Star.
London, England, 1830-09-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS.

Cuaowicmc.—We are assured by a Gentleman who is acquainted
the sentiments of some of the leading Belgians, that they really
~Itemplate nothing more than the separation of Belgium from Hol-
,nd. The Belgians conceive the Bing to have made a very improper

l‘e of the unlimited power he has over the resources of the nation'
lucre is no accountability, and his Majesty is supposed to have made
Ile most of his accounting only to himself. Some of the more honour-
tble Belgians are not a little indignant, too, after what has happened be-
een the Prince of Orange and the Princess respecting her jewels, that
he should have been put prominently forward at present.

CHRONICLE.—We learn from a source on which we can fully rely,
What though the reception of the late special Minister from the King of
:he French was exceedingly hearty on the part of King William, it
was exceedingly cool on the part of the Ministers. It is, we may say,
no longer a matter of doubt that the Duke of Wellington and Lord
Stuart de Ftothsay, the Ambassador at Paris, were taken by surprise by
the Ordonnances, and the English Ministers arc not deemed by those in
die secret a Paris to have been in any way accessary to the violent
course on which Charles entered. They 'could not, of course, have
failed to see, from the course the vessel of the State was taking, that
something violent was contemplated. But more is attributed to the
late King George the Fourth. We have heard, and on authority on
which we can rely, strange things of his proceeding.. We cannot
further allude to them than by observing that we firmly believe that
if he had been now alive, it would have been no easy matter to have
prevented war.

TIMEII—The address from the members of the States-General, at
Brussels, explains, so as not to be at all misunderstood, the full extent
of the separation demanded by the Flemish people. This is expressed
to be " a complete separation between the southern and northern pro-
vinces—writhout any other point of contact than the reigning dynasty."
Such language is sufficiently explicit. The parallels found for such an
.irrangement, by the Editor of a Brussels newspaper, are Sweden and
Norway—Russia and Poland—Austria and Hungary. The Editor
might hive added England and Ireland, or England and Scotland before
the union of theserespectivecrowns. Must we remark that the tie of a com-
mon sovereign was found by the experience of the British empire too feeble
to bind together its three grand divisions ? Every man of the least saga.
city having foreseen that, constructed on its former principles, the
federal state would ere long dissolve itself, the identity being but ficti-
tious, the distraction real. The example of Norway and Sweden is an
unsafe one, the alliance between them being yet so recent. Those of
Austria with Hungary, and Russia with Poland, are scarcely applicable,
seeing that both sovereigns being all but absolute,—one will, and one
mandate, rule their respective realms. It is the distinction of provinces
which in arbitrary governments must be considered nominal, and the in.
corporation real, so far as policy and power are concerned. Feeling that it
would lie beyond our province to discuss for the people of Holland and
the Netherlands the practicability of their remaining under one Prince,
with distinct and independent legislatures, we are nevertheless bound to
state undisguisedly, that as the kingdom of the Netherlands itself was
made by the treaty of London in 1814, to which treaty four great Eu-
ropean powers were parties, and as the " complete union" of the two
countries was the very foundation and indeed essence of that treaty,
there are other parties, besides the King and the Flemings, to that
compact, who may be visited by some aarm, on learning that instead
of " a complete union," complete separation is henceforth to characterise
the relations of Holland and the Netherlands.

