The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-01-20 00:00:00

BATTY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.

The splendid new pice of the Fisherman of Naples, or the
•Dumb Girl of Portici, having been received last_niiht by an
overflowing audience will be re Oates for tive*glits more.
?fin IS present TUESDAY; the 20th, and_dnrlng the week,
-I will he performed the popular Musical,Draina, called
111 E FISHERMAN. OF APLES;
OR, THE DUMB GIRL PORTICI.
Masaniello Mr 'eritte. •
Fenella Mrs. Stirling.'
SCENES IN THE CIRCLE. •
D'Equitaion on a swift Steed, by Macintosh.
The Young Polish Brothers Will again appear before a Liver-
- po Audience.
Mr. Flicker] will appear asol Allessandro Massaroni alio as a
Pari4ian D in lOz-ette, :and Littlishliat!ing.Jocizey.
Mr. Batty will appear as: Zarinski, managing and changing
six Horses at full speed.
-The whole tn conclude with • •
GUSTAVUS;
OR, THE MASKED BALL.
• . Children underßoxes, 25.-,-Pit, Is.—Gallery, Gd.
Ten years Half-price to the. Boxes and Pit.

HOLLOWAY'S SANS PAREIL,

GREAT CILARLoTTE-STREET.

The Manager has thelonour rosnnottnce CARTLITCI-1
fur a, limited period, proviong to his Dublin 'engagement.
rultilS present TUESDAY, the 20th, and IV:MORROW,
( W ednesda y,) the 21st instant, will be performed
LOCHINVAR.
Lord LOchinvar Mr. artlitch.
After which,
THE FACULTY PU ZLED.
To conclude with
THE VOW OF SILENCE.
On THURSDAY, FRIDAY, and SATtI'UDAYO
• LUKE THE LABOURER.
Luke Mr. Cartlitch.
After which,
THE MAN TIGER.
. _

And other Eutertainments,in which Mr. Carthtch.will perform,

On MONDAY next will be produced
. TIMOUR; THE TARTAR.
Timour - Mr. Cartlitch.

Ebe Eftnipool *tanDarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 20, 1835.

We have been politely favoured with the following
extract bf a-letter received by a mercantile house in this
town from China. It is dated Canton, April 21, 1834 :
" Lord Napier has not yet arrived to superintend us ; and the
compaoy's charter being expired 22d April, we live now in a
sort of internignum, and yet get on amazingly welt. The
Chinese do not understand the matter at all. The phrase
' opening of the trade' quite puzzles them. fume think we arc
going to set up an independent gnvernnint in Canton twbich,
in plain English, is really the case), and some think that we
are going to attack the 'celestial empire' itself by force of anus.
The orders in council have been received sometime back, and
have caused a good deal of speculation among us. The best
info-tried look upon them as so thoroughly ridiculous that they
will never be acted upon, and if you do not condemn me as rash
and forward in criticising the measures of older and wiser men
than myself, I think, for my part, that with the best sources of
information to go to, these orders in council have been formed
in the mdst complete ignorance. Why pretend to establish
courts of justice, courts-martial, &c. &e. in the very dominions
of an independent prince like the Emperor of China, without
obtaining, without even asking his consent ? Would we, for
a moment, tolerate a similar insult in Gretat Britain? • Why
annoy Englishmen with such nonsense —as a foreigner might
sue an Englishman bef(ire his own court, andyet would question
and laugh at the authority of such a tribunal if summoned be-
fore it ia his, turn.? Nykily tax our sh.ipping.ard our exports
this distant country, obliging us to have recourse to many shifts
to avoid these duties, such as employing foreign bottoms $o take
the cargo outside, &c. &c. > In short, why place us on'a worse
footing than any of the other foreign nations that trade to China?
These regulations will be infinitely more annoying and expen-
sive than the monopoly of the East India Company, 'and will
cause us to regret that our government wish to protect us at
all. Protection is no doubt a very good thing, but, like all
good things, it is possible to pay too dear for it. The Americans
have no protection, nut even a consul, and 'get on quite as well
es we do. Canton, during the interregnum, is, to all intents
-and purposes, a free port."

We have letters and papers from Demerara to the 29th
November. The colony was tranquil, but the appren-
tices were as idle as they are in the other settlements.
The law had been carried into force against .the rioters.
who were tried and convicted in the month of September.
Doe man was hanged and several others transported for
life. Upon the whole these papers are duller than usual,
the only lively incidents being the accounts of the con-
flagration of the two houses of parliament.

