The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-14 00:00:00

51

enactments which protect and favour British productions in the
. colonial markets, by excessive duties laid on all foreign goods,
must likewise be repealed, and whilst the mother country gives
ipreference to foreign "articles of that kind, .with which only
the colonist can purchase British goons, that he be neither
,restricted nor prohibited in his dealings with foroigners.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, this fair and equitable position
of the whole question does .not appear to have occurred to the
Government, but it is manifestly founded in justice and equity.
The course taken would be the first, and a great step towards
the-dissolution of the colonial empire of Great Britain. Many-
persons may, ignorant in their lit),-aal'ity, say that the colonies
should be left to legislate for themselves—tp 11011127 e their own
affairs. Gentlemen, they will assert the right of 'doing so, if
their interests be not dealt with fairly and justly by Great Bri-
tam. The COlonial empire is held together entirely by the su-
-preroe legislation of the British Paniament, in regulating all
that relates to commercial intercourse with the colonies, and
between the colonies; and if Great Britain should ever so act
as to be called upon, or constrained to telex or surrender this
supreme regulating power, or the colonists- be so treated as to
be obliged to- do this for, themselves, then the awful hour of
Britain's dissolution as a colonial and first-rate maritime power
is at hand. Asa practical man, connected, as I have been, with
colonial affairs, I can give-you a proof; and gentlemen, I bin fond
of dealing with those stubborn evidences, facts, of the manner, in
which any relaxation of the supreMe regulating and controling
power of Great Britain must operate to subvert the colonial empire.
The session which immediately preceded Inv taking up the reins
of the government of New Brunswick, a focal act passed the
colonial legislature, laying a duty of one penny per ton on all
foreign vessels entering the ports of the province, for the pur-
pose of raising a fund to defray•the expenses incurred in the
protection of the revenue. The first foreign vessel that entered
after this act went into operation, was an American schooner
of 30 tons. The captain protested against the exaction of the
thirty-pence, as an infringement of the terms of the treaty then
subsastingLietween Great Britain and the United States, and on
his arrival in Ins own Pert lie Made a representation to the go-
vernment upon the subject. The American minister at the
:court of London, was thereupon instructed to remonstrate and
;protest against ndemand which though insignificant yet in prin-
;ciple ale onisfed to an actual infringement of the treaty, and in
:was intimated in substance that unless-the government of Great
BritaineontxoleslandrompelleaLitackpMderloP§....to attempt no
.violation ofany such treaties, that making a treaty With Meat Bri-
tain was a farce : and whit WasitlinceusSequence ? Why, that the
,King in council waaelllige, d to adopt the very strong meainre of
disallowing an act which his Representatives had assented. to.
Gentlemen, this you must be conunced is a true developeraent
of Whit would take. place if the colonies were permitted to
_legislate for themselves for the regulation of their commercial
transactions; and this proves the serions danger—the great
political evils that must ensue, if their commercial interests
are so unfairly and unjustly treated, as to afford them any pre-
text for assuming such a power. In such a case there not a
colony belonging to the empire that would .not make . some
abatement or modification in the duties imposed upon foreign
prOdiietions, or countervail them by their focal acts, and you
cannot be ignorant, gentlemen, that some colonial legislatures
have 'already. attemptetfthe laying of considerable duties on Bri-
tish manufactures imported into their parts—a commencement
of very significant warning of what they may do. Now, with
respect to the theory of our shallow visionanes, who maintain
.that if we get rid of our colonies, we shall benefit as much in
commercial intercourse with them, as independent states, as
we now do in 'their colonial connexion. Gentlemen, the cha-
racteristic of the colonial trade ii, that it opens to you the
double voyage in British ships, and the two-fold transaction
emanating therefrom. YOU, as practical men, are well aware
of this advantage, instead of the disadvantage of the single •
.voyage. if the colonies were independent states, first, how
,complicated would be our diplomacy in making any commer-
cial arrangements with them; and secondly, ..would they con-.
