from China amounted to £13,500,000. hi the
year 1829-30 they had fallen to £1f,600,00J. The great in-
crease in the amount of the private trade in the same period
was still more remarkable. In the year 1814 it was'E9,ooo,ooo.
In the year 1829-33 it had increased to £31,000,000. Now,
to him it appeared certain, that against the competition of such
a body of private traders, the monopoiy of the company
could not long continue, even if Parliament did not interfere.
He would admit that great prudence and caution nught to be
observed in alt our dealings witna people of such peculiar no-
tions as the Chinese ; but using that caution and that delicacy,
he had no fear of creating a shock prejudicial to our interests
iii China by the withdrawal of the company's monopoly. lie
was justified in saying that there was no well-grounded appre-
hension of danger to our commercial intercourse with the Chi-
nese from the removal of the trade from the company. But
there was evidence to show that the merchants of Canton were
themselves in expectation that the trade might at some time be
taken from the company and thrown open to the British public,
and that they were not altogether unprepared for the change.
It was a fact that should not be lost sight of, that the people of
China, as far as our intercourse with them enabled us to judge,
were themselves anxious for the continuance, and, indeed, 'ale
extension of that intercourse, though it was prohibited by the
laws of the empire. He would mention, as an illustration of
this, the fact that a ship was some time ago fitted out (at Can-
ton, we understood) for the purpose of ascertaining how far it
would be practicable to establish a commercial intercourse with
some of those who dwelt on the coasts. There was at first some
difficulty opposed on the part of the local authorities,,as the
order of the government are very strict in that respect, but by
a little perseverance, and the advantage of having a gentleman
on board who was perfectly conversant in the Chinese language,
they soon overcame this difficulty. Wherever their vessel
touched the people came around them in great numbers, and in
some instances they were visited by the local authorities; but
in every case the people showed the strongest disposition to
open an intercourse with them. He 'aid no stress on this as a
proof that we should expect to open an immediate intercourse
with other parts of China than those to which we were at pre-
sent allowed to trade ; but the fact was not undeserving of no-
tice, as showing the disposition of the Chinese people in this
respect. Ile was aware that the government of China was a
severe despotism, and that the laws of the country strictly pro-
hibited an intercourse with foreigners; but the •house should
recollect that though the laws of China were positive against
the introduction of opium, it was found impossible to exclude
it, and it was now imported into China to an immense amount,
and often by the connivance of some of those authorities
who were appointed to prevent it ; and yet the edicts of our
King James I. were not more strict and positive against
the introduction of the Virginian weed, than were those of the
Celestial Emperor against the introduction of opium. (Hear.)
He would now for a few moments advert to the resolutions
which his hon. friend the member for Southampton had pro-
posed on this subject. His hon. friend stated in one of those
resolutions, that before a change such as that which was now
proposed should be carried into effect, it would be necessary to
enter into a negotiation With the government of'the Chinese
empire, and his hon. frien'tl` was of opinion that unless we did
'so we should find such a change to be attended with much
hazard and considerable danger. Adverting, too, to the former
embassies which had been sent from this country to China, and
arguing from the result of them, his hon. friend contended that
We should be justified in sending out a similar embassy now,
before we completed this arrangement. He (Mr. Grant) must
say that he altogether differed on-that point with his hon. friend.
He did so with the most unfeigned diffidence upon a subject
with regard to which he was well aware that his hon. friend was
an authority that was entitled to the greatest respect. Consi-
dering the extent to which his hon. friend had carried his ac-
quaintance with the language, the manners, the feelings, and
the habits of thinking, of the Chinese, he (Mr. Grant) would
repeat that it was with the most unfeigned diffidence, and with
no small difficulty, that he ventured to differ from him upon a
point so much connected with the character of that people. He
would confess that this subject of negotiation was one with re-
gard to which he did not clearly see his way. His hon. friend,
in arguing for our endeavouring to open a negotiation with the
Chinese, 'lied referred, as an argument in support of his propo-
sition, to what had been done by the Russians. Now with
respect to the Russians the case was an extremely different
one. With Russia China was so connected that it was abso-
lutely necessary that there should be to a certain extent a.
commercial intercourse between the two countries. The con-
nexion of the respective boundaries of the two countries ren-
dered such an intercourse inevitable, but the trade carried on
between them was not to a great extent, and it was only two
years ago that on two Russian ships going by sea to China the
intercourse between Russia and China by sea was positively and
peremptorily prohibited by the authorities of the Celestial Empire.
