Star.
London, England, 1815-05-26 00:00:00

were ceded ceded to France. This was quite as bad on the
part of the Emperor of Austria, as any thing which
Bonaparte had done. The Tieety of Chaumont ex-
pressly declared, that the peace and liberty of Europe
was to be under the protection of the Great Allied
Powers: ' and yet immediately after the Treaty of
Paris, those Powers began by destroying Genoa, in-
corporating Saxony with Prussia, and violently sepa-
rating Norway from Denmark and uniting it to Swe-
den, as a compensetion for the Province of Finland,
which the Emperor Als..xander wished to keep. He
thought that it could not he doubted, but that the
teal object of the present war was to restore the Bour-
bons—( No, no; from the Ministerial benches).—If not,
why consult Louis about what force he could assist
the coalition with ? If he was admitted as a member
of the alliance, how would it be possible afterwards I
to desert him ? Thinking highly of the abilities of
Bonaparte, but net at all respecting his character, he
still thought that the circumstances he was now placed
in might effectually prevent him from prosecuting
those ambitious views to which he might otherwise
have inclined. We had often entered into Treaties
with Sovereigns whose personal character for bad
faith was notorious. He considered that we might,
at least, try whether peace could not be made with
Bonaparte. He was afraid that the invasion of France
would unite the whole population in his favour, and
al hough he did not cons!Jer France formidable as an
attacking Power, yet she might turn out very formi-
dable in her resistance against attack and invasion.
Nations do not like to be dictated to with regard to
their Government by foreign nations. It was said
that the Bourbons were liked by a great portion of
the Fiend). It so, why could they not retain one foot
of nano ? It was urged that every account from the
French papers :hewed the falsehood of Bonaparte,
and that he could not at all be relied on. But if
wwspapers were a proof of the falsehood of a go-
vernment, what could be said of the government of
the Bourbons ? With what falsehoods were the Paris
papers stuffed from Bonaparte's landing to his arrival
in Paris ? The Right Hun. Gentleman concluded a
long speech by strongly supporting the'Amendment.
Mr. PLUNKETT thought that the House was
now, for the first time, called town to give an opi-
nion of the policy of peace or war, tinder the present
circumstances of the country and of Europe. This
was a question of the utmost importance, at all times,
and under all circumstances. It was important as it
involved the fate of many human beings, who must
be sacrificed in war : it was still more important, as
it involved the fite of this country, and the other na-
tions of Europe. He was ready to admit that, to
which ever side we turned, we were encountered by
dangers a and that we were so surrounded with evils,
that nothing was left but a choice of evils'. He should
consider that man as precipitate in his judgment, and
a very rash counsellor, who would pretend, at pre-
=too foretell either the duration or the issue of this
war. He would have as little confidence in the judg-
ment of any person, who would say that lie considered
that a peace negociated with Bonaparte would afford
sufficient security to this country. (Hear, hear, from
tie liliniderial Benches.) He shoula have been well
comented to give a silent vote on the present occa-
sion, if be had not found himself under the necesssity
of drAring from those friends whom he so highly re-
spected, with whom he had so long acted, and_ with
whom he hoped long to act. Differing, however, so
materially from them upon this question, he felt it
necessary fur his own justification, to explain to the
• house the grounds of his difference. In rising to
answer the arguments of his Right Hon. Friend
(Mr. Ponsonby), he felt some consolation in being
protected by.the paramount ability of another Right
Hon. Friend who sat near him, (Mr. Grattan.) It
appeared to him that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr.
Ponsonby) was completely mistaken, when lie con-
ceived that the House was now called upon to give
its sanction to all .the stipulations of the treaty nego-
tiated at the Congress of Vienna. The House was
not cellM upon for any such opinion. He could see
no absurdity or impropriety in calling upon the
House to sanction one part of a treaty, without
calling for their opinion on all the points of it. Even
if he were to admit the force of all the objections which
had been made to other parts of the arrangements
made at the Congress at Vienna, he should still be
most clecideirri of opinion on the question now before
tile House, that we ought, in coajunction with ohr
1: to prosecute the wee against Bonaparte, (hear.)
ale really wished to bear the sincere opinion of the
Right Honourable Gentleman and his friends, as to
avlett conduct the country ought to pursue under the
present circumstances ? NVould airy man say that
we ought to make peace with Bonaparte, and war
with our allies ? or would they say that we should
altogether desert our allies? It had been said that
we ought to negotiate with B.maparte in coricerewith
our allies. If it were then admitted that we ought
to negotiate in concert with our allies, it must also be
allowed, that if those negotiations were not success-
ful, we must go to war with France in concert with
those allies. How then was it possible to separate
the cause of this country from that of the allies, even
upon the supposition of trying negociation instead of
war ? He did not believe that any of those who re-
commended negotiations with Bonaparte would deny
that those megoci.itions might be unsuccessful; and if
they were carried on in concert with our allies, we
could no more desert thein in war than in the nego-
cietion. He was really at a loss to perceive how the
argument on the present occasion could be at all
helped, by finding faults in the conduct of allies upon
former occasions. The faithlessness of those powers
(if they had been faithless) did not apply to the pre-
sent question. It it was Austria and Prussia that were
preparing an attack upon this country, then we might
talk about their faithlessness on former occasions.—
It was, however, from France and the faithlessness
of her goveintnent that danger to this country was
apprehended. What answer was it to this appre.
hension, to say that other Powers had been faithless
too ? Such an answer bad evidently nothing to do
with the question now before the House. As long
as France chose to submit to the government of Bo-
naparte, he could see that neither honour, or peace,
or any thing that. was desirable for this country, could
be expected by entering into a negeciatiun with him.
As to the ril;ht of interfering with the internal af-
fairs of any other Country,• he should admit, that as
long as their internal arrangements did not menace
tl.e Peace and security of other.countries, there could
be no right to interim but when the internal ar-

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