The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY.

Lord ASHLEY called the attention of the house to the
situation and treatment of the Ameers of Scinde. After
citing, as a ground for his own interference, an opinion of
Sir H. Pottinger in their favour, he took a short retro-
spect of their early history, and referred to treaties of
amity between them and this country, down to the year
1838. The object of our negotiations had throughout been
the navigation of the Indus, which, under certain restric-
tions, we had thus obtained. No doubt the conduct of the
Ameers towards the army of Sir John Keane was a disho-
nest one ; but at Khelat they had made amends by a truly
cordial co-operation. The increase of our difficulties did
not diminish their friendship, even when their hostility
might have done much towards crushing us. They had
now been charged with treachery ; but he could find no
proof of it; though he admitted that they were desirous
of getting rid of the English from their country. They
had been accused of writing treasonable letters, but they
denied the charge, and asked why those letters were not
produced to them ? Not merely the forms of law, but
the substance of justice, required such production. He
complained also of the publication of Sir C. Napier's run-
ning commentary upon Major Outram's letters. He
-urged the improbability that the Ameers should have in-
tended treachery when they had taken none of the pre-
cautions which might have been expected to accompany
such a design. He desired the house to remember the
assistance given by them at the time of the disasters in
Cabul. He contrasted the conduct of the present
Governor-General towards these Ameers with that of
Lord Cornwallis in the treatment of Tippoo's children.
He enlarged upon the policy of public virtue, exhorted
Great Britain to pursue it, and concluded by moving an
address to her Majesty, praying that she would take the
subject into consideration.
Mr. ROEBUCK considered Lord Ashley to have taken
a narrow view of a great subject. The real question was,
at what time that policy commenced which had made
these evil steps inevitable. Until 1834 the proceedings of
the British government had been directed to the fair ob-
ject of enlarging our commerce. Even until 1838 we had
kept the tiger's paw within the velvet. Then we tried to
establish a commercial agent in Sonde, and, the Ameers
naturally dreading us, we had put the screw upon them,
by threatening them with Runjeet Singh. They gave way,
and our agent was established at Hyderabad. Upon Lord
Auckland he charged the injustice and the want of wisdom
which were now developed. The year had hardly ended

when we entered into the tripartite treaty which provided
that Schah Soojah should renounce his claim upon the
Punjaub, pay trioute to Runjeet Singh, and forbear from
any attempt upon the Ameers, on condition that they
should pay him a sum to be settled by the mediation of the
English ; he being all that time a mere puppet of the
En;li.h, who supplied him with the only means of hos-
tility which he possessed. And then Lord Auckland had
the hardihood to pretend to the Ameers that he would
endeavour to prevail on Schah Soojah to accept a rea-
sonable amount. The means proposed for so prevailing
on him, were horse, foot, and artillery, which Colonel
Pottinger proposed to have ready, for the sake of the
moral effect they would produce. A letter had been
written by the Ameers of Hyderabad to the Schah of
Persia, which Lord Auckland chose to consider as an
offence against the British power; and this was to be made
a reason for transferring their dominion to another family
of Ameers more friendly to Britain. Mr. Roebuck read
a letter from Colonel Pottinger to Lord Auckland, re-
commending that troops should be stationed in certain
parts of Scinde, which measure would establish the su-
premacy of Britain as effectually as if she possessed the
whole country of Scinde. A new treaty was now imposed
upon the Ameers ; and the party who first broke it was
the British government. The Ameers now tried evasion ;
and well they might, when they felt the serpent coiling
closer round them, and preparing finally to crush them.
After a condemnation of the route chosen through Scinde
to Affghanistan, he adverted to the difficulty of the po-
sition in which Lord Ellenborough found himself on suc-
ceeding to Lord Auckland amid the unexampled disasters
of that time. On learning what the Affghans had done
against the British force, the Beloochees of Scinde were
inspirited, under the injuries they had sustained, to hope
much from the adoption of a similar course. Thus there
was now an extensive conspiracy throughout India to
break down the power of England ; and Lord Ellen-
borough had the anxious question to decide, whether,
after retreating in Affghanistan, we were also to withdraw
from Scinde. The resolution he formed was justifiable,
although it was so only by the vast and dangerous ne-
cessity under which he was placed. Mr. Roebuck likewise
vindicated Sir C. Napier against some criticisms which
Lord Ashley had made upon his notes on Major Outram's
letters; called upon Sir C. Napier's country to give him
in generous measure the praise which was due to him
under his heavy responsibility ; and read a letter addressed
to Major Outram by Sir C. Napier himself, in justification
of the course adopted. Mr. Roebuck concluded with
three resolutions, which, however, found no seconder.

