Star.
London, England, 1822-05-09 00:00:00

AGRICULTURAL REPORT.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved the
Order of the Day for the House going into a Com-
mittee for the further considerate's of •the Agricul-
tural Committee Report. •
• Mr. WYVILL said, that it was withreluctance be

put himself forward it eels early stage of the buds
sets, but he was impelled io it by imperatife than
ttra
He thought it behoved every man, it this Inaba Of
general and unexampled 'distress, td sink all enbeia
derations f
sof private Ikelingt in earning to a qtiestioti
like this, and to suggest fearlei4uelt a tonne
appeared to hitri likely to alleviate that distressi That
the distress was of the nature be had described it; be
believed few would deny. Last Year a Committee
of this House tval.appointed upon the subject, who
made a Report which was now upon the table. They
stated that there lay great difficulties in the way of
relief; but as they did not make it appear that these
difficnities could not be removed' the Report gave
but little satisfaction. This year another Comtnittee
.was appointed, and another Report made ;but-though
it had not yet arrived at that stage when it *is pos-
sible to pronounce so decidedly upon its futility as
the first, yet enough was disclosed to persuade him
.(Mr.Wyvill) that, if we looked to the plans emanating
from it for substantial relief, we should be disap-
pointed—Wear, heary—lndeed, the Noble Lord 'him.
self, who brought forward the plan, admitted that he
did not expect any good from it; and was it pot, there
fore, a delusion to be discussing that which the very
projectors conceded would do but little benefit? Now
of this conduct, of this inattention to the distresses of
the people, as well in this Session as the last, the
people had much to complain against that House..
The fact was, that the real remedy was riot stated—
(Hear, hear).—He (Mr.Wyvill) had prepared a Reso..
lution, setting the thing in its proper lights upon
which he would take the sense of the House. It
would, at least, save the people from being deluded
by pretended remedies, which did not apply to their
ease. He had always considered that there were but
two modes of relieving the present distress, one of
which was by the repeal of Mr. Peel's Bill—a mea.
sure to which he was averse, for he thought we had
got so far into the difficulty that it was better to face
it through than retrace our steps—(Hear, hear).—Thd
other mode was by a reduction of taxation. It had
been said that a reduction of taxation could give no
relief; but he was of opinion that that alone could
give relief. His grounds Were these—the agticultu•
ral produce of the country had been valued at
50,000,000 of quarters, of which 5,000,000 went to
pay tithes, 8,000,000 for seed, '22,000,006 were con-
sumed by the agriculturists, and there only remained
then 15,000,000 to bring to market to pay the taxes,
&c. Now would it be denied that if 20,000,0001. of
taxes were taken off, and only ten remained, by which
the farmer's outgoings would be lessened 30 per cents
that it would give no relief? He objected then, to
any other remedy hut a reduction of taxation. As
to the Resedutions before the Committee, he would
prophecy that, even if they were carried, they would
not last sii months. He wished, however, again to
state that he was averse to repealing Mr. Peers Bill ;
but, if it wits repealed, he knew no course more wise
than that pointed out by the Hon. Baronet's Rescind.
dons.' The lion. Member concluded by moving—
,. That it is the opinion of this House that the best and mod
effectual relief that can be given to the agricultural interest is by
a large remiuion of taxation."
Mr. LOCKHART said he had no disposition to
occupy too much of the time of the House, but he
was induced to rise in consequence of some opinions
thrown out by the Hon. Member who spoke last. It
was his wish that the true interests of the agricul-
turists were well understood in this House, and not
mixed up with subjects of another nature. That the
distress under which they laboured was fully appre-
ciated here, he was prepared to contend for—for
how often had a melancholy but a true picture been
drawn of that distress in this House ? The House
were told that the farmers' capital was wasted, and
that the working poor could be no longer rewarded
for their labour. The consequence of such a state of
things had been the loss of all faith between debtor
and creditor; the latter, apprehensive that his de-
mands would never be satisfied ; and the hands of
one-half the community had been lifted against the
other, not in direct hostility, but in the several Courts
of Law. There it would seem that each man perse-
cuted his brother, imagining that he would thereby
preserve himself from falling in the general ruin.—
To all this was to be added, the decaying state of
the property of the clergy—that venerable body,
whose interests this House had been so often called
upon to attend to, but to which it had shewn itself so
indifferent. If the case at the Northern Sessions was
to be taken as a precedent, the property of the clergy
would be entirely ruined. But to remedy this dis-
tress, several modes of relief had been proposed—
amongst others, the repeal of Mr. Peel's Bill, as it was
said the evil was attributable to a sudden return to
cash payments. Another mode suggested was a re-
duction of taxes openly, and covertly, a reduction of
the interest of the National Debt—( Hear, hear).—
He.certainly looked at a proposition to reduce 20
millions of taxes, and a reduction of the interest of
the debt as the same thing. For it was clear that if
the taxes were reduced by such an amount, it would
be quite impossible to pay the present interest of the
debt—.(Hear, hear).---Now, he would not inquire
whether the House ought to take up the question just
now; but he wished to say that the agricultural inte-
rest was no party to this demand—(Hear, hear).—
The farmers had never put their case in that point of
view. Nut one of the numerous Petitions which had
been presented to this House claimed so large a re-
duction of taxes' as 20,Q00,0001. though thil cer-
tainly prayed for a more reasonable reduction of
taxation. It was clear then, that whatever the House
might think of the Resolution of the Hon. Member,
who never,
tin had
any not
instance, h e
' pt iroany of
ed hae:eg
of the debt, in a repeal of Mr. Peers Bill—(Hear).
interest
Some ascribed the distress to foreign competition...
others to a superabundance
Now to this last
agriculturist produce.
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laistcau---sehe could not give hisacquies-
was true that lag yeah mote corA ;anti •
than aver Wire; but was this a coil.
the eurpities of the sellers, or the Stiorp
