The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-21 00:00:00

MISERIES OF GENIUS,

(Prom the Court Aragaidue and La. Belle ifit.teutldee.)
Wu sac are the fruits of Genius, 'frnits of bliss?
Alas how many of her slighted race
Have sank in Misery's most profound abyss,
And snirer'd woes more fatal than disgrace t
• Behind them Envy stalks, with stealthy pace,
Scattering a blight on all that meets its way ;
Pedants and rivals meet them in their race,
" Striving the ardour of their course to"stay,
While round their fames bright sun the fends of malice play.

Go to the garret of the toiling bard,
.Whose name the noisy tong:tie of Pame has spread—
Pale wretchedness has been his sole reward!
Behold him toiling for his daily bread;
Pangs at his heart, and projectS in his head,
Wasting ill penury his joyless days :
Better to slumber with the nameless dead,
Than live the subjects of precarious praise,
And barter all life's joy fur Faille's unfruitful bays.

Can we forget our Dryden's mortal state,
Poor drudge of want and hireling of the Muse'
Can we remember Butler's, Otway's fate,
Aud the warm tear of sympathy refuse?
Ile, whose prismatic mind of rarest hues
Delighted thousands, perish'd in a jail,
Ilis jailor paying the funereal dues.
Life's blackest evils but too oft assail
Those whose departed ghosts the voice of Fame shall hail.

Immortal Tasso I what rewards were thine
Exiled in childhood, prisonment in years!
Thy genius in a madhouse rear'd her shririe,
And Freedom, when she hail'd thee, hail'd in tears.
Unhappy Camoene ! what did all the cheers.
Of starving fame avail thee ! in the grave
They rang no joyful music in thy ears.
If such the only fruits, who'd deign to crave
Her boon, who one pure taste of comfort never gave I

CORRESPONDENCE.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE LADIES.

In the selfishness of women tyranny has its strong hold.
LIVERPOOL Joiwiat.

TO THE EDITOR OP THE LIVERPOOL JOURN4L.

A chosen baud. of the dames--:-I must speak it, Sir,-4.
"the proud dames," of Liverpool, take this method of intimat-.
itig the degree of respect to which they hold the writer of the
passage quoted above to be entitled.
The brutal vulgarity of the remark—as wholly uncalled for
as it is false and illiberal—denotes a mind destitute of every at-
tribute and feeling of a gentleman ; and if it does not call forth
au indignant expression of the disgust which it must have occa-
sioned to the minds of all respectable females in " the good old
town," it is only because they deem both the writer and his
Jourmai too contemptible to merit their slightest notice.

The ungenerous sentiments, in reference to intimidation, with
regard to our sex, couched in language less respectful than good
breeding would have suggested, were, on a former occasion,
with unblushing front, published by your contemporary, the.
editor of the Times. These things live in our memories, for they
force us to dispise the censures, as much as we loathe the
principles of ye both.
We are not "the lords," it is true,*but we are " the Women"
of God's creation, and endowed with minds which nothing that
has yet dropt from either of your pens has caused us to feel to
be, by any means, loss capable of forming a correct judgment
of what may be passing around us than are your own; and we
tell you, plainly, that your " Private Notes" on the Election
have stirred up our pure.minds to a determination to exert
whatever influence we possess Over the minds of our Fathers,
Husbands, and Brothers, in support of that sacred cause to
which we believe you to be opposed.
In so doing, we derive encouragement aud4uppart from the
examples of those celebrated women of old—Sarah, who appear
to .have possessed unbounded influence over the mind of the
good Patriarch ; Abigail, who persuaded " David, the man
after God's own heart," not to fight against the wicked Nabal;
Eve, the first woman ; and others too numerous here. to men-
tion. These may suffice to show you that we have some little
chance, at least, of success.

All our artillery of persuasion shall be directed for the defence
of noble constitution, which we believe it to be your purpose
to 'upset; for the preservation of the .church, and- all that be-
longs thereunto, with which you would do away; for the, sup
port of our ancient monarchy, which your efforts would tend to
sacrifice; and, finally, for the maintenance of our own legiti-
mate privileges as women, whoni you-would reduce to amore
degraded condition than that of the most abject slavery.

These are the principles on which we avow ourselves, to be
" true Conservatives ;" and, to support them, we will, if possi-
ble, have another member in addition to Lord Sandon. We
will have tu.after our own heart's desire, and " Douglas, the
brave,".sball be the man. henceforth, .Mr.- Editor, beware of
speaking or writing against

THE WOMEN.