He did not think it would be necessary for him on this occasion
to enlarge at any length on the question of the China trade • but
as it was a subject which was regarded with great interest
in this country, there were one or two points connected with it
to which he thought it right to advert. The trade of the East
India Company to China, with the exclusive privileges apper-
taining to it, would cease in April, 1831. •It would, ,therefore,
then be open to all the merchants of this country to enter into
it; and the question now was, whether the company should
send out any ships this season, seeing that the whole of the
trade would be open next year. The ships that would go out
now could not return from China until the latter end of next
year, or early in the commencement of the year after; and,
therefore, having been asked for his opinion on the subject by
the Directors, he had recommended them not to send out any
more ships than those that were at present under orders for
China. When the trade should become open, he had no doubt.
that there would be an abundant supply from the Chinese
market to answer the demand of this country, and at present
there was a very large stock of tea in the warehouses of the
East India Company. The amount of tea in the warehouses
of the East Company at present was sufficient to supply the
consumption of this country for two years, after the cessation of
their exclusive trade in Aprils 1831; and therefore if there should
be any interruption to the supply of tea, owing to the cessation of
the trading of the company, which was not at all likely to occur,
there was a sufficient supply here at present to meet the con-
sumption of the country tor 2 years from April, or even June,lB3l.
The proposition had been made that sufficient time should be
allowed to the East India Company to dispose of their tea after
1831, before the private trader came into competition with them
in the market; but on the whole he thought that it would be
better not to interfere by law with their private concerns.
With regard to the duty under which tea should be admitted
when the trade was opened, be was ready to admit that an ad
valorem duty had some advantages, but 'he thought that one
disadvantageous effect of it was to augment to an undue extent
the price of the article on which it was laid, and that another
disadvantageous effect of it, in a commercial point of view,
would be, that it not only would be injurious to the trade, but
that it would very much narrow the extension of the consump-
tion of the article on which it was laid. On the other hand, a
rated duty, which was in every other respect preferable to an
ad calurem duty, had this re,:u-tiar disadvantage attending it—
that unless proper precautions were taken, it would press un-
equally and unjustly upon the lowest class of the consumers
of tea. The difficulty, then, which they had to avoid, was
the alternative of resorting to a rated duty that would be the
same upon all classes of teas. ( Hear, hear, hear.) As
the subject was surrounded with difficulties oil all. sides, it
' seemed to his Majesty's ministers that to propose a classifica-
tion of teas, and to impose ou each separate class a different
rated duty, was the best mode of proceeding to adopt. Such
had been the course adopted in the United States before the
duty on tea had been taken off there, and the concurrent tes-
timony of all who had been examined as to its effects showed
that it operated in no way to diminish the revenue, while it had
not an injurious effect upon the consumption of the article in
question. He did not think that the private trader hould be
confined in the warehousing of his teas to the warehouses of
the East India company; he was sure that the number of ware-
houses would be such as to be sufficient to supply any demand
for them. There was another point. to which he would briefly
advert, namely, as to whether the traders to China should be
restricted as to the size of the vessels which they should be em-
powered to sail there. He was aware that this was a point
Involved in much difficulty, and that the opinion cf experienced
individuals had been given as to the necessity of fixing those
vessels at a certain rate. He would not say what opinion his
Majesty's government had formed on that point, but as an
individual he would say that he could not conceive any ne-
cessity for the imposition of such a restriction. ( Hear, hear.)
There was another question which related to the basis on
which the trade to China should be established. That ques-
tion was, whether tea should be allowed to be brought from
other parts of the world, as well as from those from which it
was at present imported by the East India Company. He
thought that the present limits to which the trade of the East
India cornsoany was confined were extremely wide, embracing as
they did the whole of' the coast from the Cape of Good Hope to
China. It was to be borne in mind that the company was at
preSent an importer to a large extent of raw silk into this coun-
try, and the importation of that silk was obviously of great
importance to the manufactures of this country. Now, when
the trading of the company was to be put an end to, it would
be most unwise that this supply of silk should be suddenly
stopped, and it would be most unjust towards those finishers
that they should be thus at once thrown out of employment.
