The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-14 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

and low " prices are not synonymous with " dear and
cheap." When the corn monopoly, as he calls it, is abo:
lished, he will, perchance, discover that there is a cliffer-
ence, and that the quartern loaf may, at one time, be
cheaper to the labourer at 18d., than it is, under other cir-
cumstances, at 12d. Whether Mr. Ewart means by
"unlimited commerce " the same thing as " commerce
free and universal "—or whether he knows what he
means by either expression, we do not pretend to conjec-
ture, but this we can tell him, that free trade is all a
farce—that it never did, and never can exist—all trade
and commerce, in all countries, ever have been, and ever
must be, subject to restrictions, and all modifications are
merely questions of degree, not of principle. Free
trade, if it mean any thing, must mean trade unrestricted,
upon the practicabilility of establishing which, in this
country, we need not say one word. On the important
subject of national education, Mr. Ewart, as usual, leaves
to grope our way-to-his meaning. He would have it
" founded on the soundest principles of truth." Chris-
tians—Protestant Christians at least, of all denomina-
tions, would say that the bible contained the "soundest
principles of truth," and, therefore, that in all systems of
national education, the bible, as is the case in Scotland,
should be read as a school-book. Does Mr. Ewart ap-
prove of this system of education ? And when it was
a question in the House of Commons whether the bible
should or should not be excluded from the Irish national
schools, which side did he espouse? Finally, Mr. Ewart
declares himself an advocate for reducing greatly the
duration of parliaments, and for the vote by ballot. These
are, of course, subjects upon the discussidn of which we
cannot now enter—we merely record his opinions, and
leave our readers, such of them at least, as have turned
their attention to these points to draw their own con-
clusion,

strengthened with our strength—he would carefully der
tab, whether the prospective advantages are comme°se;
rate with the positive suffering by which their destruen°'
must neccessarily be accompanied.—ls there no injustiel
ed
done, we would ask of any man, in withdrawing, es:c)
after considerable notice; that protection under wlllOO
great interests have been fostered and matured, and
the faith of which vast amounts of capital have bee,
invested ? It is very easy for those who have notblet'
embarked in such concerns, to say " abolish all m°11;
polies"—but like the boys and the frogs in -the fabir
what is sport to one party is death to the,other. Of fut
Howard Douglas' address we have left ourselves ",.
little space to remark at length—and like Lord 501d°,,,1",
it must be read in extensa to be duly appreciated. ,if
gallant officer's professional reputation, stands too higiblie
prominent in his country's annals to need our fee
ile
meed of applause, but we are warranted, from the detang
into which he has entered, since his appearance aoe
us, in saying, that his acute and comprehensive niiiity
has been applied, diligently and successfully, to
attainment of a thorough acquaintance with ulailiA
the great commercial interests of the country; had ta,
been returned to Parliament as one of our represe°,
Lives, we make no doubt he could have convinced.'ect
most sceptical of his opponents, that upon every subthe
which might come before the deliberative wisdom °f
A to die
legislature, his splendid talents, zealously applied
consideration of each, in its various bearings, would Jjaioi
enabled him most ably to represent this great commerco
community, whilst his intimate acquaintance with °de
state policy, both foreign and domestic, would have nlari,
him shine, in comparison with his radical comPetit° 10
as the noon-day sun to the feeblest star. That be
ej
not succeeded on the present occasion is to be attributed
solely to the lateness of his being brought forward es.
candidate. Many who would have gladly supported butt;
were previously pledged to others, and we have to
that, on the first opportunity which may offer, if he
again come forward, his return will be as honourable to
him, as we are convinced his services-Will be valuableitil
us. We trust the acquaintance which he has made 11_,
a large body of the inhabitants of Liverpool, wills,
into an attachment which will become mutual and
during. Defeated he now is ; but it is such a defeato
gives assurance of future victory; and we are mistal‘or
in our view of the signs of the times, if the day be in,
distant when he will have an opportunity of regaill-;
those laurels which a fortunate chance alone has °-
snatched from his grasp.

