Star.
London, England, 1830-05-18 00:00:00

I

:,tomcat three great classes of his Majesty's subjects eligible to
nigh Political office, and to seats in Parliament ; but they were
all required to be Christians; these were the Protestant Dig.
.senters, the Roman Catholics, and the members of the Church
of England—and now we arc called on to admit the Jews ;
but are there no Christians excluded? What becomes of the
Quakers? Why is not a bill brought in for their admission ?
(Hear, hear !)-1 again hail those cheers—if the Jew be admitted,
there is not a doubt that the Quaker is equally well entitled. Why
not one as well as the other ? Are you afraid of the consequences?
co. n0,n0.) Observe the admission—if this bill be allowed to pass,
Jitter bias a fertiori, must pass. It Is wise then to disturb yearly
the religious feelings of the people of this country by separate
hills for the relief of the several classes of his Majesty'sl
subjects from the disabilities which from the earliest period the con-
stitution imposed upon them. If the measure be right, establish It
free and for all, and let us not have a bill one year for one set of
'two, and another year for another. 1 know of no tenet of Qua-
herism which ought to exclude them from the enjoyment of political
power if the Jews are to be admitted. It is said that the relief of
the Catholics placed the Jews in 'a worse situation than before--
that the more the space was narrowed the greater was the suf-
fering—to speak inalliematically, the intensity of the suffering
varied inversely with the space operated on. But, I repeat, that if
the Jews are entitled to this relief, so are the Quakers—so are the
Separatists. On these grounds, then, Sir, lam not prepared to ad.
mit the principle, and I object to the mode of eying effect to the
bill ; and I confess Ido so with much regret. There is nothing in
the conduct of the Jews themselves which ought to create the slightest
prejudice against them. The upper classes are eminent for charity
and sympathy with the sufferings of their fellow men, and the lower
classes arc not marked by any vices beyond what is common
amongst persons in that rank of life. 1, therefore, cannot but
feel the necessity of opposition as most painful, so far as landed
estates are concerned. I see no objection to the Jews being em-
powered to hold them ; my own opinion is that they can do so at.'
ready ; but in that I, of course, submit to authority ; but my own
opinion h. that it requires no new law to enable them to hold estates
in land. The late Lord Fllknborough contented himself with such
a title as a Jew could make to land, and after that I think we need
have little doubt that Jews may hold land and make good titles.—
But, with respect to the present bill, I think it cannot be so
amended as to meet my views and therefore I say, unhesitatingly,
that I must oppose it : foreseeing its consequences, I cannot give it
my support.
Mr. BROUGHAM differed altogether from the statements
of the right honourable the Secretary of State. When he (Mr.
Brougham) considered the small number of Jews in the coun-
try, the small number of petitions also presented in their
favour, he would ask where was the cause of alarm ? The Jews
do not threaten, because they cannot do any harm : before the
Roman Catholic Emancipation Bill passed, we heard of Agita-
tors, and Hectors, and Associations, and :many more things; but
the Jews stood alone on one high ground, the justice of their
claims, which all must admit.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Brougham)
would abstain from any allusion to the case of the Catholics in par-
ticular, , but he could tell the house, that as the law now stood,
neither Jews, Mahommedans, Turks, Infidels, Atheists, Sap.
tics, nay, call them by any name, however horrid to our
nature, if the word hypocrite be not added, can be ad-
mitted by the statute of Elizabeth.—(Hear. hear, hear.) It
must be in the recollection of honourable members, that persons
not professing the Christian religion, had taken the oaths
prescribed by law. Gibbon took the oaths against Catho-
licism when he was appointed to the office of one of the Lords
of trade, and he no doubt took his salary as regularly as the right
honourable gentleman opposite. (Hear, and laughter.) In fact, it
was doing away with the sacramental test—that would be the surest
means of accelerating the downfall of infidelity. Viscount Boling.
broke, who by his writings avowed himself an infidel, who was also
a first-rate orator, took the oaths as Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs : and who would contend but that, in all his negocia.
tions with other powers, and in all the duties of his office, he
was not as capable, and did perform those duties as well and
as much for the interest of the country as his successor : in
fact, It wouldicaomrli be laughing at Lord Aberdeen, to suppose
that Noble was not of such an opinion. (Laughter.)
The real question, however, for the house to consider was, should
this bill or should it not be read a second time ? If it was, it
