Star.
London, England, 1814-04-25 00:00:00

• • ,
*filch that pie* shall pro' nounee upoh that issue,
their ex'stQnce as a free le
0 Coo ! interpose thine eternalpdepends
wisdom, Do thou,
and lead
their minds to a correct decision I
44 I'll:. petty successes of party, the ephemeral
timphs of political disputants over
theiraciversaries,
are of ro real iMpoitance to the American
it is the rn.neral policy or system pursued by any peoplead:'
Ministration which eleirates them to national wealth
and respectability, or overwhelms them with ruin .and.
disgrace. Although, Sir, I shall feel myself compel.
present led to condemn the general policy of the - d-
ministration, this shall by no means involve an indis4
m. rim ate condemnation of all my fellow-citizens, who
have seen fit to rally under their banners. Fur we
well lino* that there are many men of integrity and
talents in both political parties, who do not choose to
#evolve within the contracted sphere of mere party
iolities ; but 'who nobly dare assert their independence
F party prejudice, With a steady and single view to
the prosperity and glory of America. And I felici.
tate my country that there are many such within
these walls. The influence of government upon a
people is well known: political writers, with great
truth, assert, that wheneyer a people are prosperous
and contented at home and respected abroad, the
government of that people must be well administer-
eds; that, on the contrary, when general discontent,
distress and wretchedness prevail among the people
of anrnation, with degradation in the eyes of foreign
nations, the administration of such a country must
be feeble, cbrriipt, or wicked. In the one case, it is
like our own majestic -rivers, confined within the
limits fixed by the GOD, of nature, whose gentle cur-
rents flow through immense regions, spreading ferti-
lity and abundance among the people, and expanding
as they flow to an ocean of wealth and prosperity.—
The other is like the same rivers, swolu by torrents,
bursting their natural barriers, and deluging the
country with misery and desolation. The one, in
fine, is like the glorious,sun himself In the mildness
of his majesty, animating all nature and dispensing
health and wealth to favoured clitn;ites : the other is
like-hisrtortid heats and blasts, sca!tering pestilence,
disease and death through devoted lands. Upon
such principles and facts as these, I should be per-
fectly willing to bring to kconcise issue before the
American people, the important question, for a long
time litigated, relative to the merit or demerit of the
respective political. systems which have been tried in
this country. If, Sir, under Washington, this people
advanced with a more rapid progress than any nation
under Heaven to national respectability and happi-
ness ; and if the same people, under the administra-
tions of Jefferton and Madison, have been deprived
by than of most of their nationatblessings, and arc
rapidly.declining from their proud elevation into mi-
sery and discontent ; can they, for a moment; hesi-
tate to which to give the preference ? can they not
instantly decide which is their bane, which the anti-
dote ? To the intelligence of the American people
the decision is with confidence submitted.
u Sir, the American people can havie no prefer-
ence, no partiality, no attachment for one Set of men
Or alders. over another, except as the one may be
snore- useful to them than the other, by their virtues,
'their talents, or their integrity. And believe me, Sir,
and I call GOD to witness the truth of the declara-
tion, that I do net Make this appeal to tht judgment.
and intelligence of the American people from any
low,* sordid, partY•aiews or motives whatever. Fdr
myself I expect -nothini Theipe for nothing, from
this or any-edinViistratitart-tif my country ; except
that protection in of my life, property,
Mott-find dortiesiklit aide, which I have a right
tnexpeet in eottimiiit7.with my fellow-cirizens ; and
to see -itteictlate the Sepulchres of. ones fathers. For
there are shies. ifillre'affirirs of Men when the post df
honour is indeed 'a private-station; and I infinitely
prefernirfinitible habiteitron 'in the wilds of Maine,
to-any- post of honour or profitie-the pintideof admi-
nidtritioa id!besiveses, Yet, infinfielj more dear
to-rneirmy,humble•de-ielling there; than would be
splandieltmitety 13f yeti Ptak*: I have remarked,
Sit, that Iscrensidee -thepttkhs3trar of the admini-
strationvas the- rieceisitylestiktlif that system of
minuittresi if Cy be soled, in relation to
our own country and to foreign nations, which has
beers so tong int sooisstinitely persevered.in by Mr.
`Jefferson andl'Mri Madison. Tins- system was first
propedeirbride:4etfersori, when Secretary of State,
intistittidrioas and celebrated report to Congress in
1794 rieff:the privileges and restrictions of our con.
merce in foreign ports. Upon which report were
predimitodaht tqtially celebrated resolutions pro*.
ect by dd?. Madison, then a representative from Vir-
ginia toraisgatss, iioanuaty, 1794. In the debates
upeir these resolutions, Mr. Madison and the other
advocates thereof contended, as we are informed by
the'dittinguished historian of that period, Chief Jus-
tice Marshal, 4 That the propositions submitted by
these resolutions were the strodgett weapon America
possessed,and.would, more piobaby than any other;
restore her to all her-political and corinnercial
They further urged them ofikhe ground of justice to
France, by whom it was mild our ships and produce:
were- more favourably recerrvetithan by Great Britain,
or iirthe language of the day.' .the primary motive
of these resolutions, as acknowledged by their defen-
ders, was not the increase of agetteltnre, manufac-
tures and navigation, but to hitivbfr ('pleat Britain and
build itplfrancs; (Add ;.`the sante inOtive has most
.preposterously actuated those defenders to this day).
And that it Great Britain should • retaliate, the.
effects of a corMerefal conflict ' would be felt by her
muchmor'serisibly.ahari by the United 'States?...
Thus-Were thickly sown *the tares of that system cid]
commercial wailaim-whielrhave sihire sprung up anal
ripened into non.ittipOtutions, non-interoune, enVi
h titian. and Well might the political writers*
/ Great Britain %consider this sySteM
.0, tear in: dliguiii)
might'thei viker it as a systeinntCderciog, act"
ing u pose thi distresses and discontents .4)1 their m
nufacturers, laboutera, and mechanics.'' But what is"
indeed mosesiontrising in the progror cif blights"
is, thitl3reitl3iiiiiiin was disposed to, and actually
did consider itq though aimed principilly agaihst her,.
• as merely:a crmercial ,testrietion orlanumciptal !et
which ' Po