The answer of the King of the FRENCH to the menaces
of General JACKSON has been as prompt and as uncom-
promising as we expected. The French envoy resident
at Washington has been recalled, and the American am.
bassador has demanded his pa4iports, and it is said has
left Paris on his way to London. This certainly looks
warlike, and we consequently wait•the decision of the
Chamber of Deputies with some impatidnee.
If the French succumb and consent to pay the money,
they will cut a very miserable figure in the eyes of Eu-
rope and America. The sum demanded either is or is
not justly due to.the-United States. If the answer be in
the affirmative, and the claim is recognised, then the
French Parlianieat, by so long refusing to pay it, and
by paying it only to avoid a war, will appear in the cha-
racter of men• who •would be dishonest if they durst—
would swindle their creditorslf it were safe—and would

commit every act of rapacity, and every conceivable.
critne if it were not from the fear of punishment.
Suppose the representatives of France should, under
the pretext of further investigating the claims of the
United States, at length consent to pay the:money, this
would not exonerate them from a charge of attempting
to cheat their creditors. The money was as fairly due in
1832 as it is in 1835. They cannot shelter themselves
by saying that they did not know of the existence of such,
claims, for all France was conversant with the treaty of
1831, and the provisions of it• have been repeatedly
brought under the consideration of the assembled depu
tie/. It is true that the treaty was never formally dis•
4ulsed, although the attempt to bring on its considera-
*ion in the lower chamber was opposed by that body,
and led to the resignation of the ministry. But this
evasive manner of meeting the American claims is the
most discreditable part of the proceeding. , It reflects
unspeakable obloquy upon the national character of the
French. That character, it. is true, has not stood re-
markably high since the last revolution ; but still the
mode of evading the question is somewhat like the. con
duct of a swindler in denying himself. to the tradesman
he has cheated, or some shabby radical reformer pleading
his parliamentary privilege against the payment of a just
debt. Were the parliament of Great Britain principally
composed 'of Such men as TOM DONCOMBE, Surgeon
WAKLEY,'•Sir JOIIN KEY, DANIEL WIIITTLE HARVEY,
bergeant WILDE, Colonel TORRENS, Dr. BOWRING,
JOgEPFI HONE, and the nominees of the popish priests
of Ireland, the same beggarly mode of fleecing the pub-
lic creditor, under the scoundrel's plea, .pat riotism, vvould.
be resorted to in this country.

However, thanks to PROVIDENCE, we have not fallen

at) low yet ! Thanks to PROVIDENCE, the dregs of the
people—the untransported.autl►ors of the joint-stock sys-
tem of plunder—the unwhitewashed traders in Greek
scrip—the unhanged demagogues of Ireland, do not yet
constitute, like JACK CADE's mouth, the Parliament of
England !

But this by the way. We do not mean to assert that
the Parliament of France has committed a breach of
faith in refusing to recognise the claims of the United

States. We have solelsi been arguing upon the assump-
tion that the chambers would consent; to do that at the
last hour, when menaced with war, which they should
have done three years ago. Consent now, we have en-
deavoured to prove, -would be an admission of wrong—
a plea of guilty when guilt could no longer be concealed—
a wish to restore what they could not keep—a desire to pay
in money *hat would be seized in the shape of property,
and wrested from the dishonest and procrastinating
debtor by' force of arms.