would be open to any objection in its future stages ; and why it should
it should not be read a second time he could not imagine; certainly
not a single substantial argument had been adduced by its oppo.
nents. Suppose the bill to pass, and that it was to receive the royal
assent, what was done ? Why merely leaving out seven words in the
oath or declaration presented to be taken by members of parliament.
(Hear, hear.) If hon. members of that house were discussing the
subject across a convivial table, and it should be said (as it !ladles:sal
that night), why if you let the Jews into the privileges of the as-
stitution, you must letter the Quakers in also--(hear)-1t would be
said, well what of that, let in Jews and let in Quakers—(Laughter.)
In Gon's name, he would ask, why should they not, for amore in-1
dustrious, loyal, and respectable sect did not exist.—(Hear, hear.)—
No
persons were more entitled to the honours of the state than the'
Quakers. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to let them in by any
side-wind, but they were only now kept out by the form of the
oath ; and as followers of the Christian religion, and attending
to the doctrines of Scriptures, he would ask, were they not
right in refusing to take an oath. (Hear, hear.) Was it not
the command of Divine authority to swear not at all; neither
by Heaven, which was his throne nor by earth, which was his
footstool, nor by Jerusalem, which was the city of the great
king." Now, after such an injunction, how could any man, or set
of men, be advocates for oaths. The Jews felt themselves bound, as
good citizens, to do their duty towards the state. Thaw was no
tear of their making ptoselytes--they wished for none; but it was
said, if they got into parliament they would not attend to business
on a Saturday. Now, it was well known that no parliamentary
business was transacted on a Saturday.—(Hear.) So much for
that objection. He, however, could assure the house, that the
Jews had no objections of that kind. (Hear, hear.) It was
well known that they were eligible to serve upon juries, and
:luny times in the course of his professional engagements had he
s:en Jews take the oaths on a Saturday, in the jury-box. No
could mistake them, for they always took the oaths with
their hats on. (Laughter.) And never in his life did he wit-
ness them actuated by any other desire than that of doing justice.
What, he would ask, would be the danger of admitting a few
Jews into the House of Commons, consisting of 668 blem-
hers ? And what was the barrier to be removed ? Merely
leasing out of the declaration, the words "on the true faith of
a Christian." If they would use those words, they would
le eligible to all the offices of the state.—(Hear, hear, hear)......
By an Act passed in the 13th year of the reign of George the
Second, it was enacted that all persons, Jew or Gentile, or what.
seer te!igion stutter, after a seven years' residence in any of the Bri-
t:sit colonies, should be eligible to fill any of the offices of the
state. Now this law never could have passed under the im-
preision that religion was more attended to and wanted less
guarding in the colonies than in England. The religion of the country
wanted no guards or fences to protect it—its purity was its greatest
safeguard. Thousands of arguments might, if necessary, be
adduced in favour of the measure. It had been said this was
4 religious and not a political question—that he denied. It
als not a religious question; but it was one of civil right.
Un the authority of Dr. Paley, be would say that the eats.
Wished religion of the country ought not to be mixed up with
the state, for it would corrupt the one and destroy the other.—
,i:ear, hear, hear.) On this authority how could any bon. mem.
no defend the test that caused the Zexclusion of any pant-
Lular sea. If a Jew or any other religion or the son of one of
Buonaparte's Generals, if borne in England, were to take the
declaration prescribed by law, he would be entitled to fill all
i.:e offices of state. (Hear.) And was the British Parliament, after
a persecution of the Jews, for 16 or 17 centuries, now to
withhold Iron: that antient people their civil right? He would
say do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly. He should
tote fur the second reading, and, in so doin did not pledge
himself to support all the clauses in the bills; if it went too
tar it might be remedied in the commit•ee. It was allowed on
All sides that some relief ought to be afforded. One objected
that the Jews should be admitted to a seat in the legislature
motile/ that they should not be eligible to fill some high office.
This might all be very good, but by withholding assent to
the second reading of the bill it would be the means of depriv-
ing them of nine-tenths of the benefits it was allowed by all chef
were entitled to receive. He did therefore hope the house would
agree to its passing another stage. It had his support.
Mr. PERCEVAL rose to address the house, but the cries of
loud, that the hon. member could not

