The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-25 00:00:00

CITY OF LONDON MEETING.

On Monday a meeting of the constituency of the city of Lon-
don was held at the Guildhall, for the purpose of considering
the propriety of petitioning Parliament to repeal the Septennial
Act, to establish the vote by ballot, and to repeal the assessed
taxes.

The LORD MAYOR took the chair at one o'clock, and said,
that when he, was elected to the office of chief magistrate of the
city he voluntarily promised that the livery should have the use
of the Guildhall when they desired to meet and discuss ques-
tions kw'ftich they considered connected with their interest.
When the deputation called on him, and requested him to con-
Nene the present meeting, he might have said, that he had pro-
mised to call meetings of 4he livery only, but he put a liberal
construction upon his own words, and invited the whole of the
constituency to assemble. (Applause.) He was not called
upon to express any opinion as to the subjects which would
come under discussion. The chair, whilst he filled it, should
be a neutral chair. His lordship then earnestly exhorted the
meeting to hear all parties. "I know nothing," said he, "so
cowardly as a majority to attempt silencing the voice of a mi-
nority; there is nothing so cowardly as for the strong man to
trample on the weak ; there is nothing so cowardly as to ap-
plaud the sentiments of the majority, while you will not give
a patient hearing to the minority. There is no merit in cheer-
ing on sentiments which accord with your own. You should
hear patiently, and then judge. Remember, then, that as it has
been stated in the placards, which is true, this is the first meet-
ing of the large undivided constituency of London for such a
purpose as we are now met to determine upon. Remember you
are the most important constituent body in the kingdom. No
place returns four members, no constituent body in the king-
dom has such moral power; and I hope, therefore, that you
will show yourselves worthy of such a pre-eminence and power,
by your patience, forbearance, impartiality, and kind feeling."
(Cheering.) His lordship then stated, that all the members for
the city were present, with the exception of Mr. Alderman
Waithinan, who was unable to attend from illness, but from,
whom a letter would be read.

Mr. FRANKS then proceeded to read Alderman Waithman's
letter, but after he had proceeded to some extent—
Mr. HUNT spoke to order, and contended, that they ought to
proceed to the business for which they were assembled instead
of listening to Mr. Alderman Waithman's opinions.
The LORD MAYOR decided, that Mr. Hunt's objection was
good, and the reading of the letter was dsscontiuued.
The following is a copy of the letter :
"TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON. •

"Gentlemen,—With some surprise and much regret I learned
that a meeting of the whole constituency of the city of London
was called for Monday, the 21st instant, for the purpose of de-
liberating upon the propriety of petitioning the House of Com-.
mons on the repeal of the Septennial Act, on the voting at
elections by ballot, and on the repeal of the assessed taxes. On
two of these subjects, . particularly that of the vote by ballot,'
great differences of opinion are known to exist, though no one
in or out of the house, can object to the repeal of the assessed
taxes, however much he may doubt about its immediate prac-
ticability.
" My present indisposition will prevent me from attending
the meeting; but as you have recently approved my past con-
duct by again electing Me' as one of your representatives, 1
hope you will suffer me, wjth great deference, to offer some
suggestions for your consideration.
" When the Government lifougiit forward their plan for
amending the representation of the people, the most ardent
Reformer was ready to allow that the extent of it greatly, ex-
ceeded his expectation. It was, indeed, so bold .in its design,
so comprehensive in its provisions, and so well calculated to
effect its object, that Reformers of all descriptions concurred in
their enthusiastic approbation of the bill. No measure in any
period of our history was ever received with more heartfelt satis-
faction or hailed with more rapturous applause.
"The city of London, which has ever taken the lead in pro-
moting the popular giving cause, and in a salutary impulse to
the national sentiment, thought it right to confer the honour of
its freedom upon Earl Grey, Lord John Russell, and Lord
Althorp, in order to mark its sense of their services, and to tes-
tify its confidence in the integrity of their principles, and in
the steadiness of their patriotism. Have the Ministers forfeited
this confidence? Have they betrayed the people ?—or have they
done anything to render their honesty suspected? Have they
not, during the short time in which they have been in office,
done more to alleviate the public burdens than all their prede-
cessors during more than half a century ? Did they not begin
the work of retrenchment with a reduction of their own
salaries ?—and did they not thus exhibit a splendid pro-of of
their high-minded disinterestedness ? To a Minister patronage
is power, and what Minister ever deprived themselves of this
power to a similar extent ?
" Since, then, we have seen these men doing so much for the
people, why should we not give them credit for doing more ?
Why should we embarrass them with petitions, or press them
with remonstrances, till we know what they mean to do or not
to do ?

It appears to me, that at present there are questions of more
immediate urgency than those of shorter Parliaments and the
vote by ballot; and though I am far from underrating their im-
portance, I think that their consideration may be postponed with-
out any public injury or inconvenience. But can we with safety
postpone other questions of perilous moment, and of vital inter-
est? Can we lose sight of the alarming state of Ireland ? Is not
that one of the tcopics that most forcibly claim the attention of
Ministers ? Without a happy mixture of prudence and energy
in removing or alleviating the complicated evils of that unhappy
country, what is much longer to preserve the union of the two
kingdoms, or prevent the explosion of a murderous civil strife?
Does not the state of the church, both in England and Ireland,
and particularly that of Ireland, require an unmediate reforma-
tion ? Are not both filled with abuses that require to be re-
moved, and can the enormities of the Irish church, and its sin-
gular unfitness to the wants of the people, any longer be endur-
ed ? Are not tithes a grievance of a more pressing kind than
the want of the ballot, or the existence of a septennial Parlia-
ment? Do not the melancholy situation of our own poor, and
the heavy pressure of the rate upon the capital and industry of
the country, call for some instant legislative remedy ? Can we
be blind to the sufferings or deaf to the cries of the poor childrdn
in the factories ?

" When, then, the Ministers have subjects of such great and
overwhelming interest and importance demanding their instant
attention, and when they have hitherto shown themselves ex-
emplary for their trustworthiness, liberal in their principles,
enlarged in their views, and disinterested in their conduct, ought.
we in common fairness to force upon them the premature dis-
cussion of subjects which may safely be deferred to a more
favourable opportunity ?
" As the more urgent necessities of reform have been satisfied
by the destruction of the rotten boroughs, and by the glorious
triumph of the people over that selfish faction by which they