He therefore intended to propose that the Company should be
still allowed-to employ them, while it would be the duty of the
government of India to seek out capitalists into whose hands
the trade should be thrown, so that the employment of those
finishers should always be continued, and the supply of silk,
which was so important to the manufactures of this country,
should never fail. He came now tQ another part of the ques-
tion—namely, the species of compromise which had been pro-
posed by the government, and which had been acceded to by
the East India Company. He would simply and shortly state
to the house that the plan was this—that on the East India
Company's surrendering all its rights and privileges, it was pro-
posed by his majesty's government that the authority of the
government of India should he continued in the hands of the
company for the period of twenty years, that their commercial
privileges as a trading company should cease, and that in con-
sideration of their giving up those privileges, an annuity should
be granted to.them, the amount of such annuity to be charged
on the territory of India. It was calculated that the resources
of India would be sufficient to supply this annuity, which it was
proposed should be £630,000 a year, being the amount of the
dividends which the proprietors at present received, acid it was
to be redeemable at the rate of £lOO for every £5 ss. of annuity.
It was proposed that the guarantee fund should amount to
£2,000,000 for securing the payment of the annuity, as well as
for paying off- finally the capital stock of the company, and it
was proposed that the annuity in question should be paid for a
term of fbity yeats, at the close of which period it should be at
the option of Parliament, giving three years' notice, to redeem
it at the rate of £lOO for every ss. of annuity. Ile had
already. stated that it was proposed that the East India Com-
pany should retain- the political administration of India for a
period of twenty years, at the end of which period they might,
if deprived' of the government of India, demand the payment of
their. capital; but that it', at that period they did not demand it,
then that the payment of the annuity he had already stated was

to be continued for a term of forty years. He had thus slated
to the house a general view of that arrangement which had
been proposed by his Majesty's ministers, and to the basis of
which the East India Company had agreed. The right hon.
gentleman, in reply to a question of Sir Robert Peel across
the table, proceeded to say that no part of the security for the
payment of the proposed' annuity was to be dependent upon
the revenue of this country, that it was to be totally iudepen-
dent of the finances of this country, and that it was to be
altogether secured upon the territorial revenue of India.
This arrangement was of course a compromise between India
and the East India Company's proprietors, and though it cer-
tainly was an advantageous one for the company, it was also an
advantageous one for India. Here the right hon. gentleman
entered into a statement of the commercial and territorial as-
sets of the company, to show that the compromise which was
proposed by the government was an advisable one for both par-
ties,—for India and for the company. It was an advisable one
for the company, as they would receive an annuity equal to the
amount of their present dividends for a term of 40 years, at the
end of which period they would receive the full amount of their
capital. On the other hand it was a fair compromise as re-
garded theaerritorial possessions in India. In the first place,
there would be no increase made to the debt of India, by the
payment of this annuity of £630M0, or by the payment of the
£12,000,00J, which it was proposed to make good to the coin-
pony at the end of the term of 40 years, as the payment was
provided for so as to occasion no increase of that debt. It was
provided for by the purchase of a portion of the redeemable
debt of India, upon terms that would be advantageous to the
holders of that debt. It was a great advantage besides to them
to have that debt legally recognized, as it was under this plan,
and secured in the territority of India. It appeared to his Ma-
jesty's ministers, that it was most important and desirable that
this question should be settled without entering intoa contest with
the company that would be sure to excite ill-humour, and irrita-
tion on their part, the avoidance of which every one would anxious-
, ly desire ; and it was upon that, amongst other grounds, that his
Majesty's ministers recommended this plan for the adoption of the
house. It appeared from the evidence which had been given before
the Finance (East India) Committee, of which Ins lamented
friend the late Mr. Hyde Villiers was chairman, that in 1828-
1829 the revenue of India amounted to about £22,010,000 sterl.
lug. It also appeared that the debt of India was £30,000,000,
which was only double the amount of one year's revenue of
the country. There was surely nothing discouraging on the
face of that statement as regarded the revenue and resources of
India. (Heid.) He was aware that the Burmese war, which
occurred iu 1824, had been productive of considerable charges
upon India. It had made an increase of £10,000,000 to the
military charges, and the civil charges were increased at the
same time. In 1827, the directors sent out orders to India that
measures of reduction should be taken so as to reduce the
expenditure to the standard of 1823-1824; and Lord William
Bentinck had, in the course of two years, acted with such vigour
in pursuance of those instructions, that in 1828-29 he had reduced
the annual expenditure from £18,000,000 to £16,000,000. Thus
in two years £2,000,000 had been reduced in the expenditure.