THE BRIBERY ACT.

TO TER RTIITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST4ND4RP,

Stp,---The walls of the town haye hen industriously studded,
with placards, containing two clauses .of an act of Parliament,
directed against bribery at elections ; the second of which'
clauses 'appears to me as repugnant to British feeling, as it is
inconsistent with sound legislation: that wherein a delinquent
is tempted to screen himself' from the consequences of his crime by
turnioy common informer.

I am not liberal enough to suppose that Egerton Smith and•
eQ.t the'printers of these placards, disinterested and patriotic
I'3 they are, have printed and distributed them at their_ own
evenje. Chiming in as they, do with the investigation lc

which Mr. Thornely's committee is
_said to be engapd, I as
confidently believe that they are- put-'-forth by That
public-
spirited body, as it they were authentieated by the imposing
signature of Wm. Rathbone, Chairman.

This proceeding clearly prose's, I think, that, notwithstanding
the loud assertions of. Mr, Thornely?s Thendi, they are unable
to establish a single .case 'of bribery :against Lod Sapdon or
his agents, even if the imputation had 'not been indignantly
denied by Mr. Lawrence.
The mention of Mr. Lawrence's name leads me to observe
that, as a man of a high sense of honour, and one incapable of
falsehood or triOiery, his character will bear comparison with
Mr. Rathbone's at least, and Mr. R. might imitate with advan-
vantage his courteous demeanour as a gentleman.
By such conduct, as has been referred to, Thornely's
friends seem determined to prove their right to the title Of
being, in every sense of the term, the law party '
of the' tonn;
might say the lowest of the low.

Is it honourable, is, it manly in them to endeavour to dis-,
tress an adversary by stooping to enlist on . their side the pro-
verbial baseness of informers? And will any one• who may
pretend to give such information, will a view' to save himself,
be deserving of credit ? I, for one, would not believe him.
I will venture one more remark. If the persons who pub-
lished these placards had felt a real regard for the pin* of
election, and entertained an honest wish to save their fellow-
townsmen from the sin of taking bribes, they would have dis-
seminated them, as a friendly caution, before the election, and
not after it. Such conduct now 'can only be attributed to the
malignity of disappointed hate.---Years., &c. B:
Dec. 20, 1832. . •

CONSEItyATIVK PRINCIPLES,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST4NDARD.

SlR,—the friends of the Constitution are justified in ques-
tioning the soundness of the principle on which those conserva;
tives act who declare their purpose of yieldingiinqualified sub-
mission to the reform bill, now that it is become the law of the
land. If it mean an acknowledgment of the duty of obedience
to the laws; of respect for existing arrangements, which arein-
dispensable to the interest, order, and tranquillity of the state,
the declaration is unnecessary from a conservative, whose .re-%
'spect for the established institutions of the country, whose sub-
mission to existing laws and regard for existing arrangements
have not been called in question. But if it 'mean an'intention
to co-operate in carrying the, objects of the reformers into effect,
obedience to existing laws and regard for existing arrangements
would, in this instance, be carried too far. It would be equip-
lent to a compromise of future resistance to the ucteriounea-
sures and views of the reformers, to the realpurposes for which
the hateful measure has been framed; a resistance which isnot
only blameless, but a duty which every conservative owestohis
country and a respect he owes to the consistency of his political
life. It would be unworthy the character of this intelligent and
powerftil body to be discouraged from future exertions by-the
failure of their past efforts to- defeat the first of a series of mea-
sures evidently intended for the damage of the Constitution and
the overthrow of the established institutions --of the country.
They must still continue their patriotic efforts for the salvation
of the State. The reform bill is in itself a harmless measure.
It is of importance only as connected with ulterior objects. The
extension of the franchise, the suppression of nomination bo-
roughs, and the -change which may, perhaps take place in the
composition otthe House of COrnmou., would ot in theinselves
afford ground for alarm to the friends of the Constitution, but
they justify the most serious apprehensions when contemplated
as preparative and preliminary measures to more important
innovations,—the overthrow of the Monarchy, the spoliation of
the Church, the robbery of the. public creditor, the extinction of;'
vested rights, and, destruction of existing interests. These aye'
disasters which now impend Over this country as the fruits of
reform, and which require the continued zeal and perseverance
of the conservatives to avert.