ACRI ISETTS,
ARMS 8111.3.

t reluctance that
imperious sense.,
rciAlly at this
militant displays •
vhich, with pie:v:l
cssed from both
contest they ap
,nal fmily ; and
animates thead*
.brity to mit ni
terican has an
e etnulatton,
roportion of th 4
those gentlem..4
stinguished therfii
vocate Land that
ve at lean equally
y deseritli.seccess:
:haractenl and of
d it, I should cici
) my own feelings,

nt objects, I bring
log, dispirited,
your contentious
persuade myself
on, or form a putt
I extend my view
st, from the tails-
)); the hostile squaw.
turn my attention.
hold it, for a long,
distressed and Ago,
an exasperated fatly,
r• in The possession•
for power to call
pen those rash Ind
country into this ,
my soul; come tot .
eir assetitbly
• •••': •
s' the object of ttiv.
lors' rights are ,w'
rest of Canida the.
the bold and gene.*
lave been unfortis..- •
.rvice, would wish
ipense of bloodandr-
lives-of thousands,' •
Believe me, the
re Well—their gene-. . •
a a man in dish.: •
ully share the ins)
the hum anii r .gyht,
the case of one via
abed towards *sr
fire at Portwatotth
ges, obt;erviug, that•
from his accruing
Ist lie coaquecedal-•
What is there for
iongrel French front'
that country for the
merly been a depot-
lions , will not thank
low towards the ex-
it for the liberty you .
le severely taxed—at
n equality -with Arne.
ver intended' to coo.. .
would havelautst,bmt,
ap the gulf and river
teed at the avails of _
d have believed thent, •
,ecn to eater boldly at
tow, like thieves and
the house by the
celess inhabitants.—lf
awards any individual
in, nay, in the world‘
, I could wish hint MO' _
liged to go and take-

