The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-05-28 00:00:00

ber of parliament. He would now then desire to throw
all party feelings to the winds, and not only now, but at
all future elections. His friend Mr. Brown came forward
on no political grounds, but simply as an advocate of free
trade. Mr. Brown was known as a merchant to thewbole
commercial world, and he was a great landowner too; in-
deed, he was mnch mistaken if Mr. Brown, with theother
members of his family, was not possegied of a 1 irger rental
in land than many of the squirearchy in the midrib/.
(Cheers and hisses.) But Mr. Brown was not a man to
promote his own interests as a landowner, over the com-
mercial interests of the country. He would not detain
them, but conclude by calling upon all to rally round the
standard of freedom of trade, and to rush to it with hearts
beating high to protect it; and if they did so, the cause
of freedom of trade would most assuredly triumph.
(Cheers.) He seconded Mr. Brown's nomination, and
then closed his observations.
Col. TEMPEST next rose to move the nomination of
William Entwisle, Esq., and was met by deafening rounds
of cheers, which continued for some time. He concurred
in all that had been said in compliment to the memory of
their lamented representative, Mr. Wilbraham. He had
then, he said, the honour to recommend Mr. Entwisle as
a candidate. He was a gentleman of sound conservative
principles (cheers), and had eminently distinguished
presage
o
ifiihm his
by his talents at the university, a sure
ability to rerresent the great interests of this important
county in parliament ; and if he was returned, he was sure
that be would serve the county honestly and faithfully,
for he was a man who was anxious to promote not this or
that particular interest, but every branch of British in-
dustry. (Cheers.) He maintained that it was necessary
that the kingdom should at all times protect itself as much
as 'possible
.sible from the neces-ity of depending on any foreign
state for any material portion of the supply of bread for
the people ; for if they should become dependent on others
for a supply of food, it would be in the power of the coun-
tries depended upon so to increase its price as to cause a
scarcity, and that might end in producing a famine in
Great Britain, or at least a state bordering on famine.
All knew the importance of commerce and manufactures,
but they also should know it was necessary they should
go hand in hand with agriculture, if they would desire to
promote the general prosperity of the British empire.
Most persons also knew that the home markets were the
best and wealthiest for the manufacturer to resort to, and
no advantages that foreign markets offered, if to be only
got at the sacrifice of the corn laws, would ever compen-
sate the manufacturer for the loss he would su,tain by the
injury done to the home producers, the best and wealthiest
customers. He was not wrong in saying that no nation,
ancient or modern, ever prospered, that neglected its own
agriculture, and thereby prevented itself from providing
its people with a sufficiency of bread. (Hear, hear.) The
country had been raised to its high station by attention
having been paid to all its interests, and every branch of
British industry ; and it was by the same course being
now pursued, that the country was enabled to retain her
proud position. All these great interests were so inti-
mately united, that they could only stand or fall together.
At the earlier meetings of the Anti-corn-law League, it
was made a boast that the manufacturers we e able to buy
up all the land of the aristocracy of England. Now if
this were true, it surely proved that the manufacturers
had been most successful, and it also proved that the
corn-laws could not have been very prejudicial to their
interests. (Cheers.) They now cry out for cheap bread
in order to lower the rate of wages, thus proving that
with them cheap bread means low wages. (Immense
cheering.) At the earlier meetings of the League the
most reprehensible language was applied towards the
landholders, and if the people had not had the good sense
in a great degree to disregard the hints and insinuations
thrown out, the most disastrous consequences might have
followed. (Cheers.) The farmers were insultingly called
a senseless race, with heads as thick as the clods they
cultivated ; indeed all means were used to set class against
class, and men who so acted, he had no hesitation in say-
ing, were the worst enemies the country could have.
There was no doubt the League had in some few instances
been joined by men of high standing, and possessed of
great wealth ; but if such persons would only look back
upon proceedings that took place in the earlier part of
the French revolution, when men of title and wealth gave
encouragement to the promotion of revolutionary plans,
they would see it was possible to raise a storm which,
when raised, might be beyond their power to control.
He might also mention that a great delusion had been
practised in making very false statements as to the man•
ner in which the price of bread was affected by the rent
paid for land ; for competent men had made the most
careful calculations, from which they felt themselves jus-
tified in asserting that Bs. or 10s. was the most which the
rent of an acre of land added to the price paid for a quar-
ter of wheat. Now, if they would take away the refuse,
and allow for the other welt-known reductions which the
farmers were called upon to bear, it would be found that
rent did not add more in the proportion to the price of
bread than twopence to the price of a stone of flour, and
that was all that the " grasping landlord" got for his
share. (Loud cheers.) There was a great difference in
the statistical accounts given of the number of persons
employed, and the amount of capital invested in land ;
but if they would only go into an agricultural district,
they would find that every tradesman and working man
were dependent on agriculture, and this dependence was
found to exist to a great degree even in manufacturing
towns. Were not the manufacturers, therefore, much
beholden to the country classes ? (Cheers.) They might
depend upon the truth that commerce was more support-
ed by the agricultural than the manufacturing classes,
and that if the corn-law was a monopoly, it was a mono-
poly by which the greatest numbers were benefitted. If
they calculated the amount of capital invested in agricul-
ture, it would be found to exceed that in manufactures by
hundreds of millions. Some of the League have said that
they seek a repeal of the corn-laws in order to raise up
the agricultural interests of other nations, and so enable
them more largely to purchase our manufactures. Now,
although he might not say that such could not be done,
he was entitled to say that sach an object could only be
accomplished by the commission of a grievous robbery of
our own nation, inasmuch as foreign states possess great
natural facilities for increasing their productions, which
are denied to the people of this country. (Loud cheers.)