The same principle of reduction had been ever since in pro-
gress, and there was no doubt that in two or three years the
expenditure of India would be . reduced to the standard of
1823-1821. It appeared from the evidence given before
the committee, that even during the period of the Burmese
war in 1821 there was an increase of revenue, so much so, that
there was £1,000,003 surplus over and above the expenditure.
It was evident to every reflecting. mind that the attention of
Parliament could no longer be withheld from the subject of
effecting an alteration in many parts (for he did not think all
attainable at once) of the present system. He would particu-
larly instance two branches—those of the revenue, and the
military establishments. But he would no longer detain the
house, already detained too long, with dwelling on this part
of his subject. There was one alteration, however, in the
frame of the government of India which, considering its im-
portance, he could not avoid mentioning. It was intended
that in future, instead of three, there should be four presidencies.
The government of India at present included the three presi-
dencies of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. Among the many
opinions in favour of this proposition he found that of Lord
William Bentinck, the present Governor-General, who de-
clared that from the condition of those districts and their extent
it was impossible for, the Bengal presidency to do justice to
them as a government. It was true the general government
legally possessed a controul of the subordinate states, but this
controul could not be efficiently employed in districts so distant
as the newly added western states of the Bengal presidency.—
The evidence, indeed, of Sir Thomas Munroe was sufficient
to show how carelessly the laws were administered in many
parts of the Indian empire, and how little their administration
was under the controul of the general government. It was
proposed that these subordinate governments should be altered
in two respects, namely, in a reduction of the council, and in
a total deprivation of our forms of law. He was quite aware
that many difficulties were visible in the internal structure of
the Indian governments in effecting thiS change • but these
might, in a great measure, be overcome by an assimilation of the
modes of administering the laws in the different local judicatures.
After quoting several authorities in favour of his proposition,
The right honourable gentleman concluded by moving resolu-
tions to the effect-1. irhat it was expedient that all his Ma-
jesty's subjects should lie at liberty to repair to the ports of
China, and to trade in tea and all the other products of the said
empire, subject to such regulations and provisions for the com-
mercial and political interests of this country as to the govern-
ment should seem meet and proper. 2. That it was expedient
that if the East India Coampa.ny should be induced to transfer
to the Crown their estates and effects on behalf of the govern-
ment of India, the Crown should take upon itself all obligations
and liabilities whatsoever to which the said company Might be
liable, subject to anch regulations as might be determined by
Parliament; and, lastly, that it was expedient that the govern-
ment of India, should remain in the East. India Company, under
such regulations as Parliainent should prescribe.
The first resolution having been put by the chairman,
Mr. WYNN addressed the house in so low a tone of voice,
and amidst so general a noise for some time pervadisig both the
rallery and the body gfg., the use, as to be almost inaudible.
rime right honourable aintilemhoan was, however, understood to
say that he regretted he hail not heard in the first part of the
speech of the right honourable gentleman opposite the decla-
ration which he should have wished to have been the subject of
a distinct resolution, namely, that all the natives of India,
whatever might be their coiour, or whatever their descent or
religion, should be eligible to offices under the government of
the country. He rejoiced to hear that the distinctions which
had heretofore existed were about to be removed, and he thought
it ought to have stood upon the threshold of the right honour-
able gentleman's propositions. Hialso thought that the time
was now fully come when the China trade should be open to
the enterprise and speculation of British merchants. He wished
much to know from the right honourable gentleman opposite
whether it was proposed that any reduction should take place
in the number of the directors, or any alteration should be made
as to the qualification nor the office.
Mr. C. GRANT' said, that in answer to thb question of the
right honourable gentleman, he was not able to say more than
that it was proposed generally to reduce the number of directors.