In the situation in which circumstances are likely to placel
them,—the discharge of the important duties which, from tlie
tweet of affairs, are likely to be imposed upon them,—there is
no cause of despondency. Animated with the courage which a
good cause inspires, and feelingthe importance of the task they
have undertaken—the salvation of the country, the defence 'of
is institutions frOm the attack Of the most inveterate and for-
midable of its assailants, its internal enemies, they have no reastdi
to despair of success. They are not to appreciate the difficulties
they will have to surmount by what they experienced in their
late exertions against the reform bill.
The reform bill, it should be remembered, was a measure cal.
culated to unite, in one common cause, a greater number of
different interests and parties than any that has ever been, or,
perhaps, ever willbe, proposed. It held out to every party, and
to every interest, the prospect of gratifying its own particular
desires, and of realising its own particular views. To the mo-
derate reformers, it promised the power of correcting the abuses
and of removing the defects of the existing system; to the re-
publicans it presented the certain means of annihilating the aris-
tocracy and the throne; to the public plunderers, it opened the
interesting prospect of equitable adjustment, extinction of the
national debt, and the plunder of the Church ; to the sectarian, it
gave the hope of eventual ascendancy over the Church and "Sue-
cession to its temporalities; and, to the working classes, it pro-
mised the certainty of better times, abundant work, high wages,
and cheap bread.
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the reform I
had so many to support it. It possessed the rare quality of
'suiting all parties, adapting itself to all interests, and appear-
ing, to the imagination of its admirers, in all manner of flatter-
ing forms. It was not a reform bill only. It was a democratic
bill; an equitable adjustment bill; a church spoliation bill. It
was a wages-raising, a bread-cheapening bill. Of the formi-
dable numbers which were arrayed in support of the nieasnre—
of the large mass of population which kept up an incessant
clamour for its passing into a law, and to which the reformers
exultingly referred as a proof of the extent of public feeling in
its favour, but a very inconsiderable proportion were real re-
formers, or supported it for its ostensible object.. The great
mass of its supporters cared little about the reform of abuses, or
'the improvement of the representation, they had other objects
in view iu lending their aid to the bill.
But as sem as the measure comes into operation, and thg
different parties who had supported it apply.themselves to reap
the advantages and secure the objects they severally contem-
plated from it, the incompatibility of their views will dissolve
the tie of common interest'which held .them together as partj.-
.sans of reform. Iu the prosecution, therefore, of ulterior objects,
the, reformers will subdivide into separate parties, which, instead
of uniting their efforts in a common cause, will more likely
employ them to counteract each other.

The most formidable.of the parties who united in their sup-
port of the reform measure are the Republicans, or, as they a 4
:sometimes called, the Radicals.- The moderate Reformers, who
contemplated from the bill no snore than perhaps a •reform itt
the representatiOn, are bat a small section of thq greatreforM
faction. The repub/icari party, in which the infidel factituci
dray, lie included, possess, the qualities which fit, thern.for rem:
qutiOn. They are formidable in audacity, unscrupulous in tlie
'use of means, reckless of consequences, and bear an implacable:
:enmity to the altar and the throne.. With the Republicans,'
therefore, the moderate Reformers will not unite. The unna-.
tural alliance which has subsisted between them is already
solved; the former haying commenced its operations. by the
exaction of. FtlpdgeA from candidates, a distinctiye mark of:
.radicalism.—Yours, Bcc.- R NI

THE. 10'STANDARD.

Deceinber 18, 18.32.

THE CHARGE OP TREATING.

TO THE EDITOR. OF THE LIVERPOOL ST.9ND2IRD.

