The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-02-27 00:00:00

. supported him at the present moment; and, were it net far his
full conficteuce on that point, ho was certain that he coed not
execute. the difficult task which he had undertaken, a Hear,
hear.) He never remembered to have heard a speech from the
throne which was likely to be so satisfactory to all classes of
people as that which he had now heard read. Whether, on the
one hand, they looked to the statement which had been made
-as to the friendly situation in which this country was placed
with respect to all foreign. powers—whether they looked to. the
statement that had been given relative to the financial condition
of the empire—whether they looked to whet had been said with
respect to the state of the commerae-e-or whether, on the other
hand, they directed their attention to the anxious wishes which
'had been expressed for the happiness and prosperity of the
country, or to the strong desire which had been manifested to
improve our ancient institutions, and, at the same time, the
emphatic determination not to take any step by which those
institutions might be endangered or broken down—whether they
looked to the right side or tio the left, he felt satisfied that the
British people would receive with grateful feelings the speech
trona the throne, coatainiag, as it did, a declaration of the deep
anxiety which his majesty felt to promote their welfare and
prosperity. The speech itself entered into so many topics, that
it would be (tut of all reason for him to express his sentiments
on them at length, knowing, as lie did, that every one of them
would be brought before their lordships in the course of the
present session. The noble lord after adverting at some length
to the topics which the speech embraced, concluded by moving
a dutiful address to his majesty, in answer to his most gracious
speech from the throne.
Lord -GAGE, in seconding the address, congratulated their
'lordships on the prosperous state of the financial and commer-
cial concerns of the country. But when he said this he could
not but feel that the prosperity could only be secured by a line
of conduct which recent events led him to conciude would not
be everywhere followed. Much would depend on their lord-
ships' reception of the present adaress. He conceived it must
• be evident that the tithe question could' only be treated in the
moderate way. which was recommended in the speech from the
throne; and, in his opinion, every man who would really tight
the battle of loyalty against anarchy and revolution would per.
sue that moderate course. That was the single plank between
the country and ruin; and it' they did not, by firmness, keep
the constitution in its present frame, they must sink to rise no
more. They must sink iu the vortex of revolution. Had they
looked to the consequences of rash and precipitate measures
with respect to the church? list they reflected opt mat they
might encounter in search of what might almost be called tree-
-sortable experiments? There were mew amongst them, he hoped
and belie Yee, who were not anxious for the support of that esta-
. •blishment, whose ministers had educated themselves and their
children, who had acted as au engine of civilization, and whose
virtues had sustained the church. (Hear, hear.) But, if there
were such amongst them, let those cold reasoners look at the
ruin, the misery, and the suffering which the success of their
plans would necessarily produce; let them consider the weakness
and instability whicn they would introduce amongst a divided
people. The speech which they had heard that day spoke to
• them of the prole, essive,arnendinent of abuses, but it also called
on them to rally round the monarch far the purpose of prevent-
ing that edifice from being overturned which wise and good men
had. always viewed with 'reverence. Could they, then, refuse a
corresponding address in answer to such a speech,—a speech
acquatuting the house, in deeds, he would say, as weli as in
words, with his Majesty's %fidelity and attachment to that con-
' stitution which they were bound to support? His v7ish, then,
was, that they should adopt the answer of his noble friend. He
knew not how they could return any other answer. The King's
speech spoke of reform with reference to its fair and proper ex-
tent, but it also expressed a becoming jealousy tor the preserve-
tien of those institutions which constituted the honour us well as
the safeguard of the country. His lordship ceucluded by saying
, their lordships had to take their choice only between the govern-
meat of the right hon. baronet (Sir ft. Peel), and that of that
revolutionary personage Mr. Cobbett. (Hear, bear.) There
was no alternative but the one or the other; but he would advise
their lordships to consider well before they made their choice.
The welfare and happiness of the country depended on the
choice they might make.