Having thus glanced over Mr. Ewart's political creed,
we may as well now turn -to Mr. Thornely, although he
did not immediately follow his leader, for the sentiments
of the two gentlemen on most subjects, are so similar,
as far as we can guess at Mr. Ewart's meaning, that they
may fairly be classed together---and we are the more Mi. ;
pelled to do this, because Mr. Thornely, in his speech on
the hustings refers to his published address, which we had
under review in a former number of our publication.
The only new matter which we find brought forward is
an opinion of Sir Edward Coke, who lived 200 years ago,
that "all monopolies and restrictions of trade, do over-
throw trade." Hence it would appear, that the "wisdom
of our ancestors" is not to be derided, when we find it

in accordance with the new-fangled theories of our mo-
dern reformers. Again, " Sir H. Parnell has shown that
the people lose annually seventeen millions by these mo-
nopolies "—namely the East India and corn monopolies.
Nobody of coure,, would think of doubting Sir. H. Par.
nell's authority.

A paragraph which appeared in our journal 01.-
day last, respecting some alleged proceedings in mr,
Thornely's committee, has produced a letter from -001
F. Cearns, jun. which is published in the LiverPej,
Courier of Wednesday. Had no such letter aPPearo
we should have disavowed, as we now do, the Parag',r3of
in question. The facts are simply these—at a late n.
on Monday evening, it was brotight to the printing 0' 0
and upon the known respectability of the-quarter w 11911,1,1
it came, it was incautiously admitted, without the edita,o'
sanction, and without stating that it was a conolua,loo
Lion. We have since communicated with the pail 't to
Which it proceeded, and are assured that it was meall
convey what was therein stated, as a report onlyL ,
which would have been,' obviously, the only censP;a:;
tion which could have been put upon it, had the °IA
"it is said," been inserted after the word " that 5°
before the words " the expediency," &c. Mr. Ceao
letter sets the question of fact at rest, and we are 90
thorised' to express the regret of the party,' thatther
incautious expression should have given hineor any (3ii`•,4,
individual ground of complaint. For ourselves, sv-'te-ti
we express our sorrow that our pages should have bell.,
made the vehicle of such- remark, we beg to assure Pt' r
Cearns, that no difference of political sentiment, °t
unworthy feeling of any kind, shall ever induce 11- ot'.i
prostitute our journal, by making it the medium ortl
circulating wilful untruth cr of seeking to gain suPPI.,f
by any means inconsistent with the principles of Inursil`'
and religion.

On the subject of negro slavery Mr. Thornely "can say
a great deal "—for he has seen it at Charleston—he has
absolutely seen the negro bought and sold. Hear thisye
unbelievers ! In that country whose declaration of In-
dependence (a copy of which, if we are not misinformed
framed and glazed, adorns the mansion of the worthy
gentleman) thus commences, "We hold it to he indis-
pitiable, that all men are born free, equal, and independ-
ent !" Did Mr. Thornely, when he saw such abominations
at Charleston, raise his voice against them? Did he ex-
hort the Planters to emancipate their black fellow-citi-
zens ? Did he abhor the commissions to be derived from
the sale of cotton and rice, raised by the hands of these
oppressed men and brothers ? Or did he quietly wait un-
til he had realized a fortune out of the produce of this
much injured and ill-treated race, and then vent his vir-
tuous indignation against his own countrymen, from whom
no commissions are to be had? Let his friends answer
these questions.

We now turn to the speech of Lord Sandon, which is
as replete with sound views of constitutional reform, as
it is distinguished by good sense and manly indepen-
dence. It is throughout so argumentative, so united as
a whole, that we cannot do justice to it by partial ex-
tracts,—we wish our readers to peruse it, and judge for
themselves, assured that it will amply repay them for
the trouble. One or two points, however, prominently
present themselves to our notice—speaking of the
charges which have not ceased to be urged against his
conduct in the- last parliament, notwithstanding the
clearest proof of their futility or absolute falsehood, he
says,—" What is it I have been guilty of that requires
so much explanation ? It is, gentlemen, that ' T have
scorned to be the slave of a party—because I have
despised the servility of party and ehosen to follow my
own independent judgment." " As long as I
live and breathe, and can take a part in public affairs,
mine shall be a free and independent course. Is it indeed
fit that your representative should surrender himself to
the leading strings of any one party ?" Compare this
noble and manly independence, with the fawning mob-
popularity-seeking professions of others, and then say—.