Silt,-The liberal tapers (and particularly the Albion of yes-
terday) are* Very lavish,"CM their great disappointment and
mortification at the result of the election,. of abuse and charges
of bribary.ind treating against their OppOnents. But we have
no hesitation in saying, that if the community would take the
trouble to investigate the matter, they would be fully satisfied
that- the,treating came from the opposite party, and that they,
on the last day of the election, in their desperation, resorted'
not only to this mode of persuasion to procure votes, hukto all
possible acts of violence and intimidation, and this done,
.too;."
openly and without disguise. And, were it necessary, 'the can-
vassers' committees for Lord Bandon and Sir Howard Douglas •
could bring forward innumerable instances of the very line of
conduct, so profaiely charged against them, being resorted to
by their opponents. It is true that both Lord Sandon's and
Sir Howard Douglas's party took to the polling-booths electors
- in a "beastly state of intoxication;" but must it be taken for
granted that it was that party that made them so ? Certainly
not; but, on the contrary, the writer witnessed very many in-
stances where electors were taken up to the booth in the above
state, who declared they had " sponged on the enemy and got
plenty of green drink," but now would vote the right way, and
did do so. It is also worthy of notice, that all Lord Sandon's
sub-committees purposely sat where no drink could be got, not
at public-houses, as their opponents did in most of the districts;
and it would be well,.by way of proving where some of the drink
was got, that some 'authorised parties would produce the
amounts and
.particulars of Mr. Thornely's bill at Buxton's,
and Mr. Ewart's at Roby's, both in the Park district, and where
their committees sat. Lord "Sandon's sub-committee sat in an
uninhabited shop; and it is notorious that into these two houses
voters were taken sober, who, on coming out, in a very short
time, either to vote or make their escape, were in a state of
" beastly intoxication;" and at another house, not far from the
above, we should like to be informed for what purpose one of
Mr. Thornely's canvassers left his watch with the landlady.
It is also'alleged. that many of those drunkards refused to:
sake the bribery oath when tendered to them, and from this it is
inferred that they must have been bribed or treated by the reds,
whereas, from what is already stated, it might apply to the
greens. ' Besides, many have conscientious scruples at taking
an oath. We presume that had it been tendered to Mr. Rath-
bone, be would have " slunk away without taking it." As to
talking of. the voters having a conscience for the oath, but none
for the bribe and tlintreating, we are inclined to think that if
no reluctance was shown to the one, that the other would easily
be swallowed also.

We doubt not that the public will decide on the justice of the
charges brought. against, the reds on perusing the above re-
marks.—Yours, &c.

THE LATE ELECTION.

TO THE EDITOR OF TILE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

Sta,—l beg your indulgence for a short time while I make a
few remarks on the recent election, and in doing so I cannot
but be surprised at the extreme.bitterness of feeling which the
friends of Mr. Thornely show at their defeat. Lord Sandon's,
majority is pointed at with-professed exultation; the'advecates
of Mr. Thoinely stating it as paltry and contemptible,. Would
this have been the case had they had even a dozen more than
our noble representative ? I think not. But these gentlemen,
fbrget, that had the poll been (as in my opinion for large towns
it ought to be) kept open a couple of hours longer, there would
have keen a majority of 4or 500 against them. However, let
this pass. As it is, the majority for Lord Sandon is 236, and
not 164, for 36 indiViduals who 'voted, at Ever,ton, for Sandon
and Douglas were put down by the Poll clerks as against them.
This I am told from a most authentic source. •
I will now snake a, few observations on the remarks. contained
in the Albion of thii day. I pass over the editor's sneers and at-
' tacks on. Lord Sandon. At one. time he is every thing that is
bad ; at another, his utility as member for Liverpool is not (be-
cense it cannot 4e) denied even by this very self-sufficient edi-
tor. He states, that on the first day of polling Mr Thornely's
voters came up t' without canvass or solicitation," having pre-
viously boasted of the success of that gentleman's canvass
through the town. It is a well known fact, that the party es-
pousing Mr. Thornely's cause had from one to two hundred can-
vassers, a greater number than I ever heard of for one party,
and lam told some of them received their ss. per day for their
labour. So much for, `f canvass or solicitation." As to the
`,contemptible trick of administering the bribery oath to Lord
Sandon's party, it is'sufficient to say, that some of their own
were ashamed of it themselves. Its object is easily seen through,
need I say it was done to create delay, which they knew would
be fatal to their more gentlemanly opponents. The reason why
the pinks and greens got so much a head on the first day was,
because they filled the booths and the approaches thereto with
their •own friends, and thus prevented their adversaries from
getting to them. On the second day the Satidon party polled two
to one, at least, throughout. The 44icin states, attempts were intitle
by the reds to make the freemen perjure themselves. A pretty
sample this of his opinion of gentlemen who can, and do, act quite
as honestly as hirOself. I firmly believe Thornely's party were
bribing themselves, directly, or indirectly, On the first day; and,
from all I can hear, up to Saturday night they had not a case'
agains t Loid Sandon's friends that would at all bear the test of'
scrutiny, andget one, they most assuredly, will not—for the best
of all possible reasons,--there is none to get. The old saying of
' the " gall'd jade" I cannot help thinking of. In one line the
Albion says, "the 1,200 old freemen leavened the whole lump,"
alluding to part of the men who voted for Lord Sandon; in the
same column-he allows, that "there are doubtless hundreds of
honest and upright men amongst the old freemen who vote con-
scientiously." This is a great contradiction. In all, there are
abOut 3,500 old freemen, of which about 1,000 voted for
Thornely, and double the number for Sandon ; but the broad
cloth voters number about 1,500, so that allowing there to be
hundreds of honest men amongst them, (excliisive of the better
classes,) I think the old freemen are pretty equally divided on
the present occasion ; certainly, "of the broad cloth, Lord San-
don had a great majority. But the old freemen are good or had
as they please the editor of the A/bitya. Then Mr. Bunting is
attacked -because he voted conscientiously. Might not this
gentleman have read Lord Sandon's speech on the slave goes,
tiun AFTgli he signed the "declaration," and then altered his
mind as many others did? Thornely's friends openly avow their
hostility to the church. The.churchmen have beateri him, and
will do so again if put to the test. As to exclusive, dealing, I
would merely just say, the better classes (upon whom the, mid-
:die are in some degree dependent) have some claim upon their
tradesmen, in my opinion; and, therefore, naturally feel indig-
nant when they nse their influence eagnsivety against their best
supporters. Some of the respectable shopkeepers used ail their
energy against Lord Sandon, and were on his committee; but, in
order that their friends (who,espoused Sandon) might not know
their hostility. some, of them did not vote. Did the Thornely
,party not exert their influence this way? T know many of them
did. But one remark and I have done. Consider Sir Howard
Douglas's the greatest triumph of all ; though only here, eleven
days he polled 3,249 men. Ewart and'rhornely have been can-
vassing for months. This speaks greatly in Douglas's (avow,
who is admired by all karties.,--Yours,
ANTI-RApicAL.
Demithqr 17, 1831.