Mr. EMERSON TENNENT considered that the policy
of Lord Auckland was completed by the treaty of 1829 ;
and that, therefore, Lord Ellenborough's own views, and
not Lord Auckland's previous policy, must be deemed to
have produced the measures since taken against the
Ameers. Mr. E. Tennent went on to take a review of
our earlier negotiations with the Ameers, stating against
them a strong case of bad faith. He questioned the ge-
nuineness of the letter purporting to have been written by
Sir H. Pottinger, which Lord Ashley had cited as a fa-
vourable opinion of the Ameers; such an opinion being
contrary to all the sentiments of Sir H. Pottineer as ap-
pearing throughout the papers printed for the house.
The treaty of 1839 had been a very beneficial one to the
people of Scinde ; the British governor had never infringed
it; but it was hardly signed before the Ameers of Hyder-
abad endeavoured to break it. A charge had been made
against Lord Ellenborough that he had involved those
Ameers who were innocent in the same ruin with those
who were guilty ; but, in fact, all were guilty, though there
were shades in their guilt; and this appeared on the evi-
dence of Major Outrun himself. The instructions of the
government had been, that they should be treated with
every respect and accommodation consistent with their
safe custody, without regard to any strict economy, and
it would be found that those instructions had been care-
fully fulfilled.
Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE animadverted with a good deal of
pleasantry upon Mr. Roebuck's speech and upon his pro-
posed resolutions, to which he himself had never, in his
five-and-twenty years' experience of parliament, seen
anything similar ; and so thought the house, for no one
member of it was found to second them. Not a man
would back the learned gentleman in the race of glory
which he had been so eager to run with Lord Ashley.
There was hardly one material fact among all those men-
tioned by Mr. Roebuck, which he had not much misstated.
Sir John Hobhouse went into many particulars, for the
purpose of proving this exception to Mr. Roebuck's ac-
curacy ; and protested, with some indignation, against this
attack upon Lord Auckland, a man bearing the highest
character, and acquainted with Indian policy—almost as
well as Mr.l Roebuck himself. He justified the arrange-
ment under which the Ameers had paid a sum of money
to Schah Soojah, and defended the entry into Affghanis-
ton. The hon. and learned gentleman had dealt rather
roughly with Colonel Pottinger, observing upon the over-
charged notion which Indian servants entertained of their
own importance ; but that was a notion not confined to
Indian servants. He had cited as censurable certain re-
commendations made by Colonel Pottinger to the Go-
vernor, but he seemed to be unaware that the Governor
did not act upon them. Why he had thought it necessary
to say so much in defence of Sir C. Napier, was not very
intelligible; for not only had Sir C. Napier not been
attacked, but bis name would eternally be held, by every
lover of his country, in esteem and admiration. It be-
hoved the house to be circumspect in judging the conduct
of distant officers intrusted with great interests, and
sometimes holding in suspense the very balance of Eng-
land's destiny. In general, the less that that house inter-
fered with the distant Government of India, the better.
Certainly he could not vote for the present motion of Lord
Ashley, which would be a sort of side-wind censure upon
the Governor-General.
Commodore NAPIER praised the course taken by his
relation in India, and inveighed against the Ameers for
their treachery, cruelty, and injustice. He also made a
rough attack, amid much laughter, upon the class of po-
litical agents, whom he thought mischievous enough in
peace, and wholly intolerable in war.

