Star.
London, England, 1813-03-02 00:00:00

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.'ire tit be enaiiiikittid%* :6416114.0091400-
:ahem the Legiiilativeiki!e-fficie be'cilled on to
giant concession ;bit hi was don4iiteed that it might
be e.ffectually vented ; and the excellence of the se-
nility he would allow to be a tett of the beneficial
character of any proposed measure. To place any
class of men, unnecessarily, in a state of disability
and disqualification, was a gfeat evil. The evil in-
creased as the period.of that disability and disquali-
ficatien increased, and as the individuals who were
the objects of it were thereby rendered still less
available to the service of the State. It was for

those, therefore, who opposed Catholic emancipa-
tion, to shew that the evils whieh would be attendant

ttp.‘n it *dad he greater than those attendant on the
existing st ith if things.— How could they be so e
Wll.it evil kid resulted from the admission of other

Dissentei s intu the pale of the Constitution ? They
enjoyed almost all the blessings of that Constitution :
they were permitted to sit in -Parliament ; they were
placed nearly on a level with the orthodox P testant.
If no evils had resulted from this partial to ration, i
the Anti-Catholics were bound to dernons e the
existence, In the professors of the Catholic reli ion,
of qualities which would render it dangerous to &rant
them equal advantages—qualities not exclusively
spiritual, but diffused over their general character,
and rendering them turbulent and bad subjects.—
In endeavouring to ascertain the existence of these
mischievous qualities, the House had on the one
hand the decrees of certain ancient Catholic councils,
the ordination oath of the Catholics, &c. On the

other hand, they had the declarations of all the
learned Catholic Universities. For his part, he did
not conceive, as far as the question under discussion
was concerned, that Parliament had any thing to do
With the Catholic do-Ctrines. An inquiry into the
nature of these doctrines might be very learned, it
might be very amusing, it Might be very theological,
it might be very philosophical ; but he did not see
hew it could be political. The duty of the House
was to inquire, not what was the doctrine of the Ca.
tholics, but what was the part they were likely to act i
Their probable conduct was the flt subject of consi-
deration, and not their doctrine, any farther than as
it might be likely to influence theii conduct. No-
thing would betray greater ignorance of the world
than to judge of the prhable conduct of any set of
men in a State by the arguments of doctors and the
canons of councils. These ought not to be weighed,
to the pedantic exclusion of that living commentary
by whith alone they could be justly estimated. At
all times, and under all circumstances ought this
maxim to be attended to; but in the present in-
stance the text was altogether secondary to the
notes. If the Catholics were not so just, so wise,
so virtuous, so pious, so enlightened as the pro.
fessors of the true religion—neither were they so
foolish, so absurd, so wicked, so impious, so super-
stitious, as intolerance would represent them to be.—
What reason had the Legislature to suppose that the
Catholics of birth and education (and to them the
measure of emancipation would chiefly apply) would
be foolish and wicked enough to with to overturn the
existing order of things in the empire? What overt
acts had they committed to render such a suspicion
just ? What hid been the treasons and murders by
which the Catholics had forfeited their cl iim to pri-
vileges enjoyed by other dissenters from the e.ta-
blished church ? Unless some overt act could be
shewn, it was idle to talk of declarations and decrees,
the spirit of which had long ceased to animate the
Catholic Body. But even if the spirit did continue,
what additional means and what increased dispo-
sition would concession be calculated to give the Ca-
tholics to direct it hostilely against the Protestant
interest ? In the course of the discussions on this
subject, the Catholics had been too often spoken
of as if they were wholly powerless —as if
they were Helots, or Paraguay Indians—as if they
were now for the first time endeavouring to ob-
tain a portion of political strength. What the Le-
gislature had to consider was, not whether the Catho-
lics should be allowed to remain powerless and dis-
contented, but whether something should be added
to their power in order to diminish their discontents i
What were the existing discontents ? What was the
additional power required ? The discontents were
great, general, growing, and incapable of diminution
but by concession. The power required to be granted
was small, and little extensive. It was to qualify a
few Roman Catholics to become Members of that and
the other House of Parliament, to become Admirals
and Generals, and ( what justice and impartiality de-
manded) to become Sheriffs and Justices. It was also
indirectly to lead in a few years perhaps, to the acquisi-
sition of still greater political power. Perhaps it might
lead to constitute a Catholic one of the Ministers of
State. But against all this must be set the decrease of
Catholic feeling which concession would occasion.—
The Honourable Gentleman concluded by saying,
that fur ten years in which he had the how& of a seat
in that House, he had felt it his duty to advoCate this
most important question ' • and if the House, redeem-
ing the pledge which it had given in the last Parlia-
ment, should now adoptauch measures as were re-
quired by justice, and enforced by sound policy, lie
should rejoice in having borne his testimony in favour
of that political wisdom ; but if, contrary to his hope
and wishes, the motion should be tejected, he should
at least have the consolation of knowing that he was
acquitted before his country of having contributed to
perpetuate a state of things, so pregnant with misfor-
tune td his country.—(General cheers.)
Mr. SHAPLIN CAREW said, that from every
view he had been enabled to take of the subject, and
from any experience which a residence in his native
country might have afforded him, he was most de-
cidedly of opinion, that there was no one question so
much calculated to strengthen the resources of Great
Britain, and to raise Ireland to that rank in the scale
of the Empire to which her natural advantages en-
titled her. It would not be for our interest, that
when every energy should be exerted in resistance to
the attacks of the common enemy, the right arm of the
Empire shoUltibe paralyzed by the incapacities under
which the majority of the population of Ireland suffer-
ed. (Jive them but a free participation in the privileges
of out; glorious Constitution—give them but a com-
mon- cause, and a common interest to defend, and, in
the hour of danger, Ireland will not be then a vnl-
nerable point. The hearts and the hands of Irishmen
never had been, nor ever would be, backward in the
defence of oui rights. The violent language of the
Catholic Meetings had been urged- as an objection to