Mr WYNN observed that, whether the number of directors
was great or small, it was perfectly clear that it was the impor-
tant duty of Parliament to secure and enforce a proper qualifi•
cation for the discharge, the high duties with which they
might be intrusted, and which it could not be expected that any
man unacquainted with the state of affairs in India could pro-
perly discharge. He well remembered that while he had the
honour to be connected with the board, four out of six of the
chairmen and others had never themselves been in India. He
was favourable to the existence of a board constituted of not
less than six, well acquainted with India, and who should have
resided there not less than twelve years at the least, who should
only fill the office for four years, subject to renewal of the
trusts, not, as heretofore, on the election of the proprietors on
their responsibility, nor to be chosen for life. By the present
system the appointment was for life, and he was sure that there
never was au instance of the removal of an individual, what-
ever his age, though at one period it had been stated to him
that the committee of correspondence, perhaps the most impor-
tant functionaries of the whole body, was constituted of indi-
viduals whose average ages were sixty-eight and sixty-nine years.
He objected entirely to the present mode of electing directors.
Many of those best qualified 'to discharge the important func-
tions would avoid the labour and humiliation of a personal can-
vass. He regretted that the question had not been brought
forward at an earlier period; for it would, he feared, be im-
possible to pass any measure this session. He disliked delay
upon such a subject as this, but any delay was better than
hasty and rash legislation. (Hear.) To the plan generally
he agreed, but he doubted the expediency of continuing to the
Court of Directors, as at present constituted, the share which
they now
.possessed in the government of India. (Hear, hear.)
He had visited every presidency, and seen the system in actual
operation, and he could conscientiously declare that no class of
men bore, or deserved to bear, a higher character than the civil
servants of the company who were appointed by the Court of
Directors under the existing system. (Hear, hear.) As far as
he had observed the manner in which the patronage was be-
stowed by the Court of Directors, it had tended to uphold the
high character of the British nation. Ile was no friend to mo-
nopoly, and he thought that India would afford a wider field for
British enterprise than any that had hitherto been opened to
it. The hon. member then adverted to our commercial inter-
course with China, and contended that it might be greatly ex-
tended if the British Government would assume a bolder tone
when the Chinese Government occasionally interfered with
British subjects. He observed that it was impossible the Chi-
nese could form a favourable opinion of the British character
from the specimens which they had seen of it. The mission-
aries who proceeded to China obtained more honour for the
knowledge of the properties of gunpowder which they commu-
nicated to the natives than for all their religious instructions.
The missionaries also got to quarrelling amongst themselves,
and the Chinese could not understand how persons who came
amongst them to preach good will towards men could conduct
themselves in that manner, and so they got into diSeredit.
There were two great objects which the Government of this
country should keep in view : ori'e was to give sufficient powers
to the British representatives in China : and the other to ob-
tain, if possible, a better understanding with the Chinese Go-
vernment. If these objects should be attended to, the change
now proposed would be of vast importance, not only to the pro-
motion of a large branch of British commerce, but—what was
of more importance—to the future well-being of millions of men
at present in a state of comparative ignorance, and barbarism.
(Hear.)
Mr. HUME asked when the next stage would be, taken, and
how long it would be before the bill would be introduced. He
objected to the period of 20 years, and thought that the country
should have an option of altering the proposed system in 10
years.
Mr. GRANT said that the bill was ready, and would be brought
in immediately after the resolutions were passed.
The resolutions were then put and agreed to.
The Speaker resumed the chair. Report on Friday.
LAW OF DEBTOR AND CREDITOR.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL rose at that late hour with great
reluctance to move for leave to bring in the bill to amend the
law of debtor and creditor; but as there was a great anxiety
out of doors on the subject, and the bill was ready, he would
now move for leave to bring it in, leaving its consideration to
a distaht day.
Leave was given to bring in the bill.
The Soticiroa-GENErrat subsequently brought in the bill,
which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second
time on Wednesday se'nnight.
The other orders of the flay were then disposed of, and the
house adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY, JUNE 14.
The Earl of ELDON presented a petition against the projected
alterations in the church establishment of Ireland.
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented a petition from
the archdeaconry of Bath and Wells, against the proposed al-
teration in the church establishment of Ireland.
The limitation of actions bill v;as ordered to be committed on
Thursday next.
On the motion for going into committee on the Payment of
Debts Bill,
Lord ELDON made several observations On that measure, as
well as on the Dower and Curtesy Bills, but they were not heard
in the gallery.