tg
228

biajor ity
` the third reading of the bill for Watch.
tea of England.
,t the bill required further disetneion, and
third time to-morrow.

50

18

i.y.
third time and pasoW.
• of the EXCHEQUER postponed the
Rill to Friday, when be hoped he should
ibe committee of supply early, and that the
committee on the beer bill by ten o'clock.
• a return of the number of stamps is.
n from the year 1828 to 1829 inclusive.
1 wont dispelled of, and the house ad.

LONDON•

TUESDAY, MAY 18.

THE KING.

The Bulletins, as the following will skew, have at
length assumed a degree of candour and explicitness,
that set those rumours, so inseparable from their former
ambiguity, at rest. We participate most heartily in the ge-
neral joy at the favourable change thus announced, and we
sincerely hope it may be followed by still more grati-
fying assurances We also trust, that every plea for
indulging in sinister conjectures, will be removed by
the frankness of future Bulletins.
" WINDSOR CASTLE, MAT 18, 1830.
" The KI x has passed a tranquil night. His MAJES-
TY'S symptoms are all alleviated.

(Signal)

" HENRY HALFORD.

MATTHEW J. TIERNEY."

Despatches were this day received at the Colonial-
office, in Downing-street, from Halifax, in Nova Scotia ;
from New Brunswick, from Prince Edward's Island,
from Newfoundland, and from Bermuda. The despatches
from Bermuda are dated on the 3d, and those from
Halifax the 25th of April.

Our attention has been called to a letter addressed by
Mr. HUNT to Mr. THOMAS A rmoo», of Birmingham,
in this day's Herald. Convinced that the utmost free-
dom of discussion, particularly in all matters of national
importance, should be the basis of a Press which assumes
to be the organ of public opinion, we shall give the letter
a place in our columns on the first open day. First, ou
account of the subject to which it relates; secondly, be-
cause the name of this Journal is more than once men-
tioned by the writer.
Leaving the Marquis of Br..t x nFORD and Mr. ATT•
WOOD to furnish such replies as we think are loudly
called for by the statements of Mr. HUNT, it is due
to ourselves and the sentiments we proclaimed at the
commencement of our labours in July last, to assert,
that whatever the conduct of others may have been,
our profession of faith, set forth on that occasion, has

been most scrupulously fulfilled in even• iota. Our
motives for encouraging the Marquis of BLA N Droan
cannot be better explained, than by the following ex-
tract from our public address:—
" The writers of this article have not been inattentive
spectators of the secessions which have lately taken
place. Among these, the separation of Lord BLANDFORD
from the high Tory league has afforded infinite satis-
faction. It would be presumptuous in them to conjec-
ture even, how far—in their general views —they will
be likely to coincide with the Noble Marquis in his new
character : but their impression is, that they mad• travel
far together. It is true, the unconditional adoption of
Roman Catholics into the Legislature of this Protestant
empire, appears to have alarmed him into some original
reflection of his own, and aroused in him a deep anxiety,
lest it may be turned to the detriment of the State. But
the law is passed, the innovation is introduced: the bu-
siness is to guard, now, the Constitution—such as it
remains. It is true, also, that the abolitions which the
Noble Marquis advocates, migl.t still encounter—as they
hitherto did—his hereditary hostility, and that his friend-
liness to ameliorations has been contingent upon his
terror at one liberal measure. But he has stretched forth
his hand to the Reformers ; the writers of this note are
of that class—and they take it, though many have re-
jected it. It is no time now to coquet with true men,
and examine too curiously if they exhibit the criteria of
party."

It was a glorious sight to witness one of the highest
scions in the aristocracy, associated as it is with an im-
mortal mina, burst from the trammels which had fettered
its early years. Hailing it as a great triumph for the
people, and a favourable omen of freedom, no wonder
that our best efforts should have been made to encourage
the almost " unfledged patriot," in a career so calculated
to confer a much more lasting immortality on him than
can ever be acquired by military achievements. Hence
the frequent plaudits, and more frequent appeals, made in
our columns to the patriotism of a man whom we looked
up to as entitled to the admiration and confidence of his
country.