•
The vote by Ballot being now the watchword of t,
,
modern reformers, as " the Bill" ere white was svonttiie
be, we deem it a duty incumbent upon us to show
practical operation of this so much lauded system, in t
country, where, if we may believe its admirers, tree
liberty alone exists—we gave, in a late numb o
er' d,
extract from a New York paper, detailing some pNeee
tP .t
ings of the Hickory Men., during the election thelliitio
terminated—we now give two more specimens ,
manifold benefits arising from vote by Ballot and 011ivr
versal suffrage—extracted font the New York StaThdarfree.
We regret to state, that the bullies, of whose intention to 10 ,tea
with our election we advised our readers some days
yesterday to take possession of the ballot-boxes at the poll et. the Trifle!
ward, and actually prevented the depositing of many votes' se
attacked the hotel in which the poll was held, and compelled t;
since, Pell:11.00
specters to retreat with their boxes. to an upper room, and ,te„,b°lll,
pone the election until the morning. A party of the opposi“."-,llo'
lies broke into the inspectors' room of the seventh wart' I)°,f'
night, and endeavoured to get possession of the ballot-boxes'
, ynd
were foiled, but not without some sad injuries to themselv:
others. The son of a respectable citizen was carried home sin'
bruised.

" Have you eyes ? -
Could you on this fair mountain cease to feed.,
And batten on this moor ?"

On the subject of church reform his Lcirdship is frank
and explicit ; he wishes to remedy any existing abuses
without destroying his own creed—or, overthrowing
those barriers which have .made that creed the national
religion of his country. And on the important *object
of national education be avows that,, whilst he is eager
for its general diffusion, it is only in union with religion,
which he most truly says, ought to be the first principle
of the education of a responsible and immortal being.
These sentiments may not give his Lordship favour
iu the eyes of our liberal modern philOsophers, who
would educate children and leave them to choose a re-
ligion for themselves, excluding from' public. schools
that Book, which alone, is able to make us " Wise
unto salvation,"—a scheme about as wise, as sending
a ship to sea, without compass or quadrant, in the expecta-
tion that the Captain; without them, would 'find his way
to 'the farthest part of the globe.: Of monopolies, • his -,, ___ -,.-....---.....___---<;e.
, ,i4er,
Lordship admits that' they Are,. in, principle,' wrong ; but I._;--Pri.nted in Union Cotirt, Castle-street anu" Eta,tiv rr:'
of No. 7, Anson- street Orders' and Adiertisc:nvnts are.4A
I;
atE. No,P° illgh-,Areet, Exe,i9nge, by SAYR,EI.. ritANCBY" 3'-',
before he. will join- iii the .attempt to abolish those which.
. , • .. . • . ceived in London by Messrs. New—ov & er, Warviit
Newjate—street ;: ancilar-BAJIIC.E-It: .'6,.thea-sire—et..
.40 exist—which have gro'Wn. with: our growth,. and. 1

Extract from a New Orleans letter of the Bth ult. .1
have nothing to communicate, except that with the co at o x
ther more confidence has appeared, anal it; is. report $1)/
deaths have been greatly less yesterday and to-day, ‘"iijea`e
previous day since the epidemic appeared, More con
in business also seems to show itseif.!'
roa"
COURT-MA LIT IA L.—Last week a general district coll.t-- 100.'er
was held in the tower ofloncion, iv-hen Peter Dunn, a"1 ea .1,
of the secomi battalion of the Grenadier Guards, statiolloce,
that torti.es, was tried for de, eitien ; it was his second nes‘k
nt eJ.
and he had been for some time absent from the regiment'
ing a very dissolute-course of life. He was found -6'9,l''''beef,"
sentenceu to 1d years' transportation.. Dunn has E,7061;
removed from the Tower, and is now on kis voyage 194
ment mony with other convicts to undergo his sentence