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abundance of the areitt ‘01"404 former certainly.
As well might them hiereased qu
antay of
clothes in as evidenc of the
people's having too much c of es, as that an increased
quantity of corn at Mark-lane was of there being too
much in the country—(Hear, hear).—One as well
as the other sheaved, not- that the People had too
pinch, but that their increased necessities dro them
to the market to obtain money at any pricve e. But
another. plan had been proposed by the Hon. Member
for Portarlingtou—(Mr. Ricardo), than whom he (Mr.
Lockhart) believed no man had a better heart—which
was to throw out of cultivation the poor land of the
country.' NeW,* if he was not intimate with the his-
inanity of his Hen. Friend's nature, he (Mr. Lockhart)-
would be tempted to, say, that this was a creel and
unkind soggestion.' ' Did that House sit there to ie.:
&late' Upon land alone? He was at a loss to know
how land could be spoken of but, in connection with
the human beings to whom it gave subsistence.—
He did not care what was done with the land, if they
could And land with which the lives of his countryinen
were not connected. But what was poor land ? He
(Mr. Lockhart) was unable to answer the question.—
There might be a difference in.-the natures of some
soil, as compared with others, as some had less of a
vegetable mould, and others were of a calcareous
nature. It was also true that the best lands were in
cultivation for centuries. But if the poor lands were
put out of cultivation, what was to become of the
people ? Did the Hon. Member shew how they could
be employed more profitably than they were now?
Were they fit for anything else? They were two old
to learn manufactures—hands hardened by the plough
could not fling the shuttle, and, besides, the manufac-'
tories were overstocked. lf, then, these people were
to be thrOwn upon the world, the Hon. Member should
shew how they were to be usefully absorbed in so-
ciety. He believed the Hon. Member would find it
difficult to answer the question. And he should also
recollect, that if he put the poor lands out of cultiva-
tion, the greater part of the best towns of England
would be also involved. If all poor lands were left
uncultivated, then should Norfolk, Cambridge, Buck-
inghamshire,_ Huntingdon, Oxfordshire, and Glouces-
ter, all of which were in most parts what might be
called " poor lands," be left waste. Was the Hon.
Member prepared to go that length, or could he
Suggest any mode of supporting not only the la-
bourers, but those who employed them in these ex-
tensive districts? How would he give them food ?
(liew-, hear).—But it was idle to say this House was
disposing of the land upon commercial ptinciples.
This could be no answer to the principle, and it was
absurd to legislate for the community by the feelings
or interests of any particular class. But the fact was,
the farmers did no; think they could be effectually
relieved,b-y-kreductjon of taxes. They ascribed their
distresse to (*ter Causes. The plans of the Noble
Marquis met 0n44 one of these, and the only relief
which he could give them, was to protect them
against foreign competition. The difference, then,
between the Noble Lord and the farmers was, that
be was disposed to give them what he supposed an
adequate protection against foreign competition,
but what they looted upon as no protection at all, or
if any, as one calculated to mislead them. Before
any protecting duty was imposed, it was necessary
to look at two points ; first, the price of corn at Dant-
zic and the other ports of the North. He (Mr. Lock-
hart) had looked at Mr. Solly's evidence before the
Committee, and he found that the average price of
corn abroad last year, was either 435. or 48s. But
then it was wrong to take the average from any one
year; for the fact was, that an average taken for a
series of years before, made the price only 245. or
265. The Noble Marquis had said, that a difference
of a shilling or two in the bushel duty, was of no
great consequence ; but he (Mr. Lockhart) was of a
different opinion, and it should not he forgotten that
this would be a perpetual 10-. s. Besides, the Noble
Lord might be surprised to learn, that this loss of a
shilling was perhaps, in some cases, as much as the
rent of the ground whereon that quantity of corn was
grown. The next point was the rate at which the
import duty was to be fixed. This was a good deal
governed by the first point—namely, the price of
corn at Dantzic. It was quite useless to set down
any certain sum for profit, for if the importer had
any profit at all he would certainly sell. Assuming
then that corn bought at Dantzic cost but 265. or
30s. at most, then there was to be added ss. for profit,
and ss. for freight, which made it 40s. and add the
17s. import duty, and it was still 575. But hbw.did this
tally with the assertion of the Noble Marquis, that
the English farmer could not raise his corn less than
at 705.? The farmers did not want high duties, they
only wanted protection. They did not ask for a re-'
mission of twenty millions of taxes, they only asked
as much as would make up what was lost by the de-
preciation of the currency.
Lord ALTHORPE said, though he agreed fully
with the objects of the Resolution submitted by his
Hon. Friend, he would take the liberty of requesting
him not to press it. He would not vote against the
Resolution most certainly, but he was desirous that
the House should go on in the regular course of pro-
ceeding on the main subject. He had ever considered
that the Corn Law was a great evil. He would most
readily concur in any plan to alter and amend it.
Mr. MONCK said, that he would cordially sup-
port the motion of his Hon. Friend. All the propo-
sitions which had been submitted for the relief of the
agricultural distresses did not meet his iieas. It was
not pretended that they should have any immediate
effect—they were but plans of a problematical nature,
applicable only to a contingent evil. Without a re-
duction of taxation, it was impossible to expect any
efficient relief—that relief which the country at that
instant wanted, and which should not be deferred.—
Hehad beard a great deal of low prices. He would
learn at what period, except during the
id we higher prices? Oar prices of grain
ioment were higher than in any part of the
In the French provinces bread was but
the pound, though their pound weight
cent. heavier than ours. In England it
ice the pound, one hundred per cent.
in France. Notwithstanding ikis great
favour of the English farmer, there were
4 Gentlemen of this country satisfied.—
age price in the year 1792, and for the nine
'receding, was 445. the quarter; daring the
war it was at 425. For the whole period
previous-to the late war istala was not se