RESULTS OF REFORM, IN PROSPECT.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST'✓INDARD.

Sta,—Every one, of whatever calibre of intellect,. of what'
ever rank in society, must be convinced that a state of thing
is fast approaching which threatens to bear down,' with great
violence, the constitution of our 'country. A state of thing
does now exist, which makes ".good. men look sad, whilst va"
flans dance and sing,"—a state of things which commenced by
concessions to the Catholics, not called for by the nation, but
in direct opposition `to the wishes of a great majority of the
peopre of England. The table of the House of Commons,'
the table of the House of Lords, were loaded with the petition"
of the British people ; its advocates, moved with patriotic fer-
vour, with impassioned eloquence, pointed out the danger °'
making inroads on the British constitution, based as it was ol!
a pitrified and national Christian church which was connect 4
to the state, for the, purpose of preserving the Christian faith
from the usurpation of idolatry on the one hand, and infidel°.
on the other; but the eloquence was unheeded, and its vener-
able advocates were scoffed. This protecting work of our fore'
fathers, sealed by their blood for the happiness of their P°s-
terity, was, through the intimidation of a country, goaded
by one of her most restless and ambitious sons, surrendered, a 5
a measure of expediency, and that, too, by men who were 011;
posed to it on principle; they thinking, strangely enough, the
by removing the seeds of Irish intimidation and rebellion ird'°,
the British senate, England would be unpolluted, and Ireland
be safe. Alas! unhappy politician, that the reverse should
.the ease ! Ireland struggles to defraternize herself, by the
repeal of th,e Union; and England, innoculated with the
venonrof Irish intimidation, has made another breach on her
constitution, and is threatened with civil and religious discord'
Sorry should I be to hurt the feelings of my Roman Catholic
fellow-subjects by reverting to the past or pointing to the
future; but I have my fears that the premature emancipatio°
of the Catholics will entail any
.thing but happiness on all.
Little did I think that so soon after their emancipation, that
so soon after the repeal of the test and corporation acts, that,
those relieved should form an union to destroy the Establish"
Church. Mr. Editor, I, and you no doubt, will have observed'
that so far as, the Government has, since the death of .31r.
Canning, deviated from his principles of government, either
domestic or foreign policy, so far has it weakened its authority
at home and abroad, and has endangered the country. I adndt
that' Mr. Canning was the consistent advocate of catholic
emancipation; but it never was his intention to have carried
that measure in opposition to the wishes of the majority of the
people of England; much less would he have been forced t°
pas§ it by intimidation. "Intimidation," said Mr. Canniug'
after having been abused by a Liverpool mob, "how little d°
they know either you or me:" he knew well that intimidaticl
and rebellion must be checked, otherwise, like a spoiled a°.
wayward child, it would abuse the authority that indulged it.
Had it not been for that breathless haste with which the
Catholic measure was carried, to appease O'Connelliso iii
Ireland, our legislators might have discovered that they Wel'°
her
leaving their own church open to the attacks of those, f
enemies, who would, under the specious pretence and covert °
reform, seek her destruction.