Lord Metasouttee, after alluding to the character of the
speech from the throne which, he said, would lead a stranger to
suppose that nu change had taken place in the administration,
proceeded to say, that it was extremely disagreeable to him,
circumstanced as he was, to he the first to call the attention of
their lordships to certain recent events; but, from the import-
_ ance of those events, and the manner in which they had oc-
curred, he trusted he should be acquitted of egotism if he briefly
adverted to them. As to the change of the government, it was
one which was approved of by his Majesty in the undoubted
exercise of his prerogative, but as one which was sanctioned and
approved of by the noble duke opposite, he was as much re-
sponsible for it as if he had advised it. (Hear, hear.) Whe-
ether the change was a prudent one or not, it was not for hint ore
his late colleagues to determine ;—that they would leave to their
lordships and to the other house of parliament to decide; but
wheu be considered the position in which noble lords opposite
• had placed themselves and the country—when he considered
the present prospects of the countty, he owned that he could
. not approve of that policy by which the recent change had been
wholly passed over in the speech from the throne. Immediately
after the late change in the government, the noble duke oppe- I
site held the appoirdinent of Chief Commissioner of the 'I rea-
sury, and at the saute time held the seals of the three great
departments of the state. He was aware that the noble duke
held those appointments ad interim, but the noble duke knew
as well as he aid, if be possessed those offices with the view of
exercising their functions, such exercise by one individual was
incompatible with the principle: of our constitution; the offices
were incompatible with each other when held by one and the
same person. In one hand they would place all the great pow-
ers of the state—all its pecuniary resources between the indivi-
dual holding them and the sovereign—without any check or
control. He would not say that the noble duke had taken those
offices with such intention, it would be a high misdemeanour;
but admitting that it was done front necessity and from the ur-
gency
.of the ease, it would be for the noble duke to show that
. necessity and urgency. Oir the arrival of the premier in En-
gland the ministry was formed as it now existed, and then it
was that that extraordinary step was taken—the dissolution of
' the late parliament; and that, too, be it remembered, at a time
when the country was in a state of admitted profound calm anti
.quiet—while it was in a state of no little prosperity, as must be
Inferred from the speech from the throne, and in the speeches
of the noble lords who bad proposed and seconded the address.
The noble lord then proceeded to quote some passages from Sir
Robert Peel's speech at the Mansion-house, to show that he hail
promoted, while be deprecated agitation. What (continued
the noble lord) could produce is more effectually than a general
election ? (Hear, hear.) What could take private men from
their business, or public men from their ordinary duties, more
completely than a general election? What was it that caused
the " pressuic from without" inure effectually than an election?
Was it not bringing the influence of the people immediately to
hear on those who were their recognised and constitutional or-
gans, ; All these, then, were reasons why a dissolution should
not have been resorted to ; and vet, in the teeth of them, that
measure was advised by the government, the head of which hail
stated those reasons ! They had had one dissolution, and they
mO.naced another. (A noble lord ou the Ministerial side--
" When, and where?" and some cries of "No.") Then they
did nut contemplate another dissolution ? (Cheers from the
opposition.) Why, it was no later than a few days ago that be
had read the speech of a noble lord connected withßucking-
hanashire, and the relation of a noble peer then present, who
pretty broadly intimated such a measure. That noble lord was
one of the supporters of government, and though his statement
could not be taken as official, it would still produce very con-
eiderable anxiety in the public mind. lie was aware that there
were precedents for such uissolutions in 1811, 1807, and 1831.
These, he admitted, were bold and dangerous measures, but
they were cool, prudent, and cautious, compared with the disso-
lutions which noble lords opposite would advise. What had
been the defence of those dissolutions to whirls be had referred.