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high as at prate*.
When they had, iftl
prices to *hat they
Landed Genklemeti-not
and posiless tila sada rider
time which ibis eimsideftbd
sweetest prospartty ? The cit.. of easy
.
solution. %%A were the disttrictiOrbetween both
periods ? • , .
In 1792 the charge of the Nations' Debt was 'C10,000,400
At present it amounted to - - 30,000,000
Our civa• and Mahar? ibtablishiieits In. . ....
1792 were - - - - 7,000,000
At preseht they *ere - - . 12,000,000
The SintiegFund, in 1792, was - 3.,e00,p00,
Ac present it was - -5,000,00 Q
The Poore gates, in 1792, were - 2,000,000 ,
' Now they.amounted to I - 7,000,000
In 1792 the whisle eipenditure of the country did
not exceed twenty-millions, and at the present time
it had accumulated to the extent of seventy millions,
inclusive of taxes and priors' rates. He had, heard a
statement made by the Noble Marquis, that taxation
did not come to more than five per cent. on the gross
-produce of the land. He would, to shew the fallacy
of that opinion, give a short sketch of .the produce
and disbursement of a farm in 1792, producing four
hundred pounds a year rent :
Supposing the gross produce to be .
Tithes and other rates would he - -
The farmer would require, for hb own and la-
bourers maintenance and profit -