• So far from condemning the conduct of France upon
the assuniptiOn that she legally and fairly owes the mo-
ney which she has hitherto declined to pay, we take a
very different view of the question. We do not be•
lieve that France owes the United States one single
shilling. We do -not believe that there are any per-
sons in existence ..whO, as citizens of Atnerica, have
any claim, or have preferred any just claim, for losses
sustained during the War. We have said before,
and we repeat it here, chat we solemnly believe that
all the claims ,raised by the Americans, recognised
though they have been, and paid too in many instances,•
have in nine cases in ten been fraudulent claims.
They have had their origin in the scheming, jobbing, and
corrupt departments of the American government. To
higgle and overreach—to make a lie the foundation of a
fortune—to bully and intercede, and flatter and fabri-
cate—to. produce documents manufactured for the pur-
ppse—to, drag in Witnesses primed to the task of swear-
ing anything—all this is part of the practice of a people
who glory in success without having the slightest mis-
giving as to the means. . •
But we have no 'wish 'to revive old animosities, or
place the culprits upon a second trial. We hate our
otvn convictions; but, putting them aside for the sake of
charity, we cannot disguise the fact that we are anxious
to see the pretensions of the people of the United
States put to the proof in this threatened war against
Franee. In the war of 1812, when the government of
Englind ftingheAnte'rica With a few frigates—when not
one ship of the line was engaged in the contest—when
a few troops, more in,jest than ini.earnest, and treating
the enemy with contempt, went up a river and burnt the
capital—we signed conditions of peace which were, and
ever will be, considered by the impartial historian as
conditions of charity! We spared them. We could
not, in the flush of,our European victories, think of .put
ting an end to the republic, which we could easily have
done. We were too chivalrous to fight against the very
fishmongers who'carried on their trade.in our own har-
bours and creeks per sufferance. We should have been
degraded had we turned our united arms against a peo
ple whom we had .ever treated as our unfortunate off--
spring, transported froin our shores ur.der unpleasant cir-
cumstances; and whom we hoped to render virtuous and
grateful by those encouragements which ministet'to self-
pride, profitable industry, and rational independence.
No. Their war was to us the bark of a friend's dog. It
made no impression calculated to disturb our parental
feelings ; and hence the largess of our terms in the peace
subsequently agreed upon.
France, however, does not stand in any such near or
dear relationship to the United States. We believe they
trade on terms of reciprocity more approaching:to jus-
tice than are those which America concedes to England.
France, tberefore,:is less likely to brook insult in the
way we have done. She has no inducement thereto in
the ties of blood; and, what is of eqtial importance,
France, too selfish within her own borders, never had
any liberality or.benevolence to spare for foreign nations.

The question, therefore; is between the honour of
France and the interests of America. Both parties are
bound by certain professions. The one asserts a claim ;
the other has hitherto refused to admit its justice ; and,
what is worse, she cannot admit it now without confess-
ing that she has been unjust for the last three years, and
that she is compelled by a menace of war to admit claims
hitherto rejected. _Will France be guilty of such indig-
nity against herself? Will she be the author of so seri-
ous a charge against herself? Will she proclaiin; in the
face of Europe, that dishonesty-was her policy, and jus-
tice the exceptiori to it under. eirCuurstances of dire and
inevitable.necessity ?

Before ihe'depUties decide, we answer for them they
will not!
,They cannot accede to the demands of Mr.
President JAcKsos without degradation. There is then
no alteinative,th..,ty must resist !

What then First as concerns .America, The go-
vernment of the United States imagine that France can-
not quarrel with them without throwing her manufac-
turing population into a state of coriVuhdon. In other
words France cannot dispense with the supply of cotton
wool from America!: Nothing-can be wore silly or falla-
cious. France-could have the required supply from Li-
verpool by means of a, simple arrangement with the Bri-
tish government. The charge of transit would of course
be increased, but that would hardly be felt in the price.of
manufactures. On the other hand the wine-growers of
France would be debarred the benefit of a direct trade in
the American markets. What of that? • England could
supply the deficiency. Mr. JACKSON would send his
frigates to prey upon the French merchantmen. He
would perhaps 'drive their fishermen from the banks of
our Newfoundland. But Louis PHILIPPE would recipro-
cate in the chops of the channel. No American would
be allowed to enter the port of Liverpool. The packets,
With their gaudy woods, their vulgar adornments, their
ostentatious brass, paint, polish, rocking-chairs, glass
rails, hickory panels, and cheap books most vilely lettered
in gold—these would be stopped. Liverpool would then
be able to organise a more subStantial, equally attractive,
and more endurable line of vessels. The Americans
would have the advantage at the outset in sailing under,
the English flag. These people, who he'd us, would not
hesitate to borrow our colours for the sake of safety and
gain. The French, however, would soon become ac-
quainted with the deception. An old Liverpool piliit.
would beithle to pdintout the disguised Yankee under any
colour, or paint,. or mystification. New York, Boston,
Philadelphia, and. New Orleans, would be blOckaded.
The first object of the Fiend' would be to make themselves
masters of New.OrleanS, They could with the greatest
ease send some twenty or thirty sail of the line to watch
the southern provinces, especially those Where the popu-
lation is fayourable to the French. Once in possession
of 'New Orleans, 'they would take care to keep it. It
would be a most .convenient station during the war, and'';
a valuable colony to France under any circumstances.
The President boasts of his warlike marine, and hints
.tbarthe high seas must be the place where the battle is
to be fought. This is all swagger, and the General
knoWs it. The Americans are unable to cope with the
fleets of France. They could not, before the next six
months, have more than seven ships of the line ready
fur sea. We venture to predict that they will not at-
tempt to combat any French fleet. Their policy will be
to capture merchantmen, interrupt the French West
India trade, confiscate. French property wherever found,
and carry Qn a system of plunder in every direction. In
this sort of. warfare the citizens will most probably be
eminently successful. Private fortunes will be'realised,
and individuals will be ruined ; but, while. one section
'the republic will suffer little or no injury, another sec-
tion will be placed at the mercy of the French.
We are here endeavouring to distinguish between the
southern, and the northern states. The latter are
anxious to advance their infant manufactures. The war
would do much to accelerate the accomplishment of their 1
wishes. The blockade of New York would exclude the
manufactures of other countries. The iron smelter would
once more light his furnaces. 'The clothier, the weaver,
the hosier., the tinman, and other artisans, would work
double tides and earn increased profits. In fact, the
people of New England are in favour of the war, simply
because they consider that it would conduce to their
local interests.