- ~n

111

. 1

shall have accountel
.or the numerous lives
for the immense trea=
dered in. this hopeless,
!cies of supply tor its
I. It is then the sacred
If the People, to refuse
ow under consideration,
ty be requested for the
tilt leave Canada, and
gentlemen into this de.
te:ample justice to, the
f importance connected
sic your attention.
istration declared the
roclaimed to the world,
consider its •justifying
C. were opposed to this,
• war, published to the
causes. The iAne relied
impressment, and the
Britain. The other inn-
, and intrigue of the im-
erhaps a combination <4
amitous result; though
never would have beta

rof this subject, to whith -
House, and of d%e Amw,
us war as the neccssarf
at policy and system of
)y the present and immei
ration, under Mr. Jetts,
I, Sir, I consider this war,
embargo and your isms.
ich indeed grew oat of it,
issue before the tribuna&
:he great question, for a
reen the rival parties its
,tness or incorrectness of
measures. It is, indeed, •
ration ; involving the ado •
neat, the existence of out 00'
happiness or misery of ea
SI, upon the 04g1101110

',al

r

r' hall not dtvell upon the violent opposition to the
adminietretion of Washington, whereby this change
ruse etei ; nor upon the means by which the
stipire iipetwei in America passed into either hands.
It may ode, heirever, be improper to remark, that it
eould-he no. ordinary oppositions which could wring
from the breast of Washington these words, as recor-
did by the Historian above named : For the result
(of certain calumnies against him and his measures)
as it respects myself, I care not. I have a consolation
within of which no earthly efforts can deprive me ;
and that is, that neither ambitious or interested mo-
tives have influenced my conduct. The arrows of
malevolence, therefore, however barbed and pointed,
can never reach my most valuable part ; though
whilst I am up as a mark they will be continually
aimed at me.' They were indeed continually aimed
at thee, departed excellence ! and With the more un-
erring aim, as these base assassins of reputation were
concealed from public view, some too elevated, others
too low for ordinary vision, and thus in secret pointed
their envenomed shafts at the unsuspecting hero and
father of his country ! Yet these very men now affect,
with a very ill grace indeed, to look up to Washing.;
ton as their model ! Nay some of them even condo
tended to shed crocodile tears over his remains ! As
soon as Mr. Jefferson had attained the highest politi-
cal eleiation in this country, which he had sought
with so much ardour and perseverance, and a fair op-
portunity offered, this system of commercial warfare,
this most potent weapon, (as its defenders called it)
which America possessed, was let off against this una
happy country. I shall not here particularly enume-
rate those oppressive acts of commercial restriction,
which, in rapid succession, like the plagues of Egypt,
were hurled against this devoted people. Passing by.
the interdiction of commerce, at the instance of
France, with a part of Hispaniola, the system CCM.
rimmed with the Mon-impostation Act of 18(16—Em-
bargo of 1807—War in 1812, and, without naming
various intervening acts, Embargo again in 1813.
I will, Sir, for a moment ask your attention to the
effects of this system—first on forei.,;n nations, then
on our owe. Premising that there was indeed a won-
derful coincidence of time, object, intention, and
effect between this American Continental system and
that of Bonaparte. And there cauent be the least
doubt but that he considered sante of our acts, from
his language and declarations, 3s .rdopting his Conti-
nental system. Widely differ+ were the effects
this system upon Great Britaire and Fran Ce.
Britain, against whom it was almost exclusively in-
tended a,,d directed, considered it as a mere commer-
cial regulation ; s hick indeed bore hard upon some
of her subjects, but it almost cleared the ocean ^ f the
only commercial competitor which, she had to encoun-
ter. And she saw aud welt knew that it must re-act
with tenfold severity en our own country. In France,
on the corarary—Franee which was to be burl up by
this system—calamitoUs and humiliating we-a its
effects. The consequence there was, as Mr. Monroe,.