The next great Whig measure which was to be the panace!,
for all our grievances and distresseS, was the full and effect":
reform. of the Q0pi14114144 House of Parliament. This ineasurel
was likewise surrendered to expediency, or rather, I. sh°lll-,
say, a case of expediency was made out to surrender it to, °,?:
an intimidation got up in a similar manner to that
proved so effective to the former measure, with this differa`:
only, that the government were supposed to be in coil
cation with the political unions:, the 'principles of the hends°
some of which were considered to be tinctured with jacohiut'
and whose motives were as selfish as object of the men 01`°
trusted them was venal—the attainment in the British sen3lc
of a seat and place; whereas the Duke gf Wellington and Ito
Peel did not truckle to sedition, but. allowed their feeljul4;b:
overcome their • conviction of principle. I do, Sir, Witt-
°
Journal, suspect that the men' who framed that eae3su---
reform had other incitement than that of patriotism, othe,-'e
they would not baye been so imprudent as to have tre"
political experiment on so large a scale, when the future hat"-
piness of a whole people was involved; particularly when an
opportunity of trying it on a smaller scale was afforded ther'
in Birmingham, Leeds, and ManeheSter, and, without a??Y
serious evil, -a proportionate disfranchisement might have taker?
place. What would be thought of' that man, either chemist °
mechanic, who, having a large manufactory in operatic?),
should, on laying his hand on a system of chemistry or
chanics, alter the whole of his. apparatus, and remodel hi;
building, without' having, previously, on a small scale,' tests
t
the theory he wished to adopt? Why, you would think tha
he was sacrificing a certainty for an uncertainty; and probahlY
courting his ruin by his folly. What must be the opiuhll:
then, of those men who passed the Reform Bill? Scarcely
ha
this darling measure been brought into operation, but it 3 `1":
fects are seen : for instance, many wealthy, enlightened, and ink"
pendent men will be shut out of Parliament, while many ic°r,tl.::
less, but "known characters" will get in,the.only avenue he di
through popular faveur, at the expense frequently of P°lilic3t
honesty; for the candidate, now, must be prepared to sacrifice :e
the popular.shriue. The leading interests of the count?"" will
ending, 1.11.5,
badly represented; for, the subordinate interests deP
great measure, on those interests, wi.l be
them. But why should I speak of interests in these days
popular purity; opinions are the order of the day; Because.? 5
says the Journal of Saturday, "we would hate all opini°ll.„
represented, because they will produce useful discussions,
So that the British House of Commons, hitherto the depositor)
of. t 45-people's interests, must become the arena, or debatil?g,
club, gA jacobinical opinions; and, indeed, the most pernieil
effect of this bill is, that it has prepared the way for the %,
MissiOnof opinions and doctrines of the most dangerous
.(e'l
scription, which are made powerful by permission, and wh'
if not checked, will sap the foundation of all civil soei°).;
Candidates, are prepared to go to extremes, to gratify tie
.vanity and ambition. Property is to have no influence--;
labouring classes are to be admitted to Parliament, (for ,;
Played, off again f
'bill has .totally disfranchised them, and left their plea nilell_,',
the Crown lands must be sold by auction; the public e`_l,
ditor must be defrauded; the church establishment destro)e;
and a system of education, closely .allied, I presume, t° td,
principles of Tom Paine, to be established iu its stead; Byof
of course, we must have vote by ballot, and, for the purpt 9815 i,
keeping up popular excitement, a)intial Parliaments. I
enumeration of debatable opinions and doctrines arises
the visionary ideas of mind—some part or other of theta al:
the declared,opinions of Messrs. Hume, Murray, Wakley, Co
lie
bett, Hunt, and Ewart; not that I give- them credit for tg
originality of these opinions, no, they. arc the syniPtg'nstee
revolution merely, and have made their appearance iii
time of Charles the First and Cromwell, prior to the FretTy
revolution, and were:the opinions, in par of their ell'r!tia
precursor Jack Cad; in the reign of. Henry the Sixth, i
61,
sayS„. "Be brave, than, for your 'captain is brave, and v°s.,
reformation, There shall be in. England seven half-p 5
loaves sold for a penny: the three .hooped pot shall have Te
hoops; and I will make it felony to drink small beer. All t !„,
realm shall be in ccinunou, and in Che4pside shall my pa'ffelly.
go to grass. There shall be no money; all shall eat and dr.
on my score, and I will apparel them all in livexy, that tliej
May agree like brothers."--:-Yours, • J. 111.
December 17, 1.832.

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