• The southern states are differently situated. They are
the growers ofa-cotton and tobacco, and they are depen-
dant upon England and France as the purchasers of
these Staple articles. The war, then, would be a war of
grievous injury, if not of irretrievable ruin to them. At
the outset they would lose the carrying trade. The gilded
and glaring packets would be shut up and left to rot in
the harbours of New York, Boston, and PrrilAelphia.
They . would also Jose the emigration. tri4e: They

might rim cargoes of cOttoti under the British colours;
'they might carry on a sort of smuggling trade by hauling
down the " striped bunting" and hoisting the proud
union-jack of old England; but, even under the most
favourable circumstances this would be but a limited
and precarious kind of adventure.
• We have said that the French have gone too far to re-
trace their steps. They cannot pay under the terror of
a threat without dishonour and disgrace. But we say
the same with respect to the. Americans. They must
now enforce their demands or confess their weakness.
They must fight or admit that their chief magistrate was
rash as well as impotent. They must appeal to arms or
tell the world that they were only in jest when they me-
naced the people of 4ance, and that .the President's
message meant one thing And said another--,.dealt only
in bluster instead of earnest and unequivocal intentions
of hostility. •

There is another version of ,the story. Some gentle-
men who pretend to superior information, assert that
this question of war has originated with the-President,
and the President alone. They say that he drew the
bill upon, the government of France, well knowing that
it would be dishonoured—well knowing that no funds
bad been voted to meet it=well knowing that it could
not, would not, and never was intended, to be paid until
the Chambers had'agreed to the treaty and provided the
ways and means, These gentlemen indignantly condemn
the conduct of General JACKSON, in thus unnecessarily
and vindictively dragging his country into hostilities
with the most powerful nation in Europe, and they as-
sert that it has been done to punish the merchants and
agriculturrsts of the United States, between whom and
him there is deadly enmity. Mr. President JACK. ON,
they say, is utterly incompetent to govern the republic.
.He knOws, they say, that his fall is near at hand, that
the respectable citizens view ail his measures with disap-
probation and disgust; and that conscious of the per-
vadingfeeling, the President is resolved to die like SAmP-
,sox, by pulling dowa the pillars of the. republican temple,
and
jperiShing in the ruins. In short, they represent that
the illustrious hera of stew Orleans is determined to let
loose the whirlwind, to raise a commotion on the waters,
to let the Atlantic hear the roar of his steam thunder, to
die hard, and diegame.

All this may be true. It savours of the character of
the man—blighted ambition being the moving cause,
obstinacy the resisting linedi um, ignorance the propelling
force towards destruction. But with all this we have no-
thing to do. If the citizens of America choose to throw
Mr. President JACKSON overboard, in order to make
terms with France, that is their concern, not ours. We
must judge of the motives of public men by their acts.
We have.no right to assign motives for which we see no
proof. Both parties are now compromised. America
has threatened—France defies—the gauntlet thrown
down in surly anger has been taken up in cold hauteur,
and both parties must settle their differences in the best
way they can. We stand at a respectful distance and
look on. Courage! mon anzi Louis PHILIPPE?—fight
brother Jonathan !