Sir R. PEEL enforced the recommendation of Sir J.
Hobhouse, that the house should give all possible credit
to the motives and to the conduct of men administering
great public functions in distant quarters of the world.
To the motives of Lord Auckland the fullest credit was
due, even from those who might differ from him iii his
policy. He feared that when civilization came into con-
tact with barbarism, it was hardly possible to enforce
precisely the same maxims which applied among the states
of modern Europe. It was difficult when Russia was
intriguing against England in India, to say calmly, I look
at my Vattel and my Puffendorf, and I refrain from march-
ing my troops across a neutral territory. He would deal
the same general measure to Lord Auckland as to Lord
Ellenborough; but Lord Ellenborough was entitled also
to the benefit of the argument derived from the circum-
stances in which he was placed by preceding acts. When
he arrived in India, a material change had already been
made in the general constitution of Scinde ; British as-
cendancy had been established there, and the feudal sys-
tem of its chiefs abolished. The independence of Scinde
was in truth at an end. There had been great reverses in
Scinde, which it was important to counteract. Among
other states, commanding armies of 30,000 or 40,000 men,
Lord Ellenborough perceived a growing disposition to
shake off the power of Britain, which the events in Cabul
had led the natives to regard with diminished considera-
tion; nor is it clear that if he had desired to abandon
Scinde, the troops could have been safely withdrawn ;
nor that their withdrawal would have been followed by
the return of the Ameers to the obligations of the treaties.
It might be that there was not, as against some of the
Ameers, such evidence as would have been deemed suffi-
cient in an English court of justice ; but it was impracti-
cable to deal with India upon the rules of British evidence.
If you established the principle that an Ameer shall not
be responsible for the treachery of a minister of his, of
whose tendency to bad faith he has had full notice, you
might bid farewell to your Indian empire. Of Sir Chas.
Napier's high merits he would attempt to speak on Mon-
day next; and he would bear testimony meanwhile to the
personal valour, the military skill, and the civil sagacity
of that distinguished man. To Lord Ashley's motion
the government could not consent. He trusted the house
would not take the responsibility of advising what mea-
sures should be taken at the distance of 5,000 miles. If
this motion were adopted, every one of these Ameers
would be set at liberty, to revisit Scinde, to resume his
revenues, and to enter into intrigues of all kinds. How
to deal with them was a difficult question, and one which
had been anxiously considered - and with that considera-
tion he would advise that the Louse should not interfere.
But he would assure them that it was the wish of the go-
vernment to avoid all needless personal restraint, and to
treat the Ameers with the utmost consideration and com-
fort. At present a sum of about 124,000 per annum was
allotted to their maintenance; and if this were found in-
sufficient, no narrow economy would be allowed to stand
in the way of any further reasonable indulgence to which
they might have been accustomed.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed that it would be difficult
to affirm this motion. He could not undertake the re-
sponsibility of giving a vote which might involve conse-
quences so dangerous to the peace of Scinde. Still the
suddenness of these Indian events, and the height from
which the Ameers had fallen, entitled them to every pos-
sible indulgence. As to the policy of Lord Ellenborough,
the paper had been too recently printed to have given him
the opportunity of forming a mature opinion • and on this
head, therefore, he desired to reserve himself. His con,
fidence in Lord Ellenborough had certainly been some-
what shaken by that nobleman's own changes of opinion
on the subject of the territorial limits of India. Two
things, however, he would say—that Sir C. Napier could
not have acted otherwise than he did ; and that he must
question the opinions thrown out by Sir R. Peel on the
subject of the law of nations. He could understand an
extreme case, which might justify such a course as Lord
Ellenborough had taken with respect to Scinde; but he
could not accede to the notion of invading a country for
the sake either of improving its government, or of advanc-
ing the march of civilization.
Sir R. PEEL explained his meaning to be simply that
there were Indian cases in which the European rules of
international law would not apply. That could have been
the only ground of Lord Auckland's measures.
Lord ASHLEY replied, and the house divided,—
Against his motion .............. 202
For it . ..... • • 68

Majority against it ...... 131
Mr. DIVETT then moved an address to the crown to
dismiss F. B. Bonham, Esq., from his office of storekeeper
of the Ordnance. He represented Mr. Bonham to be
connected with the elections of the conservative party, and
to be the confidential friend of the prime minister. Gen-
tlemen coming from the country to look for candidates
were introduced to Mr. Bonham; candidates seeking the
means of contest looked to him as the golden image.
There was no confidential service or mission in which be
was not employed. He had been concerned in settling
the election for Bridport, and had been particularly active
at the late London election. So had the Attorney-
General, who had told hm it was not decent to put this
notice on tt,e order-list. Divett and Sir Gregory
Lew in had paired for the London election. Sir Gregory