• Xl6OO

£l2OO
which, deducted from the gross produce, would leave
£4OO for the landlord. The Government taxes might
then have been estimated at 2s. 6d. in the pound, or
£lOO on that farm. Now that the taxes were qua-
drupled, instead of £lOO, the landlOrd wi.uld have
to pay £4OO, and that from the same quantity of
produce, sold at the same price as at that period.—
The difference, to be sure, went to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and the Exchequer was made to
flourish by the declension of the fair profit of the
people. The Government seemed altogether to for-
get the maxim of Adam Smith—i, That excessive
taxation was nothing more than artificial sterility."
He himself was so convinced of the truth of that
opinion, that be could, with the power of taxation,
convert the lands of Touraine, or the most fertile in
Europe, into a barren and unproductive waste. &vit•
zerland was brought as an example to prove that
agriculture may be distressed where there was no
taxation; but that country laboured under a cause
equally powerful—large mortgages and heavy money
payments. The laws there not being that of primo-
geniture, but of gavellind, few farmers held more
than 30 acres. He was convinced that few Swiss
peasants suffered a deprivation of their family com-
forts from low prices or over-production. As he had
shewn that the reduction of taxation was the remedy
necessary to be applied to correct the general evil, be
would admit particular cases might require more de-
tailed investigation. He was also of opinion that the
change in the circulation materially affected the goes-
don. Feeling that all the plans arising from the Re-
port of the Agricultural Committee were a mockery
and an illusion, he would cordially support that ef-
fective one which called for a reduction of taxation.
Sir ROBERT WILSON said that he had carefully
abstained from expressing any opinion on the ques-
tion since its introduction to the House, though many
of the statements he had heard were quite irrecon-
cileable.- He had avoided doing so from an anxiety
not to excite alarm or opposition. As he had trusted
that the Gentlemen more immediately connected with
the question would see that partial measures could
not afford them any consolation, but that they should
look for relief to a reasonable reduction of taxation,
he could not any longer continue silent, when he
heard propositions made for the purpose of advanc-
ing the price of corn, and raising the price of food,
which would have the effect of making the quartern
loaf sell at 2s. or 2s. 6d. He felt it his duty at that
time to protest against such measures. He begged
leave to assure the Hon. Member for Somersetshire
that the silence of the commercial and manufactur-
ing interests did not arise from an indifference to the
sufferings of their agricultural brethren—it proceeded
alone from sincere regret and sympathy fcr their dis:
tress. He concurred in the necessity of a modifica-
tion of the Corn Laws, but he felt that the present
time was a dangerous one for any experiments with
the food of the people ; it would create an alarm.
The people were jealous of any fresh innovation on
their rights and liberties. He had seen too much of
this. He had been the victim of innovation himself
—(Hear, hear)—and he trusted the Government
would avoid it at that moment—(Hear). It was said
that all interests in this country were but as one fa-
mily—(Hear). If it were so, we had no right to
make the agricultural one the eldest brother. He
should not get a monopoly of all the good things to
the prejudice of the rights of all the others. He
would not pretend to investigate the causes of the
present distress. The Hon. Member for Portarling-
ton had said that it proceeded from abundance—he
(Sir Robert) was at a loss to understand how that
could be. In France the average harvest was one-
fifth more than in this country, and they did not see
there the farmers'becoming bankrupts or the peasants
seeking alms. Though they both may have occa-
sional causes of complaint, the farmer continced
happy and the peasant well fed, and always in pos-
session of three meals a day. They had no tear from
the tax-gatherer, or for the produce of their indus-
try being seized upon by him. The population of
France was 30 millions, the taxation was 34 millions,
including the Sinking Fund. The people of England
were about 17 millions, and the taxation was 64 mil-
lions, including tithes and poor rates. In one coun-
try the taxes were £1 a head, in the other nearly four.
He was convinced that eight or nine millions could
be saved to the country by an economical arrange-
, ment for the Colonies, the Sinking Fond, and gene-
ral establishment; and at the same time preserve the
faith of the country with the public creditor (Hear).
He was ;lad to find that the plan for lending money
; on corn in warehouse was • abandoned. He had but
, one opinion, that a great reduction of taxation should
immediately take place—(Hear, hear).—The Hon.
Member for Essex (Mr. Western) was not more anxious
than he was to see the agricultural distress alleviated
—he would.cheerfully support his share in contribut-
ing to that relief—(Hear). And he trusted that their
interests would be ever identified with those of ell
t other classes of the people--(Hear, hear).