By referring to our first address, it will be seen that
wo set out as reformers without alluding to the extent
to which we were prepared to go, on the all important
subject of the representation. It was, however, dis-
tinctly stated, on several subsequent occasions, that we
considered the doctrine of universal suffrage as not
by any means necessary to constitnte a perfect
representative system. If we wanted a proof of
the correctness of our opinion on this vital point,
we need only look to the consequences of the electoral
law of France, where a popular majority has been so re-
cently returned in the face of a Crown and Ministe-
rial influence, far more overwhelming than that which
impedes the progress of Reform in this country. Without,
therefore, opposing the advocates of Radical Reform, a
slight glance at our files, will prove that whatever had a
tendency to diminish the corruption of Parliament, that
great source of all our calamities, was zealously advocated
by the STAR.
Such were the motives which led to the decided tone
in which we spoke of the attempt made by the Marquis
of BLAB DFORD to improve the representation, as well
as the approbation we so often expressed of those pa-
triotic efforts which marked his conduct during the
early part of the Session. Leaving it, as we have
already said, for the Noble MARQUIS to reply to the
letter of Mr. HUNT, it would be hypocritical in the
extreme, to conceal our regret at the relaxation of their
efforts, which has subsequently taken place. We freely
confess that our regret is increased in proportion to the
conviction that the talents of which he has given such
undoubted proofs, added to his high rank, and those
historical recollections with which his name will always
be associated, would have enabled the Marquis of BL A X D•
FORD to do more for the cause of improvement and reform
than any other man in England. We have heard that dis-
gust at the want of support, experienced in the House of
Commons, he had no small share in checking that zeal
which had fixed the attention of the whole nation. If
there is any truth "in this report, we are ready to
admit that there is no task half so irksome or re-
pugnant as that of labouring in a public cause with-
out being adequately seconded. It is, however,
the attribute of a great mind, to persevere in proportion as
difficulties oppose their exertions. Hour voice could have
the smallest weight with the Marquis of BLA NDFORD,
we should urge him, in the name of his country, and as
the descendant of MA REsottovon, to stifle every;
rumour injurious to his fame, by a renewal of his patriotic
labours. What !—though there should be want of sym-
pathy or support within the walls of Parliament, is the
applause of a whole people to be put in competition with
the support of a body of men who are universally ac-
knowledged to be the representatives of their own inte-
rests, rather than those of the People ?
Two important subjects were disposed of in the House
of Commons last night—the Birmingham Petition for
Reform, and the Jews' Emancipation Bill. Impressed
with the importance of his subject, and the respect
due to the right of petition, Mr. DAVENPORT en-
tered into some interesting details elucidatory of the
state of trade at Birmingham. These were answered by
the HOME SECRETARY, who, of course, did his
utmost to prove that things were going on as well as
could be wished. The best thanks of the Petitioners
and the country are due to the honourable member for
SHAFTESBURY, not merely for the able exposition of
last night, but for his omitting no occasion of press-
en the House the necessity of reform, as the only
panacea to those evils which press so heavily on the great
mass of our population.
Although the effort to emancipate the Jews was
thrown out, it could not have been more ably advocated.
in the speeches of Mr. BROUGHAM, Lord Joux Rua-
SELL, Mr. Hoax ISSON, Sir ROBERT WILSON, and Mr.
O'Coxx au.. These will be read with great interest by
the friends of religious toleration. To those who have
been thus thus disappointed and condemned still longer
to remain a persecuted caste, we shall only say, " Look
at the slow progress and final triumph of the Catholic
Question I"

CITY, T A r.i.vP o'CLocc.

Consols wh:cli left of yesterday at 9.31 w j fur i:u• Account,
opened at the same price, and for Money 934, with link business
cliiing as rat. They inay be quoted fur next tecount 93 I.
In t!tc Foreign Market the prices are much the same as ). -
day.

Accounts from Berlin state, that M. de Ellen, who was at Con.
stantinople with (}en. Mueling,Zwill accompany the French ex
&don to Algiers on an important mission from the King of Prussia.

Letters from Odessa state, that Jussuf Pacha has embarket for
Constantinople.

HALF.PAST ONE O'CLOCK

This is quite an idle day in the Funds—no speculations ut any
consequence has taken place to the present hour; but the Marker
is not so good as in the early part of die morning. when Consols
were 113,1 1, since which they hare been done at 93 to and 934 for
next Account.

The Hebrews, contrary to their expectations, hate been disap-
pointed in regard to the second reeding of the Jew Bill, at least
they wer.: in great hopes that an enlightened Legislature like our.
would have condescended to mitigate their oppressions by giving a
proof to all other nations of English liberality.
In the Foreign Market Greek Bonds have been the chief qpecu-
Ltion, which have fallen since yesterday from 3to 4 per cent. L.
other Storks nothing doing.

q ut,tion, rinesiM;;Tireaio
~b!ain a heat Mg.
The house divided—
For the sccond reading
Against it
ORTMAN moved
rug and Lighting the Parish(
Alr. CARTER thought a
• ainved that it be read a third
The House divided...
For the third reading
Against it
Ma)jor!'
The Bill was then rad a t
The CHANCELLOR of
Committee on the Beer Bit
be allowed to go into the a
house might go into the coot
M. BULLER moved for
sued for London Newsmen
The other orders of the da3
Orntrued at Three o'Cloek.