POST.—Prince Talleyrand, we learn from the French Papers, is ap.
pointed by the new French Government Ambassador Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of his Britannic Majesty. In
this appointment there is a singular and conspicuous propriety. The
representative and therepresented are in all respects worthy of each other.
Who, indeed, could so judiciously have been chosen to act in the nameand
in the behalf of an authority, itself the express creation and the ready
slave of brute force, as one who is distinguished above every other pub.
lic man in Europe for the steady determination and the unvaried felicity
which in all vicissitudes and emergencies have constantly kept
him on the strongest side ? It was a crime, we recollect, in
Charles the Tenth to bestow his favour and bis confidence
upon De Bourmont ; it will be considered meritorious, we sup.
pose, in King Philip to confer a distinguished mark of honour
and esteem "on Talleyrand. To tall this inconsistent would perhaps
be rash, although to us it appears so; but this perhaps may arise from
the circumstance that we are not revolutionists, and therefore cannot
Comprehend the mysterious principles upon which a nation in the revolu-
tionary state awards its censure or applause. Great Britain has, how.
ever, no right to complain of this appointment. It is a due return for
the promptitude with which the French Revolutionary Government has
been acknowledged, and manifests the determination of the new Court
of France not to interfere in the internal policy, or seek to gain
influence among any of the domestic parties of this country. The
mission of Monsieur Talleyrand ought properly to be viewed
as an effective and friendly antidote, administered by France
herself, to the progress of a French interest with any one of our
political parties, since we think we may be sure that neither Tory,
Whig, Liberal, nor Radical in England, will permit mole however
brilliant, cunning however refined, or address however polished, to ob.
taro over them an ascendancy which they have been accustomed only to
yield to the national and manly virtues of sense, spirit, and integrity.'
This mission of Prince Talleyrand to the Court of St. James's is an in-
considerable event in the march of revolution—one of the " fantastic
tricks," which, as we are told by a high authority, " men dressed in a
little brief authority" are prone to exhibit. The revolutionists of the
good and peaceable city of Hamburgh have been playing, we perceive,
some tricks equally fantastic, although of a nature wholly dissimilar. The
progress of Liberalism,tbe triumph of revolutionary enterprises elsowhese,
the successful assertion of the sovereignty of the people, have led the
populace of Hamburgh to seek distinction in the good cause, by assail.
ing and maltreating all the Jews who were to be found in that active
and money-getting seat of commerce. Yet our Liberals affect to een.
sure this manifestation of popular sovereignty at Hamburgh—why, we
confess we cannot conjecture. For if the sovereignty of the people be
so very good a thing at Paris, where it is displayed in the destruction
of machinery, in the forcible interruption of industry, and the suspen-
sion of all useful and honourable enterprise, in the ruin of property,
the prostration of hope, the deprivation even of bread to thousands of
innocent and meritorious persons, why in the name of reason should it
be deemed a bad thing at Hamburgh, where it has only exercised itself
in barbarous outrage against a few unfortunate Jews ?

HZIALD.—A dinner was given at York, In honour of the Honour.
able E. PZTRE, the Lord Mayor of that city, and High Sheriff of
the county. As a mere convivial meeting, however respectably at.
tended, we should not thus have particularly alluded to it ; but it
receives no ordinary degree of political interest from a speech de-
livered by Lord Milton on the occasion of the health of the Duke
of Wellington being proposed. That speech conveys the explicit
and unreserved opinion of this distinguished Nobleman on the con-
duct and policy of the Premier. His Lordship has not drawn a
V, Ty flattering picture--nor will those " fawning parasites " to whom
Mr. Brougham alluded, acknowledge the accuracy of the por-
trait. But his Grace will, no doubt, be consoled for the severe
strictures of this ungracious commentator on his political achieve.
:rents,—by the complimentary effusions which await him at
'tie approaching symposium of the Manchester Rail-toad Cont.
1 any, who, by their luxurious entertainment, will furnish him
with new proof of the increasing prosperity of the country, to be used
In answer to the petitions of the distressed agriculturists and manu.
tecturers in the ensuing Session of Parliament. Lord Stilton separated
the military from the political character of his Grace—and with good
reason. In the former capacity he was one of the most successful Ge.
neesis that ever led the English armies to victory. In the latter he has
been one of the most unsuccessful Statesmen that ever took the helm of
our civil affairs. In his military capacity he had obtained fame enough
to satisfy the ambition of any man. In his civil career he has tarnished
the brightness of his laurels, and lost his reputation for that united energy,
foresight, and wisdom which led to his triumphs in the field. AB
0 energy we must, however, qualify what we say. He displayed
tt,at quality in his persecutions of the Press, and his prompt
and contemptuous dismissal of Mr. Huskisson (once so admired
y his Manchester friends) from the Council of the Sovereign. And for
shat did he so dismiss the Statesman whose political alliance he sought
-is an inestimable acquisition to his Cabinet ? Not for any imputed
rrors of policy—not for any dangerous attachment to theories injurious
o the solid interests of British trade and manufactures; but on account
't a hasty letter trespassing upon Ministerial etiquette, and in some de.
'ree off!nsive to his personal dignity. But did be display any of this
..iergetic quality in the vindication of the national dignity and honour
!4heri Russia, after solemn assurances to the contrary, blockaded the
pudardlea ? Did he show any of the wisdom of the Statesman in al.
the Turkish Empire to be overthrown, and our Eastern posses-
s,ons to be thus uncovered to the future aggression of the colossal
power and inordinate ambition of Muscovy? Did be act with
the inoniptitude of a British Statesman in protecting the honour
°I the British flag from the gross and repasted insults of the usurper
of the throne of Portugal, whose defrauded niece had been received at
the Court of our Sovereign as the rightful Queen of that country ? It

