Star.
London, England, 1830-06-19 00:00:00

• ' SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS•

Trues.—An account has been printed, by order of the House of
Commons, of the amount of Bank-notes and Bank post bills of the
Bank of England in circulation, at the close of business on every Se-
turday for three years ending the Gth of April. 1829, and likewise
for the three years ending the Gth of April. 1830. The object for
which this return has been demanded and made out is, no doubt,
laudable. The information which it contains, although too minute
for general purposes, may be used to great advantage as an ele-
ment of reasoning, in speculations and discussions on the cur.
rency and exchanges. As a general result, this table shows
an average diminution of Bank-notes to the amount of 623,0871.
in the latter, as compared with the former triennial period ; the
average being, for the three years ending April, 1829, 21,243,5061.
and for the three years ending April last, 20,620,417 L These
tables, arranged and printed years after the state of things to
which they relate, have undoubtedly their use as data for financial
reasoning; but if the Bank can communicate such weekly infor-i
-mation, after the lapse of years, why have we not these hebdomadal
statements in each Saturday's or Tuesday's Gazelle F The Bank of
England is not a private corporation, dealing only with its own
funds, and managing the deposits of its customers t it is a great
titnte engine, the working of our monetary system,—it is an im-1
portant appendage to the Treasury,—it has usurped or borrowed
some of the privileges of the Mint,—it coins money for the King's
subjects. Its operations ought therefore to be narrowly watched;
and its weekly issues should be announced, both as a cheek on
the caprices of its management, and as a guide to the monied in-
terest of the nation. Nothing can better evince the public character
of its transactions, and the connexion of its issues with the wants of
the Exchequer, than the circumstance that the amount of its circu-
lation immediately changes with the period of the quarterly divi-
dends. Thus we find in the tables before us that there is a differ-
ence of 3,000,0001. or 4,000,0001. between the sth and 15th of the
months of January, April, July, and October of every year, coin-
ciding with the periods for the quarterly payments to the national
creditor. What rational objection can possibly exist to the weekly
publication of the issues of such a public body as this ?

HEN...tn.—lt seems quite obvious, from the experience of the
present Session, that, unless some means be adopted to alter the
mode of getting through with public business in the House of Corn.
mons, little or no business will, or can, be done there ; and the
utility and importance of the House itself will necessarily sink in
the estimation of the people. One very obvious remedy fur a great
part of the present evil we have frequently adverted to ; viz. that
the Session should commence, as formerly, in November, and not,
as now, in Februrary. The idea that as business multiplies, the time
for doing it in should be circumscribed, is too absurd to admit of being
for a moment seriously defended. Supposing the Session to commence
with Feb. and to end with June, Parliament has the appearance of
being occupied for five months ; but when it is considered that
it only professes to sit for business on four days in each week, and
that there are two intervals of vacation at Easter and Itihitsuntide,
to say nothing of blank days and other casualties, the House will be
hardly found to sit 70 days, or, in reality, one half of the five months.
No wonder then that the Notice-paper is crowded, and the House,
on its days of sitting, inundated with more business than the physi-
cal powers of its Members can possibly undergo the fatigue of;
whereas, were this mass of business spread over a larger period,
much, if not the whole, of the extraordinary pressure wonid
be done away with. As another means, subsidiary to this,
much convenience would arise from more legislative business
originating in the House of Lords than can be the case
at present, owing to a somewhat too fastidious adherence to the rule
that money bills cannot have their source in that branch of the le-
gislature. We look upon the privileges and usages of Parliament
to be among the most valuable safeguards of the liberties of the
people, and should, therefore, be among the last to counsel any se-
rious departure from them. But we are too apt to mistake the sha-
dow for the substance ; and it is one thing whether the public sup.
plies shall originate with the representative branch of the constitu-
tion, or whether the toll on a bridge, or a penalty for breaking a
lamp, first finds its way into a bill in the upper or lower house.
Yet it is often on points of no more consequence than these that
the privileges of the house of commons are supposed to be invaded,
and preliminary details thrown upon that house, which might with
case, and without any encroachment on just Parliamentary jealou-
sy, be avoided. At any rate, like many others, the evil is now
become of that magnitude that it must in effect work its own cure;
nor do we think that Parliament can now separate without coming
to an arrangement which may prevent the recurrence of such a state
of things as it is now experiencing.