told him that Mr. Bonham had approved the pair ; but
arterwards wrote him a note, stating that Mr. Bonham
bad informed him that after the most careful search, Mr.
Divett's name could not be found on the register, and Sir
Gregory must therefore come up and vote, and let Mr.
Divett know. Upon this Mr. Divett proposed that both
should be released from the pair, and that both should
vote. I'hey did so; Mr. Divett's name being, in fact, on
the register. Mr. Divett went on to complain that, not-
withstanding all this, which he thought imputed to him a
fraudulent intention, he had not received from Mr. Bon-
ham any note or explanation.
No member was found to second the motion.
Sir R. PEEL, in moving the adjournment of the house,
took the opportunity of saying he was proud to call Mr.
Bonham his friend ; and a gentleman of higher integrity
did not exist. Mr. Divett had not professed to be actu-
ated by public principle, but by displeasure
,at Mr. Bon-
ham's not having written him a note of explanation. Mr.
Bonham had imputed no fraud to the hon. member. Sir
R. Peel then read a letter from Mr. Russell Ellice; the
chairman of Mr. Baring's committee, to Mr. Bonham,
apologizing for the mistake, which rested with the com-
mittee ; and another from Mr. Bonham to Sir Gregory,
expressing his own regret. This was the case upon which
Mr. Divett had thought it consistent with his duty to
place. without the least notice to Mr. Bonham, or expla-
nation of the circumstances, a notice on the book, which
must have led to a general impression that Mr. Bonham
had been guilty of some discreditable act. But as Mr.
Divett had found no seconder, Mr. Bonham was now
amply revenged.
The house then adjourned.

FOREIGN (5- COLONIAL INTELLIGENCE.

INDIA AND CHINA.