pear to
price of corn in former pelts..., was quoted, it
be borne in mind that a hundred shillings in those
days did not contain a greater quantity of grains of
pure silver thai forty shillings of die present day.
she removal of i taxation alone would give relief.
.Idr. WESTERN rose to make a few comments on
the motion of his Hon. Friend, to which he gave his 'I
decided and heart approbation. He offered himself
not only with a Tit* to support the necessity of a re-
duction of taxation, bvt to suggest the repeal of that
Act by which the pressure of the distress was increased
in a great ratio. He contended that they should look
to that measure as the main cause of the singular and
unexampled depression which not only affected the
agricultural interest, but pervaded all other classes
of society—(Hear!)—Until they had fully grappled
with that question—the new standard 'of value as
fixed in 1819, it was useless to discuss all subordi-
nate questions--:(Hear).—They would merely waste
the time of the House and divert the attention of the
Legislature and of the country from the main points
which were worthy of their consideration—(Near.)
It was useless to talk of the price at which regula-
tions would be, made, entil they established the value
of the currency. It was the price of money which
they should 'seek to determine. Until that was done,
they were but stumbling in the dark by fixing im-
portation and exportation rates—(Hear). The in-
dustry of the country could not bear the accumula-
tion of distress arising from that Bill. Certainly, its'
supporters had not contemplated that distress, but at
present it equally affected all classes. On that ground
be could fairly rest the proposition of his Honourable
Friend (Mr. Wyvill) to which he gave his decided and
unqualified support. It was ridiculous to talk of the
price of corn at Dantzic ; was not the average of 455.
at which it was given, estimated in the depreciated
currency of this kingdom ? The price in that market
did not depend on the cost of the production of
grain, but it assumed that of the British mar ket.-
1-le considered that such calculations did not afford
any evidence to be relied on. What a fallacy was it
not now to argue from the priceof the last 25 years?
He considered that they should come to a direct un-
derstanding of the difference between the money
price, and the actual or labour price of corn. He
ventured to maintain this proposition, that the higher
the money price cf corn was, the lighter the weight
of taxation which the country would have to bear.
As the weight of taxation was lightened, the real
price of labour was reduced : it had the same effect
as that of repealing taxes. He thought that he was
not wrong in stating that view to the House, which,
he trusted, it would take into consideration. It could
not now be the advantage of the landed interest to
enhance the necessaries of life, and impose upon
them high prices, solely for the purpose of procuring
means to pay an excessive taxation,entaileduporithem
by the late protracted war. It was his real belief
that it was morally impossible for the House to take
the subject into consideration, without establishing a
metallic standard of value. He regretted that they
had ever adopted the measure of 1819. He was per-
suaded that the Bill of 1819, though it had the sanc-
tion of the highest authorities, was the most calami-
tous measure that had ever been adopted by that
House. He had some observations to make respect-
ing the object of the plans now considered to he be-
fore the House. He would not enter into an exami-
nation of the various plans submitted to them to re-1
gulate the importation of corn; he would only make
one or two remarks with respect to the general ob-
ject of them, it being to controul the importation of
foreign corn. He would say unequivocally, that he
did not wish to prevent the introduction of foreign
corn, when its importation might be considered ab-
solutely necessary ; and he was of opinion that the
question of its necessity might be determined by the
average quantities used during the last twenty-five,
years. But he contended that such introduction'
ought to be so regulated as not to threaten the over-
whelming of the British farmer, whenever such im-
portations should be permitted. On one point he
was at issue with many of- his Honourable Friends :
he maintained that it would be dangerous and impo-
litic to rely on foreign countries, to any extent, for
the supplies of corn: He objected to the principle,
that it would be beneficial to import corn in return
for our exported manufactures. Arguing on political
grounds, he declared that he would never give his
counsel to any such system: To his mind, on ob-
vious and distinct political grounds, it appeared that
it would be most unwise to rely on foreign countries,
which might become our enemies, for any large sup-
plies of corn. To adopt such a system would be far
more dangerous than any of the difficulties with
which the country had now to contend. Ile had
been led into more extended observations than he at
first contemplated ; and, in conclusion, he begged to
repeat, that the difficulties under which agriculture
laboured mainly resulted from the Act of 1819, and
that the consideration of the Resolutions presented toi
the House was a waste of time.