—the success with which they were attended ? Weil, the go-
vernment had met with inure success than they hail expected ;
but yet they had not so much as they required. He would tell
the noble lord who had seconded the address, that if any such
dangers as he had anticipated should arise, it was to the mea-
sures of government, to the dissolution of parliament. that their
imminence should be est:riled. It mild not be sail of it, as of
the parliament of 1831, that it was called into existence at a
time of great public excitement—at a period when the very
name of reform was at stake.. The late parliament was not
elected under such circumstances. The great majority of the
members were returned with professions of reform on their lips,
and the inf'rence to be drawn was that such was the general
feeling of the country. If, then, the speech from the throne
was one as it was described to be, and credit was claimed for it
in that respect, why might it not have been submitted to the
late parliament as weil as to a new one? As reforming mea-
-tures were to be submitted, why was it necessary to turn out a
reforming parliament ? In former dissolutions, such as those
to which he had alluded, there had been the justification, such
as it was, of an entire change of policy. It was, in fact, a
change of men only, and not of measures. Under these cir-
cumstances, he looked upon the late dissolution es a mere wan•
ton exercise of power, and he knew of no other cause for it,
except it was far the purpose of introducing some tory
members to the House of Commons, in order to drag them
through the mire after the abandonment of their principles.
He' could not guess at any other cause, except it was that by
frequent dissolutions noble lords opposite wished to fulfil their
own oft-repealed predictions—that it was impossible to conduct
the government under a reform dispensation. (Hear; bear.)
The noble lord concluded by sayinge—With the feelings which
he had thus briefly expressed to their lordships, and fur the pur-
pose of putting those feelings, in which many other noble lords
concurred, on record, be would venture to move an amendment,
though be confessed with, no chance that it would be successful.
He was the more anxious to press it, because he felt that what
he should move would be more in maison with the feelings of
the country than those portions of the speech which referred to
the seine subjects, and because he thought it rieht to offer to
supply what he considered an important oinission in that speech.
Ile was anxious that some subjects should be more tally stated
than they were in the speech from the throne; and he was also
anxious to induce their lordships, as a change had taken place
in the government, to declare that they still adhered to that
system which had been followed by the they
government. He
was likewise anxious that their lordships should state somewhat
snore clearly and fully what was rehuired with respect to the re-
fuel' in municipal corporations. The noble viscount concluded
by moving an amendment to be added to the original address,
for which see conclusion of Lord Morpeth's speech in the
commons.
'l'he amendment having been read from the woolsack,
The Duke otalreetitsoloe said, that as the noble viscount
had said that the dissotutiou of parliament was not necessary,
and that he (the duke) was responsible fur the dissolution of the
late government, he must deny that he was responsible for those
measures which caused the dissolution of the late government,
and led to the formation of the present. That which led to the
sliesolution of the late government was the absolute impossibility
that it could go on longer without a noble lord who had ceased
to be a member of the House of Ceie mons, by his removal froiu
that to be a member of their lordships' house; He would beg
to call to the recollection of their lordships what had been stated
by a noble earl, wart had for nearly four years been at the head
of the government, when the noble lord (Alth,,rp) had resigned
his office of Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the
House of Commons. The noble earl stated that he could not,
under such circumstances, continue at the head of the govern-
ment, for by the resignation of his noble friend he bad lost his
right hand, and it would be impossible to carry on the govern-
ment with advantage from the time that that noble lord bad
quitted power. But that was not all. The noble viscount
- ( Melbourne) had himself stated to their lordships, as one of the
grounds on which he had been induced to take office, that he
had been assured that his noble friend (Lord Altliorp) was wil-
ling to go in office with him, and therefore that with his assist-
ance he would consent to undertake to carry on the govern-
ment. But even that was not all, for he (the noble duke) bap-
pened to know that when the noble viscount felt that he was
likely to lose the aid of the noble lord, (Althore) he declared
that he should feel himself placed in great difficulty, for that the
noble lord was the very foundation on which the goyernineut
stood, and when that was removed it was impossible to go on.
When, then, the question of the government Caine before his
Majesty, he found it fairly put to him whether he would seek
for other counse's, and whether he would consent to other er-
rangements for the formation of a government, or whether he
would be content to abide by list particular administration
which at that moment existed. ( hear, hear.) Let their lord-
ships only observe the situation in which the King was
.placed,
.and ask themselves what be was to think in the new position in