By the Indian mail of the Ist of January we have re-
ceived letters and papers to that date from Bombay.
British India is tranouil, and likely to continue so for
its disaffected have discovered that their turbulence would
turn to no use, and that ultimately they would have to
endure the evils which they wish to inflict on others. The
great clamour against Lord Ellenborough had subsided,
and his Lordship, the nature of whose measures was be-
coming clear to the very commonest understanding, was
growing popular. With the army he is still a special fa-
vourite.
The news from the kingdom of the Sikhs represents
that country as far from being tranquillized. It appears
that Golab Singh, the elder brother of Dhyan Singh, old
Runjeet's favourite minister, who was assassinated in Sep-
tember last, had come from his mountain fastnesses to
Lahore, under pretence of supporting his nephew Heera
Singh, who now governs there, under the name of the
young Sovereign Dhuleep, and that his arrival had not
produced the expected results. The young minister is
described as giving large sums of money to the common
soldiers, in order to retain them in some order, while his
uncles are busy in plundering the treasures of the Sikh
government, and carrying away the jewels and articles of
value to the mountains. An attempt was made by his own
maternal uncle to carry away the young Rajah and place
him under the protection of the British, but it was not
successful. Care is taken by the present chiefs to occupy
the fords across the rivers, so that even the refugees are
detained. The state of the country is described as bor-
dering upon anarchy. Many of the petty chiefs are anx •
ions to proclaim their independence, and are ready for an
insurrection, which is likely to happen as soon as the ac-
tual minister and his friends have collected all the money
necessary to gratify their rapacity.
The Affghan government is as feeble as ever in the
hands of Dost Mahomed, and intrigues are afloat of vari-
ous kinds. In the midst of these intrigues Dost Maho-
med appears to be unable to make the contemplated attack
on Peshawur, although it is no longer defended by the
European generals of the Lion of Lahore. All the French
officers have left the service of the Sikhs, so that it is
highly probable the boasted prowess of those troops will
soon become little more than the courage of rabble, if
ever Akhbar Khan, who is governing Jellalabad with the
greatest cruelty, should dare to attack the Sikh provinces
to the west of the Indus. It is doubted by the Affghans
themselves whether Dost Mahomed, or his notorious son,
will make any attempt on Peshawur, as much from their
dread of the British influence as from their own ability to
govern the tribes.in the neighbourhood of Cabul.
In the meantime, the arrangements .of Lord Ellen-
borough for the subjugation of the state of Gwalior have
been highly successful. The Governor-General left Cal-
cutta on the 25th of November, and, travelling in a car-
riage of the palanquin kind, which was propelled, and
not, as usual in India, borne by men, arrived at Allahabad
on the 3d of December, where a short halt was made.
He reached Cawnpore on the 7th, and, proceeding direct
to Agra, arrived in that city on the 11th. Instead of pro-
ceeding to the palace prepared for his reception, his
Lordship remained in his tent.
The Army of Exercise was ready near Agra, under the
orders of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough.
The first brigade, led by General Valiant, was ordered to
move towards Dhoolpoor, half way to Gwalior ; it marched
on the 12th, and the rest of the army moved in the same
direction on the following days. The Commander-in-
Chief and the Governor-General set out on the 16th.
The intelligence reached Gwalior, and produced alarm,
and a council was held on the 15th, at which the principal
officers and generals attended, and debated in the presence
of the Bahee, or " young Queen," who asked if there
were any of them disposed to resist the British ? None
seeming inclined, a determination was adopted to sur-
render the cause of all the disorder--the minister
named the Khasgeewalla. This was effected, and the
Khasgeewalla was surrendered, and taken prisonei to
Agra, when he was lodged in the fort on the 20th.
The young Rajah, who was chosen to be heir to
the last Sovereign by the Bahee, took refuge in the
camp of the Governor-General, who is now completely
master of the whole kingdom, for it has fallen to the Hon.
Company as the lords paramount; and without this child
chosen to represent the former dynasty, but of which
none of the blood flowed in his veins, it was by every
ancient right their property, as well as by the actual one
of conquest. It is hoped by many of the most enlight-
ened men in India that his Lordship will now adopt the
plan of removing from the wretched peasantry the horri-
ble yoke under which they have long groaned—of an un-
bridled, licentious, ferocious soldiery, who have now
proved their want of courage, as they have often exhibited
their want of mercy to the poor tillers of the soil while
under their control.
As the intentions of the Governor-General are un-
known, in consequence of keeping his own secrets, it is
not certain whether he will declare the country to be
altogether a British province, and appoint collectors and
other officers to administer it, or whether he will content
himself in taking a portion of it to defray the expenses of
the armament, and leave the remainder to the tender care
of the " brutal Government of the young Rajah's adhe-
rents." Every one acquainted with the state of India
knows, notwithstanding the grievances of which the
natives complain under the systematic rule of the Hon.
Company, that those Indians who are not subject to that
rule look upon it as Elysium in comparison to the yoke
of a native Rajah's oppression.
The arrangements of the Gwalior districts may require
time, for the purpose of establishing order and regularity
where disorder and confusion formerly prevailed; the
great difficulty will be to disband the rabble soldiery, now
amounting to 300,000, who may become robbers and plun-
derers. A strong army to counteract such mischief will
be necessary for some time, until an effective force is
raised in the country.
The success of Lord Ellenborough at Gwalior will, it
is expected, lead him soon to settle the intricate question
of the Punjaub. Whether the care shown by the present
Chiefs of Lahore to prevent any immediate outbreak may
continue to have the effect for many months longer, was
considered doubtful. It is said that it is by money alone
that Ileera Singh has kept the Sikh soldiers quiet. It
cannot be supposed that his funds for that purpose will
last long, and therefore another revolution is anticipated
there.
The sickness in Scinde continued to be the source of
much comment to the opponents of the policy of Lord
hEilmlesnebiforionudgivitid;
utahlelyy,seaesmed to attribute
if
hewasthegratnhed
causesic esknofs
it.to
A great number of medical officers had been despatched
thither from Bombay. The government appeared resolved
on retaining the country, which is now tranquil; and it
was said that several regiments from the Madras Presi-
dency would be sent there in order to assist the Bombay
troops, who were rather exhausted from several cam-
paigns. Sir Charles Napier and General Simpson enjoyed
good health, and were active in their arrangements for
keeping the country quiet.
At Sukkur there had been much sickness, but it ap-
peared to be diminishing. The hint had been thrown out
of the utility of having moveable barracks, with iron
roofs, and wooden compartments, which would afford
facilities for changing the localities—a great advantage in
India, where the earth once saturated with animal mat-
ter, and moistened either by the rain, or, what is worse,
by the sea water, always produces the most fatal effects.
It is, therefore, hoped that the hon. Company will take
into consideration the great advantages of having such
edifices prepared of iron in England, and of tealt or other
hard wood in India. A great number of invalids had
come frosu Scinde to Bombay, where every care was taken
of them.