Star.
London, England, 1815-02-21 00:00:00

Spanish Government, and were still making; and he
trusted also that he would be enabled to state hat it
was likely the demand would be complied with.
Earl BATHURST.—Having beard the case of
four Spanish gentlemen who had sought refuge in ,
Gibraltar, and had been delivered up to the Spanish
government by the Governor, and having seen a
fetter to Lord Holland, and an address to the Prince
Regent on the subject, he had lost no time in taking
the sense of his Royal Highness on this matter. He
had caused every inquiry to be made into the cir-
cumstances, and application had certainly been made
to the Spanish government for the release of these
gentlemen, though he was sorry to state, without as
yet having produced the desired effect. He confes-
sed the case had made a stronger impression on his
mind at first, than the circum s as they after-
wards appeared seemed to demaid. General'Camp.
bell, by whom the men had been delivered up, was
dead at the time the application bad been made to
him ; but the state of the case was thistliese four
men, when the Cortes and Regeacy had been is
power, were engaged against the royalist party; but
were set at liberty in Consequence of an act of in-
demnity, passed to a certaio extent, at the instance
of the British euthorities. They were' afterwards
seized, and sent to Cadiz ; and there they prayed to
be released through the interference of the Brifish,
who, they said, were parties to the indemnity: The
ReAency and Cortes, however, stated, that they had
been seized in consequence of subsequent acts. They
then came to Gibraltar, and applied for protection ;
but had been delivered up. There wove two circum-
stances, then, with respect to which he bad been
under a misapprehension. In the first place, the ca.
pitulation or declaration of indemnity was not our's,
and the acts fur which the men had been seized had
occurred during the authority of the Cortes and Re-
gency. He did not, however, intend to justify the
conduct of the British Governor, nor did he by any
means say that there did not exist grounds for very
strong representation on the subject to the Spanish
government, and such representations had been made;
though he was sorry, as he had already stated, that
those representations bad not as yet been attended
with the desired effect.
Lord GRENVILLE—He was quite satisfied that
Iris Noble Friend had no desire to justify the conduct
of the British Governor, but none of the circum-
stances stated by his Noble Friend in the least
touched the ground on which be (Lord Grenville)
?rad rested the question. That ground was, that by
the laws and Constitution of this country, strangers
resorting to it, as well as the natives, were entitled
to the benefit of our liberties. If these strangers
had been convicted of the most heinous murder,
whatever might be their offences and crime% still
not even the King himself, and far less an inferior
governor, had the power or the right, without a po.
dtive act of the legislature, to lay Hands upon them
and deliver them up. Whatever, therefore, might
be the merits of their case in other respects, It was
wrong to give them up, and we had a right to de-
nand that they should be replaced under that pro-
tection of which they had been deprived by collusion
betiveen the British and Spanish officers. He bad
no wish to press harder upon the memory of Gene-
ral Campbell than the circumstances absolutely de-
manded, and he ought now to state that he had
beard him well spoken of : but he had in this instance
been guilty of a mistake, and he must say, a most
reprehensible mistake. In this respect there was no
difference between a stranger and a native-born sub-
ject. In both cases allegiance was required, and in
both protection was due ; and, therefore, it was not
sufficient merely to make representations; but these
representations must be urged, and the demand in-
sisted upon. It could not be passed over, unless we
were prepared to surrender the honour and indepen-
dence of this country, and lay them prostrate at the
foot of the Spanish Government. U the object
could be attained by representation, so much the
better; but if success in that way should appear
desperate, then it would be necessary to adopt more
affective measures.

TRANSFER GIP GENOA.