Secreeiry of State, correctly observed in his letter of+
instructions to Mr. Barlow, then our Minister at Pa-
ris, that—' the .rdinary usages of commerce between
friendly nations were akandonee That under the
Bayonne Deere: (17th March, 1808) they seized
American vessels and cargoes, pretending, that as,
under the Embargo, no American vessel could navi-
gate the ocean, all who were found upon it tvere trad-
ing on British account and were lame' prise.' But
the tact,' as Mr. Monroe adds, was ral-e+rwise.'
6 The Itamtemillet Decree, (23d Marc;i, ;010) was,
"(as the Secretary says) a still more t-justifiable ag-
gression upon the rights of the United States, and in-
vasion of the property of their citizens ; ,it made a
sweep,of all Amir.can property within the'reach of
Frenchpower. It was also retrospective, extending
back to the 20th of May, 1809. The law of the Ist
of Mar; h, 1809, (which raised the Embargo and sub-
stituted what was) commonly called the. t4on-inter-
course Law, was the pretext of this Men-tire, which
was intended as an act of reprisal.' Permit me here
to remark that the principal decrees Of France, and
Orders in Council of Great Britain, were reciprocally
intended to retaliate the insults and injuries supposed
by them respectively to have,been received ; and net
originally aimed at neutral commerce. Was it, for
this cause, wise or prudent in our Government to be-
Come a party in that war which had for a long time
destructively raged in Europe, without at least A
'certainty of greater positive good to this people, by
tear, thah by negotiation ? The capture of several
"raf your armies, the great loss of men by. pestilence
and the sword, the impoverishment of your country,
and its citizens, the investment of your sea coast, and
the actual occupation of a part of your territory, and
thedesolation of your northern frontier by your enemy,
have taught you a severe and important lesson upon
this subject.
Ffermit me further to remark, that the rash, im-
prudent; not to say unconstitutional act of an Ame-
rican Congress (I do not malt in relation to the de-
'aeration of war), led directly to that disastrous event;
I mean, Sir, by conferring upon your President a
power which could only be exercised by
,the Oree
branches of the Legislature (inclusive of the Execu-
tive), by vesting him with the arbitrary, the danger-
ous powet, of enforcing or repealing one of your laws
at his pleAsure. Sir, what right had these three
wanches to delegate to one of them a power, which
the people had entrusted to the whole ? By the same
principle they might delegate it to either of the three
branches ; or to any individual in this country ; nay,
to Bonaparte himself.. I allude to the force given,'
by the Aft of March, 1809, to a Proclamation of your
President ; and which, as was to have been expected,
ass afterwards so notoriously abused: whereby he
was to enforce the provisions nt your Non-intercourse
law against one of the Belligerents, if the other by a
certain time repealed or modified her edicts. Which
power was even enlarged by the Act of the 2d of
March, 1811, whereby the Proclamation of the Presi-
dent was made the only evidence of the fact, upon
which it ought to issue—whether, as in the first case,
tint fact had happened or not. It was, indeed, to be
absolute verity, not to be averred against in law or
equity. That man, ambitious of power, who in this
or any other country possetses'thiii, need not lament
Sit, I swould

gulaikin.
_ usoce,,,_ it professed to 'build the want of any odic:. It is a power, t
up, in seine instances, coneideeed it achostile to the entrust to no one being, under Omnipotence. Mil
right, et her lUglicts anet-Ardignity of hJr empire. tl?e abuse of it is some evidence of the folly of con;..
“Pike to!** {fie cfltittelLeiolutions of-Ivlr. Msdi-- ferting it. There is, indeed, much plain truth in the
sod,:ilieiiiiigliiiii,integnity,and firraness of Washitiv. old,a6ge—that in a multitude of counsellors there is
(on shielded oar country against their perniclont ,t- '
safety. Such power ought to be entrusted to no in-•
fets, But different indeed was the Cass, when oilier isidual, whether Emperor, King, Preadent.
ilea iliviikt*ipaidottiiiisiteU in outionntry. .4.1 Will now, Sir, read, if not for the. information
-10 ...,:ti e•s" e" . •":-vr7 1