is true that now, after his latest and most flagrant outrages, Don Miguel fare the growing dangers of anarchy, which, In several di Weiss roe"'
has been compelled to disgorge the plunder of British subjects, anti to itself under the most hideous forms, and which, if it be not prevented,
promise reparation for the wrong ;—but we can easily account for this or reprnsed by the means which the fundamental law places at the dia.
by knowing that a King at present wields the sceptre of Great Britain pawl of the Government, joined to those furnished by the zeal of the
who had been the companion and patron of Nelson, and had always been citizens, will strike irreparable blows at individual welfare and the na-
sensitively alive to every thing touching the honour of that flag under tional prosperity. Let the good citizens every where separate their cause
which our naval heroes won and mantained, against all rival nations, the from that of the agitators, and let theirgenerous Worts for the reestablish.
supremacy of the saes. There was energy, indeed, in the attack upon mentor the public tranquillity in those places where it is still menaced, at
the fugitives from the tyranny of Don Miguel in the waters of Terceira, lan put a period to evils so great, so that every trace of them may be
but perhaps even his Grace's most devoted friends would not now effaced. The present shall be generally published and posted up, and
wish to obtain for that affair a prominent place in the history of inserted in the official jotting].
the " Wellington Administration ^ Then, as to our domestic " Done at the Hague the sth of September, of the year 1830, and
policy, well might Lord Milton draw a contrast between the the 17th of our reign.
promises made in the Speech from the Throne, at the opening (By the King) " WILLIAM.
of the last Session, and the acts performed. What became ".1. G. DR MEY DE STREEFBERK."
of the pledges respecting the reforms in the administration of justice !
What of the promised retrenchment and economy ? Was the sanguinary
Forgery Bill, which causes the forger of a one-pound promissory note
to perish on the same scaffold with him who has deliberately imbued his
hands in the blood of kis fellow man, a specimen of the promised im.
provement of our criminal jurisprudence? Was the Beer Bill. for the
encouragement of universal tippling, a proof of regard for the morals of
the people, only next in importance to the establishment of an un-
English gentionnarie under the name of a preventive police! No
doubt, in what he did, and in what he omitted to do, the Duke of
Wellington was actuated with the best intentions in the world ; but in
the same proportion that we exonerate him from base intentions must
we impeach his capacity as a statesman.