The Loup CHANCELLOR said it would be as well, perhaps, to
postpone this discussion. His noble and learned friend stated
his opinion on those subjects, because he had not an opportu-
nity of doing so in court. No man lamented more than he did
that his noble and learned friend had - lf go.

ing into court at ten o'clock ovary morning, and hearing those
as well as other equally amusing subjects discussed at length.
Lord IA NnisurisT said it was absolutely necessary that au al-
teration should be made in the law fur recovering debts on real
property. A case had been tried before him that morning in
which the debt sued for was only £64, and the costs were

£1,200.
Committee pjstponed to Thursday.—Adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, JUNE 14

The SPEAKER took the chair at a few minutes after twelve.
The debate upon ,the petition of the jury
.who sat upon the
body or the policeman Colley was resumed this morning..
After a further debate, Mr. Roebuck replied, and after a few
words from Mr. G. Lamb, the discussion terminated at three
o'clock, when the petition was laid upon the table, and the house
adjourned.
At a quarter past five o'clock the Speaker resumed the chair.
A message was brought down from the Lords respecting a copy
of the revort and minutes of evidence of the Commons' cons-
mittee which sat last session upon the Bank of England charter.
Mr. LIT'rLETON stated, with reference to the order which had
been made for the attendance of the under-sheriff of the county
of Stafford, in consequence of the return of the writ for the
southern division Obt having been made-in due lime, that the
delay was entirely accidental. Mr. Key, the under-sheriff, who
took possession of the return, with a view to its delivery by
Monday morning, in order that he (Mr. Littleton) might take
his seat on that day, was taken unwell on -Sunday, and was pre-
vented from travelling. He sent the return to his agent in
town, who, however, did not receive it in time, and owipg to
this double accident he (Mr. Littleton) *as unable to take his
seat. Under all the circumstances, he thought the house would
be of opinion that there had been no culpable negligence or
delay, and he therefore hoped that there would be no objection,
to discharge the order for Mr. Key's attendance.
After an observation from Mr. Wynn, the Order 'was dis-
charged.
Lord ALTHORP expressed a hope that the house would allow
a vote to pass on account of civil contingencies in committee of
supply without discussion. (Hear.) He trusted that hon.
tlemen would postpone such motions as might have been in-
tended on the question that the Speaker leave the chair, It
was necessary for the public servioe that a vote should be taken
in supply, but he did nut wish to preclude discussion on every
one of the estimates, after they should have disposed of the
question of arrears of tithes in Ireland. (Hear, hear.)
On the order of the day for going into committee of supply "
being read,
Mr. COBBETT rose to bring on his motion for a bill to alter
and amend the 55th Geo. 111., c. 148, as far as the act related
to stamps on legacies and probates of wills.
Mr. S. RICE suggested that it would better to- take.the dis-
cussion on the Stamp Duties Bill.
Mr. COBBETT was proceeding with his motion, when he sr-
interrupted by ;ries of " Withdraw, withdraw," and miler
Marks of impatience. He then declared that he was not to be
put down ; -he must be heard, or time would be lost and busi-
ness delayed (renewed interruption): they should not gain time
or accomplish their ends at his hands by any such interruption,
that he could assure them of.
The SPEA KER called Mr. Cobbett to order, who must see that
the tone and language he used were not calculated to recomend -
him to the favour of the house; at the same time Mr. Cobbett
should have every assistance hi, the Speaker's power, so long-
as he conducted himself in accordance with the rules and orders
of the houSe.
Mr. COBBETT.—" I hope, Sir, your power will be sufficient."
It was not to the Stamp Act generally that he objected on the
present occasion, but to that part of it which regarded legacies
and probates. Public business !—that forsooth was the pre-
tence for putting off this discussion. He should like to know
what could be more pUblic business than the probate and legacy
duty, which affected every family having property-.in the king-
dom. However, he did not want to obstruct busineSs, which-
the house seemed anxious to proceed with, and should therefore
reserve his motion for another occasion.
CIVIL CONTINGENCIES.—SUPPLY.
The Speaker having left the chair, the house went into com-
mittee of supply, and voted, on the motion of Mr. 5. Rice,
without discussion or remark, a sum of £lOO,OOO towards the
charges of civil contingencies to the 31st of March, 1834.