The Order of the Day being read,
The Marquis of BUCKINGHAM rose, pursuant
to notice, to move for the proclamations of Lord W.
entinck and General Dalrymple to the people of
Genoa. If there was any duty more incumbent on
the Government of any country than another, it was
that of redeeming the pledges Made in its name, and
with its authority, by its officers. If then was any
thing more base and dastardly in a government than
another, it was the leaving it a matter of doubt, whe-
ther the acts of the officer were really the acts of the
Government, or the acts of the agent himself exceed-
ing his commission. He was speaking of a measure
Which was concluded, so that there could be no pre-
tence for refuting these papers on the ground of a
pending negociadon. It was now partly his object
to bring the principles which he had stated to the
lest, and to call upon the Baecutive Government to
evuor their support of the acts of their agent, ce to
disavow these acts if they did not support them.—
Looking at the proclamations, he should think that
the ageht had the suppos of the Government ; but
when he observed their silence on the subject, he
should rather think that the agent had not that au-
thority. They appeared to have been willing to
take all the advantages of the proceedings of their '
officers, still reserving. to themselves a hok to creep
out from the inconveniences of his engagements. He
had taken too limited a view of the question before;—he
now boldly protested against the Obeli system of TO.
liation, plunder, and aggression, which began with
the French Revolution, god appeared now to be• adop-
ted by us. The NobAC BA -(Liverpool) had said
tie other day, that the transaction was net comple-
ted, and that the time for esplanation was not yet ar-
rived : but he called upoq the Noble Earl to pro.
duce the documents which would prove that 'the
transaction was completer& Th.. Wile Earl kw./
to, what he alluded. The dmument was in the
Ofce. Let him itwodoce tie protocol of Congress
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for a verdict ? This Wei another eatraOrginVi '
notion on the subject gf remonsibility, in eddhion to
Ate strange doctrines whit had lately been broached
mspecting t, and that, toe, by, some learned per-
sons, who Issisl spjd that wbe • ce was raised for
a certain purpose, it might sle kept up after the
cause had ceased upon the responsibility of Ministers.
His Lordship then sated the eiretwetances of the
case, as he did on the night when he gave notice of
his motion, and read the proclamations of Lord W.
Bentinck and General Dalrymple, the one promising
independence, and their ancient Constitution, to the
people of Genoa ; and the other stating the transfer
of that State to Sardinia, in violation of the faith of
this country, and of the pledge of the Allied Powers
given in the T4lhty of Paris. Some reason of expe-
diency might lifurged for this ; but it was a sound
maxim in Which as well as in morals, that honesty
was the best policy. The Noble Marquis then ad-
verted to the impolicy of taking from the feeble power
of the King of Sardinia the most important and
strongest part of his dominions, and loading him
with the defence of an extended barrier, and a terri-
tory already hostile to his Government. He obser-
ved on the departure of Ministers from that policy of
Mr. Pitt which they professed to have constantly be-
fore their eyes ; pad molded by moving an Address
so the Prince Regent for copies of two proclamations,
one issued by Lord W. Bentinck, on the 26th of
April, 1814., end the other by General Dalrymple,
on the 27th of December, 1814, with such extracts
of their instructions as were compatible with the
public service.
Lord LIVERPOOL could have no possible ob-
jection to the production of the papers in question,
nor to any imaginable mode of prosecuting the en-
quiry into the subject of the Noble Marquis's cons•
plaint : but let the season for their production come,
which it had not yet done, nor could while their ge-
neral matter was still before Congress. There was
no instance where a Parliamentary enquiry was al•
lowed to be instituted on a part of a great and com-
prehensive transaction. In the year 1783, when
peace was made with America, the documents rela-
tive to that were refused simply because they bore a
connection with the French peace, which had not
been then completed. This was the custom of Par.
liament. He could not break through it on this inc.
casioe. But this repugnance was not to be construed
into the slightest admission of the statements of the
Noble Marquis. He must move the previous question.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE considered the
transaction as complete, and, therefore, a fit subject
of enquiry at this moment. One fact was certain.
Lord Wm. Bentinck's proclamation was contradicted
by General Dalrymple's, Would Ministers deny
both or either ? He was grieved to suppose that Mi-
nisters should lay the country, for the moment, un-
der the imputation of having adopted the policy,
after having conquered the ambition, of Bonaparte.
They ought to rescue the name of England front
the shame of giving up Genoa. What answer could
we now make to any partitioning attempts on the
part of France, Austria, and Russia ?
Lord BATHURST denied that there was any
desire in Ministers to shrink from enquiry: but these
papers could not be adduced, without involving sub-
jects on which the House had yet no means of judg-
ing. The question divided itself into two—of the
policy, and the honour. of England. The policy was
only to be determined by the general result—their
Lordships might rely upon his solemn belief, that
the honour of the country was secure, and that no
engagements had been offered which had not been
fully performed. He, himself, front the station and
offite which he held, had a peculiar anxiety that in.
vestigation should be speedy; but painful as it was
to live under imputations, nothing should induce him
to clear himself at the expense of the public interest.
The Duke of SUSSEX took a general view of
Lord Wm. Bentinck's movements in Italy, and con-
tended that we sacrificed good policy in endeavouring
to support the Sardinian Government against the
Genoese. He then spoke of the impolicy of sanction.
ing the possession of Italy by Austria. Italy, under
4 line constitution, would have been a powerful ally
to England. The kingdom of Italy under Napoleon
had a revenue of five millions, and an army of
145,000 men.
Lord KING was surprised to see that Genoa could
h have been given up after England's faith had been
so pledged to her.
L'rd GRENVILLE thought it was impossible to
draw back from enquiry when these two proclama-
tions were read. But this complaint of treachery to
the Genoese was to be thrown by for a more conve.
nient season ; and what did that mean but putting it
by, till it came buried in a mass of papers of the ge.
neral concerns of Europe, and till its interest was not
capable of being attended to ? The question was,
what were the instructions given to our officers? It
was idle to say the act was incomplete. The liberty
of the Genoese was established by proclamation ; it
was then revoked by proclamation. Here was an en.
tire transaction. The thing was complete; and
therefore might be made a subject of separate and
immediate enquiry: The public principles of Eng.
land were in fact a solemn pledge that no nation
should raise its arms to her in vain. But how pain-
fully was this noble prejudice violated; and how was
.the case still darkened by not merely refusing this
liberty, but using a British force for the purpose of
enslaving a people desirous to be free ? Were we to
sanction the old and now the dangerous idea, that
Kings might transfer their subjects like sheep ? Kings
had no right over their subjects to give them thus away
like herds; and were we now to be the first to esia-
blish abroad principles which we abhorred at home ?
The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that the
ground of resisting the motion was its involving the
premature disclosure of matters of still higher impor-
tance. The Noble Marquis (Buckingham) himself'
,was aware of this from the warding of his own mu-
tion, which asked for such extracts as might not .be
inconsistent with the public service.
1 The Marquis of Bucaociutast and the LOAD CIIAN•
4111•LOR sitegaliT explained. •
The Housethontivided on the previous question—
Contents, s 7. Mot Contents, 13.--Adjourned till
tn-morrow. . ;
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