Mr. Secretary PEEL said he did not rise with the
view of replying to the Honourable Member, who
had last addressed the Muse, on the subject of the
Bill which he had been instructed to introduce to the
House. He merely rose to observe that he abstained
from making any such remarks, because this was not
the proper time for discussing that important ques-
tion, and because he had understood that the Honour-
able Member intended to make the Act of 1819 the
subject of a distinct motion. Was he correct in still
considering that it was the Honourable Member's in-
tention to make that Act the subject (f a particular
motion?—[Mr. WESTERN replied, " Certainly."]—
As he was correct in such understanding, lie was
more strongly persuaded of the impropriety of dis-
cussing that measure on the present occaiion. It wits
a question of such immene importance, that it was
most desirable that all opinions respecting it du:hid
be reserved for that period when its distinct consi•
deraion was to be brought forward. While he ex-
,xessed these reasons for not replying to what had
, said by the.Honourable Member for Essex, he
could not help at the same time expressing the Hope
that so important a question should not tie mixecifty
with other questions of a decidedly different. charac-
ter. Whateiiir might be the character of "the Act.

;-»-~

i-

, That had been suggested' as met e.
measure, would have a decided ten-
. seriously to unsettle all contract-- whe-
substituted a standard founded on the price
whether they adopted the scheme of the
Member for Essex (Mr. Western), re.
contracts since the war. These sugges.
tericied to prove the importance of the mum;
and he therefore repeated, that he hoped the discos.
sion on the subject woold be postponed till it was
regularly before the House (Hear, heer).--Ne would
adhere to .his determinUtiou not to be drawn into an
irregular discussion; but he could not avoid remark..
ing, that if, indeed, the effect of the Act had been to
increase the taxation forty per cent. as there svas,Mt.
withstanding, an increasing revenue, the fact gate
him an idea of the resources of the country that brk
had not before possessed—( Hear, hear).
Mr. WILLIAMS (the Barrister, and the new Mem.
ber for Lincoln) called upon the House to pa,,,e irt
the pursuit of measures which it was acknowledged
could be productive of no immediate practical relin4
and to consider what was the language of the Peoz
tious under which the table of the House groaned.-...
That language certainly was not that they te.iuizeti
some distant remedy. They did not ask semi
remote prospect of relief for future generations after
the present was swept away ; but, from what he had
heard, it undeviatingly was—that they required irn.
mediate relief, or they died—(Haar, hear).—Wka,
then, signified it to the pre: ent sufferers at what time
the Bill introduced by the Right Hon. Gentltmaa
apposite came into operation ? Now that the Nr,ble
Mat quis opposite bad withdrawn his proposition,
there temained none which had an immediate rune-
dial tendency or aspect. What, then, remained for
them to do but to listen to the plain, home-bred, re-
commendation of the Petitioners ? That was their
duty, and he hoped was their inclination. Now as
to what that language was, he had never heareloffercd
more than one or two propositions. These were, either
a reformation of the House of Common,, or a reduc-
tion of taxation. On tlie.first of these, alter the last
decision of the House, he should say nothing. Bat
pregnant as thesPetithns were with that subject, he
regretted that he had not had an opportunity of
adding to the minority on that motion. On the .sub-
ject of 4 remission of taxation, was there any man
to say that that would not have the effect of relieving
the distress? He cared not about the quantity to be
remitted, arguing that every motion of such a ten-
dency was better than one which had none. The
removal of any tax, however trifling, did something.
—The proposals upon which the House had lately
been discussing, would have no operation hwt (. mis-
lead the public, and withdraw from the suffer er that
which they did possess—manly fortitude !—( Hear).
If the House could devise no means of relief, let them
have the manliness to state it. But was it to he said,
that if the House set seriously about it, ho !eliet could
be given ? Ministers only began to think of :he
means when the House began to oblige them to do
so. When Gentlemen who had the honour or the
misfortune to have constituents were warned try the
loudness of their complaints, Ministers began to learn
how to reduce the expenditure. The coiorrie, had
been mentioned, and he thought they wouli do well
to consider whether it would not he right that ail co-
lonies that were not of paramount importance were
withheld. It had been said that they e ere receding
from the favour and affection of the Pe, ple of Eng-
land. He knew no way of recovering it better that
by shewing an anxiety to follow their suggestions to
relieve them from the uistress com.equeirt upon an
abundant, exorbitant, grinding taxation. He thought
the motion would make a good beginning to that re-
form, and as such he should vote for it—(Hear, hear).
(This was the Learned Gentleman's 44 maiden" speech
in the House of Commons).
Mr. PHILLIPS observed, that he could not sup-
port the recommendation that had been given, that
they should return to a depreciated currency. They
had wisely returned to a metallic currency, and he
thought it would be highly injurious to the general
interests of the community to change it—(Hecr).—
He denied that it would be better to adopt a corn
standard—Dlr. ATTWOOD observed, that such a state-
ment was not an accurate construction of what he
had said]. He would not then dwell further on this
point. ‘Vith respect to the difficulties of the coun-
try, he observed, that the poor-rates had increased
enormously ; that the operation of the taxes was more
severe, particularly on those commodities that were
useful to the farmer, and that the only relief to the
farmer (excepting some improvement of the Corn
Laws) wold be a reduction of taxation. He therefore
acceded to the motion.