The house resumed, and the report was ordered to be received
on Monday.
Lord A I.THORP moved that the house at its rising do adjourn
till Monday.—Agreed to.
On the order of the day for going into committee on the
Tithes (Ireland) Act,
Au hon. Member said he should be glad to know from the
noble lord whether he expected that the money advanced for
tithes would be repaid?
Lord ALTHOUP certainly expected that it would, seein„e. that
the advance would be secured on the general land tax of Ire-
land.
Sir R. PEEL had thought, the advance being made in respect
of lands on which tithes .had not been paid, that the security
would be upon those lands, and consequently that the tax was.
to be a particular, not a general land-tax.
Lord ALT HOR e said that the mode which he proposed to adopt
was, by a charge in the shape of a general land-tax in Ireland,
in payment of which receipts for tithes would be accepted.
Mr. Husru thought it would be satisfactory to know how
much of the money granted last year had been returned?
Lord ALTHORP.—A very small sum -indeed—not above
£12,000.

IRISH TITIIES.—CONDUCT OF THE POLICE.
Mr. E. RUTHVEN presented a petition flora some place in the
county of Kildare, complaining of an outrage committed by chief
constable Flinter and a party of police, in breaking into the
houses of many individuals in the county of Kildare in the mid-
dle of the night, and committing to gaol 20 men for the sum of
£3 Is. lid., being the amount of tithe alleged to be due to the
Crown.
TITHES (IRELAND I BILL.
The order of the day was then rea , and the house went into.
committee on the Tithes (Ireland) Act.
On a division there appeared
Ayes
Noes
Majority in favour of the motion 230
The report was then brought up and ordered to be considered
on Monday next.
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
Mr. C. Woof) brought up the rep_ort of the resolutions on the
East India Company's charter. The resolutions were agreed
to, and a bill founded upon them was ordered to be brought in.

TRIENNIAL PARLIAMENTS.
Mr. WILKs said that though he was fully convinced of the
importance of our again resorting to triennial Parliaments,
still, as the question, though important, was not nr,,ent, he
should follow the example set him by other honoulable mem-
bers, and should now declare that it was not his intention to
press his motion on that subject on Thursday next. He should
postpone it to a more convenient day (we were told that the
honourable member said) in the next session. In the mean-
while he would fix it for the 28th instant.
The other orders of the day were then read, and the house ad-
journed at half-past one o'clock.

CONTEMPORARY PRESS.

Our attention has been particularly called to an error
of a very curious nature, which occurs in that oracular •
document, The Court Circular of Thursday. The mis- • •
take sounds small—it consists in one word; but that
word makes so great a difference to Lord Brougham, that
we cannot permit the Court Circular to go uncorrected. .
When Lord Brougham began to sweep,.nothing could
be so active—so rapid—so volatile ; the Court of Chan- •
eery seemed turned all at once into a dancing-school—all
was life and activity, and the dull ploddings and shame-
less delays of Lords Eldon and .Lyndhurst formed sub-
jects for everybody's
.mirth and ridicule. At present we
are told that the arrears of business in the Court are un-
precedented; but then we are also informed that the,
delay is compensated for by the wisdom and prudence of
the Chief.
It so happens that, like other exalted creatures,
Brougham nods. A certain case of " Drax versus Gros-
venor" has been decided by his lordship, and his lord-
ship's judgment has been appealed from to the Privy
Council. The judgment was not given publicly, and a
great deal of mystery has characterized all the proceed 7
ings connected with the affair.
In Thursday's Court Circular we find the following
"A report of the lunacy case, Drax r. Grosvenor, which had
been heard as an appeal from the decision of the Lord Chan- •
cellor before a Committee of the Lords of his Majesty's Most
Honourable Privy Council, was made to the King in Council"
when the decision of the Lord Chancellor was ordered to be •
affirmed."
This is false—it appears in what is known to be an au...
thorized, an almost official document—it comes from the
King's Palace—it is false ;—the decision of the' Lord
Chancellor has been REVERSED. How was the falsehooil
smuggled into this Courtly Paper? or by whose di-
rections was it sent forth to the country • that Lord
Brougham was right, when the Council had declared
hint wrong. The judgment of Lord Brougham in the
case. of " Drax v. Grosvenor" was REVERSED, and not
confirmed.—John Bull.