The elections in Scotland are, as we expected, against
us generally. Edinburgh has returned two whigs; one
of them a sinecurist ; so much the worse for the trade, the
colleges, and the schools bf Edinburgh. Glasgow has e-
turned two destructives. Paisley sends another. Sir
GEORGE MURRAY is beaten in Perthshire; and Dr.
BOIVRING, the poet, and the cad of the late cabinet, has
been returned by the glassblowers of Dumbarton and the

nightcap-weavers of Kilmarnock. The national charac-
ter has bee*n utterly disgraced by this last return. What

can the electors of Dumbarton or Kilmarnock know of
Dr. BOWRING ? Just as much as they do of the bards of
yagliar

On. the other side, Mr. FORBES, of Calender, has
beaten the whig Admiral FLEMING, in Sterlingshire, and
in gallant style too. Sir GEORGE CLERK has worsted,
iu the county of Edinburgh, the son of Sir JAMES GIII•
SON CRAIG, who has for years played the part of lackey to
the whig attorneys of Edinburgh. And last, not least,
Mr. PRINGLE, of Whytbatik, a -conservative, has beaten.
a radieat whig of the same name in Selkirk.
This idsocw woull.,consolation to set .-against-the

eomfiture in other places. We in England care nothing
for it. On the contrary, we rejoice. to see Scbtland.so
wmpletely in the despotic hands of whips and radicals,
becaUSe we know that after going thrOtigh the urdeal.of
pollution, the moral sense of the country will revolt at
the deep debasement into • which it has plunged, and
willi; after the natural ferment -has subsided, return to
a pniper sense of
.duty, under the Pro.mptings of pride,
dignity, and intelligence.
Scotland is as yet only in the • infancy of
.her popular
institutions. The whole power is in the hands of the
shopocracy and the middle classes. The drain shops
rule the roast. Property is not represented—intellect
is despised—her colleges have no voice in the national
assembly. This is not as it should be. The reform bill
was intended to give to property its legitimate influ-
ence—to industry its fair share—to numbers their due
weight in the scale of election. But it has done iio
such thing. The intelligence and industry of the coon-
try are not represented at all in the reformed parliament.
The ten-pound franchise gives to every man who rents a
house in the metropolis, be he chimney-sweep or be he
Pickpocket, a vote for the representatives. But this is
not the case in Scotland. The working man has no
voice—the honest mechanic is excluded. The journey-
man cannot aid his master—the labourer cannot recipro-
cate with hiaemployer. The 'Voice of Scotland is that of

the needy, the debauched, and the unprincipled keepers
of pothouses, low taverns, and other places still more
disreputble. We Lope to see this corrected before long,
and in sufficient time to meet the natural reaction which
is sure to take place.

But the place which has disgraced itself beyond_ al.
others north of the Tweed is Glasgow. Edinburgh has
always, been ❑otorious for its radicalism and its revolu-
tionary politics. But in Glasgow, where all the leading
merchants and manufacturers are conservativpswhere
its-very trade depends upon the ascendancy of conserva-
tive principles—to see this noble. and beautiful town in
the hands AA' destructives is enough to make a man for-
swear his country. It is most disgraceful. Mr. EWING,
aventleman of unblemished honour, of rare.talents, amt
of /Moderate principles—.a gentlenian whose charity is
unbounded, whose love of country is his ruling passion,
whOse good works are known to all his fellow-citizens—
drat he,: of all men, should be discarded by the electors ei
Glasgow is the foulest reproach that ever fell upon the
city of ,the west. Mr. EWING states, in his address, that
he would have been returned if he had only pledged him-
self to; oppose his Majesty's present ministers. Who
were the dastardly and reckless demagogues who pro-
posed such an act of baseness and subserviency ? We
should like to see their names at full length in the
columns of the Glasgow Courier. They deserve immor-
tal infamy. They who offered such an insult to a man
who had served them faithfully-7-to a man of honour—to
one who has a character to loose, must be the most worth-
less of narrow-minded partisans. Mr. EWING ►ery pro-
perly and indignantly rcfuced to give any pledge, most
of all that pledge which would have covered him with
lasting ignominy. He went to the poll with his hands
clean and his heart pure, resolved to do his duty honestly
and fearlessly, but he was rejected. The electors of
Glasgow Were determined to have slaves, and none but-
slave:4, as their representatives. They have got their,
and we wish them joy.

This lesson, however, to the conservatives of GlaSgow,
Will do good. They have too long played a double part.
They have too long courted the opposite faction. They
have professed liberalism till It has recoiled upon them,
and they are piostrated in the kennel before it. They
must now turn over a new leaf, and act a- more inde-
pendent part. The straightforward courts is always the
best, and it is the most honourable. Milk and water may
du fur a time, but it will not "du long. The hot-and-
cold system is a failure. The English elections prove
this. We hardly know an instance where a tory
has fearlessly spoken out in which he has not. been suc-
cessful. Those who have trimmed and shuffled, and

have taken a middle course, evincing their adhe:•ence to
no fixed principles, have generally been despised and
'rejected.' ..Sit GRORGk; MURRAY attempted to sail with