sent to send their productions to British markets in Isritish
ships? They would adhere to the old-fashioned pre:mice that
has made Great Britain herself what she is—that the first
duty of a commercial power is to extend its own marine, by
giving it exclusively the privilege of transporting its own pro-
aluctions to foreign markets.' 1- believe the most steady trade
we have is the colonial trade. Where, then, would be the
steadiness of our dealings, w' en we shall depend entirely
upon foreigners: Lot onfy fur the purchase of our pitiduc-
ductions, but for the supply of the raw materials; for, let it
not be forgotten, gentlemen, that in getting rid of our colonies,
we'shouldhe getting rid of the raw material, which we should at
present command. Does experience teach us, that when the
sources of supply of an indispensible article is in the hands of
any holder, that he will not exact his own terms with the per-
son who must buy.from him ? Gentlemen, I need not take up
More of your tine, 1 briefly, I trust forcibly sheirn you,,
the valuc--the indispensibie importance to us, or tke colonial
trade. I have passcd great part of my life' in the colonial pos-
a4sions of this great Empire. I have contemplated it, as
made up of possessions extensive .as the universe : con-
sisting, of every variety of climate : Commanding every variety
ofproouctions embracing every caste of our species: I consi-
der these . favored isles to be but the centre and scat of govern-
ment of that mighty Empire.—Deprived of her colonies, Great
Britain would stand like, the venerable trunk of the decayed
monarch of the forest—leafless and limbless. She would" be
like the hulk, dismasted, iaid up for ever, in.the ordinary of sta-
ttisical condition.---What enabled. Great Britain to defy a world
in arms—but her colonial power? So soon as she divests herself;
or is divested of these prowl and certain elements of her greatness
—these members of her body—her sun of glory will have passed.
,the zenith, and rapidly deeime, to set for ever in a troubled hori-
zon, prematurely prepared, and by her own hands. Now with
respect to monopoires,--it cannot., I presume, be supposed, thata
person who_thinks thus, of the importance of navigation, and of
course, of the Miiity of farther extension of commercial inter-
course, shows! be otherwise than desirous of seeking and opening
new supplies, and facilities for its gi catest possible advantage. I
abhor monopolies in principle; and, of this; I haVe givert-prac-
tied' proof, outing my coloided administration. But, as I have
said eisehere; there is a great difference between originating a
monopoly; and suddenly getting rid of one which has been in long
operation,. When first principles arc deviated'lroin,- and long
courses of practice take the path of that deviation, it is mapossibx
to'revertsuddenly to those principles. -You might as well attempt
to stem the iniglity river and drive it back to its source. The
first principles of humanity, for instance, have been outraged,and
philanthropy.scandaliied in the on of the slave trade. And.
here I Must again declare to you, that which I stated upon
ariother: occasion, that had I lived in the day when man itrst
dared to usurp a property in his fellow man, I should have risen
with indignation against the accursed attempt, and have done
all in my -power to prevent the perpetration of so atrocious a
crime. But I will not indulge my humanity at the expense of
justice ; that property has been cleated and sanctioned, and I
therefore think it would be unstatesnucu-like to precipitate any
measure which we are not, most fully assured will tend to the
immediate benefit of the slaves themselves, mid be in strict
accordance with that proper sense of justice which is due to the
hqltiers of such preueity.
Mr. SA I% ILJEL flute here put some questions as to the China
trace. Sir Howatd said, " I aid give tio pledges-upon this or
any other subject; Though my, eject:tin vsete to depend upon it."
Mr. 0 vit.* EL WOOD said, "We want no pledges from
you, Sir Howard; we-want year opinions."
Sir Howarto said, " Cominittees of both Houses of Parlia-
ment hate long been engaged in • taking evidence upon this
Most important and difficult question ,
.• butso doubtful are Go-
.vernment as to the course to be pursued, that they had grounded
no measure upon that evidence, and were not agiceci upon the
course which it would be most expedient to pursue. Under
such circumstances it would be wrong and rash to embarrass
myself by giving any opinion upon a matter upon which even the
Government have prepared no plau,.and on.which I may fairly
confess am not so thoroughly informed at present at I hope
to be ere: ten dayi 'Shall elapse in my residence amongst you.
With respect tO•the Currency, had I been in Parliament when
the Bill, generally called Mr. Peel's Bill, was passed, I should
net have concurred in so sudden a contraction of the circulating
medium, by .resorting to cash paynients, in the manner pro-
iided for by that Bill. But here too I will be cautious, because
I am not prepared to say in what manner, and•tO what extent
woUldUow recommend an extension of the circulation. This
is a question of vital importance to the interests 'of the country,
and I am persuaded it can be discussed in another place with
more adVantage to its interests than from these hustings.
Gentlemen, I now repeat again, I am a firm supporter of the Church
I do admit that it, like other institutions arranged by man, has defects
andimperfections which obscure its beauty. I will impartially con-
1. eider whatever may be proposed for the improvement of its condi-
thm, the renovation of its disCipline, the regulation of its property ;
but I will not hazard the safety, of this bulwark of Protestantism .for
the Christian world by any rash innovation. I .will uphold the Esta-
blished Church for its own sake and for the sake of the Monarchy ;
because it.is that-particular form of God's Church inwhieb"l
conviction, devoted; and because • it recognises the union of Church
and State. ' Am I asked what I mean by God's Church in a more ge-
neral sense, I reply, Christ's Church upon earth,—the thurch which
acknowledges the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ."
-This-was received with the most enthusiastic cheers, which
continued unabated for several minutes.