Cuaoxtci.E.—ln England, it is not easy to see why there should
be all this submission to one or two leaders, merely that a party
may become formidable to the opposite party. In the present day,
distinctions are rather nominal than real. There is no great prin-
.tiple which divides men from men in Parliament; there can there.
fore be no struggle, which enlists the public sympathy on one side
or another. The Constitution, as it exists, with all the defects and
anomalies in the representation, is sacred in the eyes of nineteen.
twentieths of the Members of Parliament; for we hold the motions
for Reform to be insincere, and rather intended to amuse the public
than otherwise. The only conceivable struggle in this country
would be one between the Democracy and the Aristocracy ; the
Aristocracy have this constantly present to their minds. While the
kite hovers over them, the smaller birds are all upon their guard.
Without some grand and elevating object to struggle for, in the
contemplation of which men forget their individual interests, and
become indifferent to sacrifices, there can be noorganized parties, no
deference to leaders. When the occasion demands commanding
talent, it will generally be found ; but nothing happens in this
world without a necessity. The time of talent in England was the
time when Charles the First was brought to the block. Men
were then playing a bold game—they were thrown on their own
resources in politics, in law, in philosophy, in divinity : and bold
and fearless inquiry was the character of the times. Since
the Revolution, the political talent of the country has been
little more than delivering common-places in Parliament in
an attractive manner. Every generation of the last century has
had its names, which sunk into comparative neglect in a few years.
The memorials of the eloquence and wisdom of former gene.
rations (with the exception of those of Burke,) which were highly
prired in their day, will be found to possess little to justify their re.
putation in ours. But when there is no great object to struggle for,
what is the use of party ? Illy should m• n submit to leaders
That business may be conducted without much sifting through Par-
Itainent. Is this a reason to give ? The troth is, that action pro.
ducts re-action. When there is blind obedience in the opposition,
there must be blind obedience on the other side. Now, in the ab.
'ice of party, the supporters of Administration will not see the ne-
c:ssity of such an unqualified submission as where there is an oppo-
si:ion to combat ; and the number of independent Members will
nle greater. Ministers, under such circumstances, must procure sup.
r..rters by persuasion rather than by command. The public gain on the
whole. But then parliament falls intodisrepute when every man speaks,
AN! business is in arrear. But of the numerous questions that
Lome before parliament as now constituted, in a time of peace, how
stvtiltl any man be able to speak generally to any purpose ? During
the war there were one or two field days, as they were called, in a
tertnight, when general questions were debated, and all ordinary
hoiness was transacted by a few members. But at present, the
great questions are Law Reforms, Commercial Regulations, Cola
vial matters ; in all of which a parliamentary leader can possess
no commanding superiority over his neighbours. The monopoly
et sneaking
Pptaking by six or seven members would be to exclude much
valuable information, without any intelligible advantage. When
a member believes he knows more of a subject than other speakers,
it is not likely that he will be silent, merely that the business of
the House may not be in arrear. We may therefore conclude that
the present anarchy of the House will rather increase than diminish.
The root of the evil is, the extent of business which Parliament has
drawn to itself. In order, for Instance, to perpetuate jobbing in the
Colonies--a system of Government at variance with the interests of
the colonists, has almost every where been established; and thus
the whole of the transactions of each colony cornea necessarily before
Parliament. NVithout Parliament remain open to the complaints
of the colonists, the oppression would become insufferable. A great
empire like this, with extended possessions in every quarter of the
globe, would furnish full occupation for a dozen Parliaments at
10'1 To say that business is efficiently transacted at present is an
:humility too glaring to be maintained for a moment. The wooer,
therefore, the inability of Parliament to dispose of the immensity of
the multifarious business it has chosen to monopolize is made evident
to every being in the country, the sooner will it become necessary to
art about a remedy in good earnest.

Thursday died, at St. Leonard's Hill, Berkshire, the
Right Hon. the Earl and Viscount Harcourt, Viscount Nuneham,
and Baron Harcourt. of Stanton Harcourt. His Lordship was born
Wi the 20th of March, 1743, and married the 3d of September, 1778,
Mary, relict of Thomas Lockhart, Esq. and eldest daughter of the
late IVm. Danby, P.D. of Merhamshire, in the county of York,
by whom he has no issue. His Lordship succeeded his brother on
the 25th of April, 1809.—He was a Field-Marshal in the Army,
Colonel of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons, a Knight Orand-Croes
of the Bath, Deputy-Lieutenant of Windsor Forest, Deputy-Ranger
or Windsor Great Park, and Governor of Portsmouth. The tide is
xtinct.

THE HunsEn OLD TitooPS.—Yesterday being the An-
rovereary of the Battle of Waterloo, the men belonging to the first
and second regiments of Life Guards that were engaged in that ever.
memorable battle, received each man one shill'ng from the Colonelof the regiment, and had a holiday. A similar was made,
In commemoration of the day, to the men belonging to the three mgt.
mane of Foot Guards. In the two regiments of Life Guards, there
are not more than fifty men belonging to them at present that were
"gaged in the battle, and in the three regiments of Foot Guards,
nut more than fifty belonging to each regiment.