The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-22 00:00:00

THE IRISH POLICY OF MINISTER'S.

The bill for the pacification of Ireland, introduced by
Lord Grey, has the vice of all the measures introduced
for a like purpose within the last fifty years—it is at
once feeble and tyrannical. It affords no facility for those
who are primarily interested in securing the public peace
and restoring order, to take measures either for these ob-
jects, or for their own protection. On the other hand it
places their liberties, in common with the liberties of
their rebel enemies, at the mercy of a Lord Lieutenant,
who, by this bill, would be made the most absolute despot
in Europe. We take some pride in the proof afforded by
the assumed necessity for a bill like this, that we reasoned
fairly when we contended, that undue concession is ever
the parent of a necessary tyranny consequent, and that
true liberality more frequently consists in withholding
than in granting political power, because he that with-
holds commonly secures the public liberty at the expense
of his own popularity—he that grants, always makes a
selfish gain, of one kind or other, at the public cost.
This, then, is Catholic emancipation : a dozen Popish
lords and three or four dozen Popish commoners have
been admitted to Parliament, and the rest of the Irish po-
pulation are, as an unavoidable consequence, submitted
to martial law ! _ _ .

We must not conceal, however, the opinion which we
hold, that it is not intended to put this despotic power
into activity; but this does not detract from the tyranni-
cal character of the designed law. Tyranny is tyranny,
whether it sleeps or wakes ; and millions of Russians,
Turks, and negroes are slaves, who never felt the knout,
bastinado, or cart-whip. It will be in the breath of Lord
Anglesey, whether any man in Ireland shall not be de-
prived of the rights of a freeman, therefore no man in
Ireland will be really free. The monstrous violation of
liberty proposed to be enacted by this bill is indeed such
as can scarcely be acted upon—and perhaps the bill has
been made so extravagant with the very purpose that it
should not be acted upon; though, undoubtedly, the po-
sition of the ministers, as a seditious faction long con-
nected more or less strictly with the traitorous party in
Ireland, would seem to render any measure working by
a constitutional machinery unmanageable in their hands.
Having for forty or fifty years stigmatised the nobility,
gentry, clergy, and yeomanry of Ireland as " tyrants,"
' "oppressors," a "faction," &c., ministers cannot now
turn to these classes to aid in resisting the traitors whom,
during the forty or fifty years in question, these said mi-
nisters have been fondling. They are, therefore, driven
to make show of a military despotism, to which, in order
to give no party a triumph, the loyal are subjected in
common with the rebels. This it is to have the affairs of
a great empire administered by a profligate faction.
An honest administration.in the present circumstances
of the country would want no additional powers to keep
Ireland in perfect quiet.
That it is not intended ever to act upon the law pro-
posed by Lord Grey seems to be very plainly proved by
the continuance of the Lieutenancy in the hands of Lord
Anglesey—a generous, honourable, and gallant man,
none will deny, but the weakest of all weak deposit-
aries of power; and one who, even if "made of sterner
stuff,". could not, without a departure from his honoura-
ble and generous character, execute a harsh law against
his former political associates—we had almost said, poli-
tical pupils. The truth seems to be, that the law is in-
tended to produce its chief effect in this island, not in
Ireland. It is intended to throw dust in the eyes of the
English people, that the process of church robbery may
be carried on with more effective vigour.
This, indeed, has been nearly always the case, with pa-
cificatory laWs for Ireland. 'they have never even ap-
peared to produce more than a momentary effect, while
they have always served as a cover for some fatal sa-
crifice. We have hinted, that the momentary calm has,
in appearance only, resulted from the laws to which we
have referred; and such is the fact. The priests have al-
ways, by their fiat, enjoined the truce for the purpose of
delusion; and the proof that they have been the authors
of it will be found in the fact, that such truce has always
attended the enactment of the coercive law, but never
continued through the whole period of its duration.
Nevertheless the bill of Lord Grey must be supported
by the Conservatives, tyrannical, weak, and fraudulent
as it appears to be. If for no other reason, it must be
supported in order to take away from his lordship
all excuse for continuing to connive at the progress
of murder, arson, and- rebellion in Ireland; but it
must also be supported under pro"test, that the Conser-
vatives dislike its tyranny, and see through its disho-
nesty.—Standard.

MOVEMENT.

The proceedings in the House of Commons last Thurs-
day-night were all steps in the movetnent, though less
important Ones than those of the preceding nights of the
session.
In the case of Mr. Pease, the quaker member for
South Durham, the single precedent in point was over-
ruled by an unanimous vote, in order to enable that gen-
tleman to take his seat on giving his affirmation instead
of the oath required by the terms of the statute. The
precedent set by the overruling a precedent is an auspi-
cious commencement of a reformed House of Commons.
The case of Mr. Pease is, per se, merely a piece of act-
ing, or (for hypocrisy would be too strong a term for
what is simply ridiculous) let us call it in vulgar phrase,
" humbug.' Mr. Pease is no More a Quaker than Lord
Brougham or Mr. Thomas Dumcomb, or he would not
go into a political assembly, whether by aid of oath or
affirmation. He knows the objects, nature, and consti-
tution of the House of Commons ; and he knows that they
are all repugnant to the principles of that sect to Which
he professes tO belong. How can he aid in discussing
'matters respecting church and state, when he disowns the
acknowledgement of any church ? How treat of peace
and was, who thinks all warfare, even the most strictly
defensive warfare, sinful? How aid, in concurrence with
" Lords temporal and spiritual," who holds earthly ho-
nours to be a profane vanity, and ecclesiastical dignity an
abomination ? How assist in making laws that will enjoin
others to take oaths which he himself refuses ? How ex-
act taxes, when he will.pay none; except under the pres-
sure of compulsory process, and in the name of "suffer-
ng ?" If Mr. Pease could overcome all these difficulties,