Rower!, &LP?. 5 —Half the departments in France are in a state
of excitement—in a perfect fever. I have told you over and over again,
although you, no doubt, thought I had only drawn the dark side of the
picture, that the Revolution which has taken place, has taken place in
Paris, and the provinces have not been consulted upon the occasion. I
tell you again that the greatest discontent prevails. It is not my busi.
Iness to give opinions, but it is my duty to state facts ; from these you
may draw this conclusion, that oil is not over, neither in France, nor
.
in other parts of the Continent of Europe. Every man possessed of
the smallest portion of sense must wish what you so well express in the
Morninglieratd, but, unfortunately, wishes are not reslities. Were they
I so, this town would feel particularly thankful for your kind feelings.—
At the hour I am writing the whole of the National Guard are
marching under my window to quell a disturbance of the most se-
rious nature. The workmen of the manufactories of Bapaume, Hor-
nets!, and other districts, have arrived at the entrance of the town.
They demand an increase of wages, a reduction in the price of
bread, • diminution of the hours of labour, and the non-use of
machinery. I have just returned from the place where the operatives
(4,000 or 5,000) were assembled. The National Guard have experienced
the greatest difficulty in dispersing them. Several of the former have
been severely wounded with stones and other missiles ; one person was
stabbed with a knife. Hitherto the National Guard have judiciously
refrained from firing, but this forbearance cannot last. On Tuesday, it
is expected, these misguided people will assemble in ereater numbers
and great apprehensions are entertained that they wal set fire to the
' manufactories out of town. The number of Guards does not exceed
seven or eight thousand men—the 38th Regiment of Infantry has st
arrived—but the enraged populace exceed forty thousand. The
National Guards are worn out with fatigue; many to whom I have
spoken have been on duty forty-eight hours. They are determined
should the people throw stones at them on Monday, to make use of
their arms. The whole town, as you may suppose, is in the great-
est agitation. As a precautionary measure, a part of the bridge of
boats which connects the town with the populous and manufacturing
district of Saint Sever, has been removed : the mob, most to be feared,
will therefore be divided into two parties. The stone bridge is well
guarded. Another cause of uneasiness, is the state of Paris. The
printers having determined that mechanical presses should not be
used, and the compositors being unwilling to work, several Patio
papers have not reached us to.day. Two thirds of the manufacturers
here are supplied with machinery moved my steam-engines: the
operatives have already intimated their intention to destroy them :
should such a resolution be carried into effect, half the town would
be ruined. The people of Paris, they who effected the revolution of
July, have been justly extolled t but the populace of the provinces
is of a totally different character; and if they obtain the upper band,
most dreadful scenes must ensue.
Three o'clock Sunday afternoon.—The drums ere beating to arms,
and the National Guard are marching in every direction ; it is not, how.
ever, anticipated that a conflict will take place until Tuesday. In
order to show you that the Press is not to be depended upon, the paper
published hers merely says :—" Some meetings of workmen took place
yesterday ; a few of them were arrested, and tranquillity was restored."
No mention is made of the wounded National Guard, of the formidable
and determined appearance of the working-peolple, nor of the agitatated
state of the town. If another revolution takes place, there will be a
civil war between those who possess something, and those who have
nothing to lose. Business is in an absolute state of stagnation, and
the Paris post of to-day brings an awful list of bankruptcies : se-
veral hundred bills drawn from this town on Paris have beta returned
protested.
The following extracts from letters addressed to one of the first houses
here have been communicated to me; you will see that the flame is
spreading with fearful rapidity :
µ META, SEPT. 3.—1 am afraid we shall soon witness the effects of
the revolution. Could things have terminated in the departments in
three days, as they did in Paris, all would have been well; but this is
unfortunately not the case. The military here have set a dreadful ex-
ample of insubordination; the result of the principles now
recognised—the sovereignty of theecepseosarlp e. With such principles, at
least, as they are understood in the provinces, the soldiers may, if they
think proper, choose or dismiss their officer.. Only let what has hap.
pened here spread through the land, and instead of demoaatical anarchy,
we shall become the slaves of military despotism. The regiment of
dragoons quartered in this town were disutisfied with their officers, andl
in a state of mutiny they have compelled those who commanded them
to leave the town. The Bth regiment of artillery have followed the
example; 150 men marched in arms to the residence of their Colonel,
iwhont they fortunately did not find at home I they carried away the
colours and the military chest. The 2d regiment of cavalry have acted
in a similar manner at Pont a Mousson Befort and Sarreguemines."
Memos, SEPT. I..—We are in an extremely agitated state, and I
fear before many days elapse blood will be spilt. The greatest hatred
exists between the Protestants and Catholics ; the former are the Li-
berals, and belong to the present order of things ; the latter are Ultras,
and demand Henry V. or a Republic. I hear from the very best autho-
rity that a Contatissaire estraordinaire is to be sent immediately into
this department, and others are to leave Paris for the provinces ; this
ought to have taken place three weeks ago ; if they do not soon arrive
they will be too late to quell the disturbances.