Those nations have now, however, pronounced their de-
termination to promote their own manufactures, and they
will act upon that determination. Toe sun, indeed, in
its course, might be as easily stayed as the endeavours of
foreign nations to relieve themselves to the greatest pos-
sible extent, from a dependence on others for the supply
of articles with which they may be able to furnish them-
selves. It was, therefore, the interest of all that we
should call for a fair protection to our national indu-try.
If they gave way now, they would show that they wished
to destroy our matchless constitution, which has ever been
the pride and glory of our people, as it has also been the
envy and admiration of the world. (Loud cheers.) If,
then, they wished to destroy an empire with which all
that was great and glorious was associated, then let them
vote for the Leaguers' candidate ; but if they wished truly
to serve the interests of commerce, and nobly to uphold
the British empire in its envied integrity, then let them
give their hearty support to a conservative, to his honoured
friend William Entwisle, Esq., whom he had the greatest
pleasure in proposing as a candidate for the representation
of South Lancashire. (Immense cheering.)
Sir Ttromns BRANCKER.—( Cheers. ) Mr. High
Sheriff and electors of South Lancashire,—Before I pro-
ceed to second the nomination of my friend Mr. Entwisle,
allow me to express my full concurrence in everything
which has fallen from the High Sheriff and every other
gentleman who has addressed the electors, as regards a
testimony of respect for the memory of our late departed
friend, Mr. Wilbraham. Gentlemen, I had the honour
of enjoying the friendship of that distinguished individual :
and I can safely say that he was not half sufficiently
known; that those who knew him the best valued him
the most ; and that in him this county has lost a member
who was worthy the confidence reposed in him; his fa-
mily and his friends have lost a son, a husband, a father,
and a friend, than whom there was none better living in
this kingdom. (Loud applause.) Having paid that tri-
bute of respect, gentlemen, to the memory of Mr. Wil-
braham, I now come forward to second the nomination of
Mr. Entwisle as his successor. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
notwithstanding the pains which have been taken by the
Anti-Corn-Law League, notwithstanding the pains which
have been taken by those who call themselves liberals, to
shake a large purse in the eyes of the electors of South
Lancashire,—(loud cheers,)—notwithstanding the pains
which have been taken by those who, when they are
beaten, are full of accusations against us of bribery, cor-
ruption and intimidation, but who, when they come to
practise, practise the very contrary of what they preach—
(loud applause,)—gentlemen, I say, notwithstanding the
large purse which these parties have shaken in your faces,
I know the Conservatives of Lancashire too well to doubt
for a moment that they wilt be influenced by such a
proceeding. (Loud applause.) Gentlemen, my friend,
Mr. Ewart, appealed to tories, to conservatives, to radi-
cals, and to all parties, to unite together to return a liberal
free trader to parliament in the person of my friend, Mr.
Brown,—for Mr. Brown is my friend, and Mr. Brown I
highly respect. (Applause from both sides.) But,
gentlemen, I do not call upon Radicals, because I know
that my call would be in vain, but I call upon Tories, and
Conservatives, or whatever they are called,—for my own
part, lam a bigotted old Tory. (Cheers, and laughter.)
I call upon Tories and Conservatives to merge all minor
differences, if any differences there be, in their common
cause. (Loud cheers.) Radicals never split from their
party, however much they may dislike their candidate.
Therefore, though I am a bigotted old Tory, and may
perhaps think that one candidate goes too far, and ano-
ther not far enough, I would stand by my party, and vote
for the candidate whom the majority bring forward.
(Applause.) With regard to Mr. Entwisle, gentlemen,
with him Ido agree. (Loud applause.) He has been
called an old Tory 30 or 40 years ago, for anything I
know. I agree with him fully ; and lam quite satisfied,
if you return him to parliament, you will return a gentle-
man who will set ve you well, who will not merely attend
to one interest, but to all alike. (Loud applause.) For
I say it is a gross delusion which leads men to set one in-
terest against another, to suppose that they raise up one
interest when another is declining. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, a short time ago, we heard somebody cry out for
bread ; a while ago, we saw some loaves of bread marched
up the street, and nobody seemed to want them. (Ap-
plause.) I suppose those loaves were produced for the
purpose of using them, as it might be called in learned
language, as the argumentum ad bellyum. (Loud ap-
plause.) But, gentlemen, I hope the South Lancashire
electors will not be swayed altogether by their bellies ;
they have other interests to take care of besides them.
(Applause.) My gallant friend, the colonel, who preceded
me, has so well explained the views both of myself and
the party with whom I act, that 1 will not detain you fur-
ther than to say, that I most heartily second the nomina-
tion of William Entwisle, Esq., as a fit and proper per-
son to represent this division of the county in parliament.
(Loud cheers.)
Wm. BROWN, Esq., rose and was received with ming-
led cheers and hisses, and spoke so low for a short time
as to be inaudible at a short distance. When silence was
restored, he was beard concurring in the tribute of re-