Sir ISAAC COFFIN observed, that an Honourable
Member had stated that the French peasantry were
better led than those of England. He had travell2d
through France, but he had seen nothing that would
warrant such an assertion ; on the contrat y, he was
satisfied "that an Englishman eat four times a., much
at a meal than a Frenchman !"—He had travelled
through Europe, and he declaled that the Net,iiity
and Gentry—in fact, all classes, were better lea tl
England, than were the like classes in any part of the
world l—(Laughter).
Mr. K. DOUGLAS said, that he had not the least
hesitation in giving his decided opposition to the
amendment.

Mr. CURWEN said, he should support the amend-
ment, because he was convinced of the necessity of a
large reduction of taxation. He considered that the
Resolutions were useless, for he saw no hope of any
relief being granted to the country ; but he trusted
that the House, before it was too late, would see the
necessity of averting the ruin that threatened the
country. It something were not done, he thought the
period was not very distant when the fundhehic,
would be called on to bear his part of the burdens,
and difficulties that now distressed the country.
Mr. D. BROWNE opposed the motion.
Mr. BEAUMONT objected to the motion that the
Speaker do leave the Chair, because he did not tirk
that any of the Resolutions could, by any possibility,
afford relief to the country. Even if the plans would
do no harm, they were inefficacious if they were 11,1
calculated to produce positive good, for they would
delude the country into the belief that relief way
'be expected from them.
Mr. N. CALVERT complained of the delay that
had already taken place : two days had elapsed, Aga
'nothltsg.had been done..
hti."'WXVILL said, after all that had passed, it
would be improper in hint not to press his modal.

I .11G
be glad to le
1"11.,.: late war, hac
at this mottle
Continent.
1.: ' one penny t
'l' was ten per 1
was twopen
0 ‘ii:li dearer than i
difference in
f; i =One of the
The overage
years prate
nw
of fill years i
iiiiiiiiiiii,
i

I
Be wettM IA ain quoins. •MG OVIOMY said he wiltigorigteeer I the propositions )
179 g, no Stive. , , _
and inhniat sinsinnltet, thenature of the
roar tided rations of the in
i had at ' should the hi the
. lotions of the A 'at Cbirittlittee,
_thmcy. most stria
wised be productive of Noe. armithan od. Ire% ther they substitt
ilia be a le, to_ n 'their rents,
it a,l,,antages mit eniirperiod__a land.hadgsported all hey for the sake of getting ' elf ci►rn, or whet
the ready money of this coun• ; 'but it did not •p- Honourable Mei
asiderid to Ml* bear that of our
? The ijuestion was one of ess y pe!ir to have done her any good. When the excessift spitting all coati
___ as. rhatinairisti laitwo@n both price acorn in former pea iods was quoted, it should tions tended to pi