"Awns., SEPT. 3.—Lest night a serious disturbance took place,
and we are dreadfully alarmed lest it should recommence. The labour.
ing classes have had several meetings; they exclaim that they also must
derive some advantage from the revolution. Hitherto none but the fol-
lowers of Napoleon, or the friends of the Deputies, have profited by the
change. Bread must be sold at two sous a pound instead of five sous,
at which price it is now sold. In accordance with this democratic notion,
they proceeded to the houses of the bakers, mealnien, and cornfactors,
vociferating, A bas la Magaziniers.' They broke the windows of
I several houses, and destroyed a great quantity of furniture. Several far-
I men, who were returning to their homes, were pelted by the mob, and
a number of persons were severely wounded. The National Guard had
much difficulty in driving the rioters away. The congregation are the
instigators, and supply money to those who are at the licul of these
tumultuous meetings. They intend to assemble in greater numbers In
a few days—these men come principally from the Faubourg de Hem.
The nobility, and there are manylherc, in great dread, and already an.
ticipate a second emigration."
Rewrite, Sept. 2.—We had entertained hopes that all woe settled—
it may be so, for aught we know in Paris, but this department is in the
most dreadful state of agitation. Public confidence is destroyed. We
blame not the Government of the King ; yet they show not the energy
necessary at such a juncture. It Is the people whom we fear. The
Sovereignty of the people is a terrific word in the provinces ; the prin.
ciple may be just and necessary in Paris; the population is enlightened,
but in our province liberty is mistaken far licentiousness, and equality
means that the poor must share with the rich. lam afraid that my
next letters will give you an account of dreadful riots in the departments
of La Somme and Du Gard, where tumultuous meetings have already
taken place."

BonDtaux, Sept. 1.--It is with sorrow we inform you that affairs
have assumed a serious aspect. The canaille are injuring our excellent
cause. A vast number repaired on Friday last to the chateau of M.
de (lombaut, 31arFehal de Camp at Beyte. Be had been previously in.
formed of their intention, and had left his house. His portrait, regi-
mentals, and some furniture, were burnt by the mob. His crime was
that of belonging to the Noblerte. The same miscreants then pro.
ceeded to Telenet, where Count hlaxime de Puyaegur resides. This
nobleman was also absent ; his life would probably have been sa-
aitleed.

Sorssows, Aug. 30.—There was a riot here to-day ; the working
classes have assembled, and are determined, they say, that the price of
bread shall be seduced. The municipal authorities, wishing to avoid a
disturbance, sent forth a proclamation, stating that the lost of 10 lbs.
shall be reduced 10 centimes (one pznny); this did not satisfy them;
they made an attack upon the National Guard, and, having succeeded in
driving them away, they proceeded to the corn warehouse, and carried
away all that it contained.
Sicoae,:flept. I.—The peasantry have a notion that bread is to be sold
for almost nothing, and that the Tholes Reunis (the Excise) is to be
suppressed; they have already destroyed the principal Bureau, and re-
fuse to pay any taxes. We are in the very centre of La Vendee, and
you know what sort of people the inhabitants of Britany are.
ST. Oracle s(Arriege) Sept. I.—This town ;is in a terrible state of
excitement. There is a law, not generally kaolin to this effect :—• If
any person sustains a loss by pular tumult—bourse, property, &e. be.
Mg destroyed, the commune (parish) shall make good the loss.'_
Some time last month a great number of individuals assembled
and proceeded to the Chateau of Count Saint Jean de Poniti, and de-
molished it, setting fire to the barns and out-houses. The Count es.
aped and took refuge in the woods ; he repaired to Part, and when
tranquillity was restored, he commenced proceedings *surest the parish
of Unto°, where his property lay. The trial took place the 20th of
August, and the law being positive, the said parish was sentenced to
pay the expensee-36,000 franca. The Protium do Rol was, in con-
sequence, assailed by the mob of this town, and narrowly esceped.
Had he been caught, he would most certainly haveended his:days on the
lantern post.

Roozx Sept. I, Taro &Clock, a.m.—The National Guard are still
bivouacked out of the piss, and are washing the rimers.