Star.
London, England, 1813-08-12 00:00:00

AMERICA

IkEMONS'rILANCE
TO THE HONOURABLE THE SENATE. AND THE ISO►
NOVRABLE THE HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES Of THE
_UNITED STATES, IN CONORESS ASSEMBLED.
The Legislaiure of Massachussets, deeply impressed with the
sufferings of their Constituents, anal excited by the apprehendon
of still greater evils, in prospect, feel impelled, by a solemn sense
of duty, to lay before the Nadonal Government their view of
the public interests, and to express with the plainness of freemen,
the sentiments of the people of this andent and extensive Com-
monwealth.
Although the prudse limits of the powers reserved to the se-
veral State Sovereignties have not been defined in the Constitu-
tion, yet we fully coincide in the correctness of the opiaton ad.
vanced by our venerable Chief Magistrate, that " our Co:litho.
dons ensure to mike freedom affix:nth, and that at this momentous
period it is our right and duty to enquire into the grounds and
origin of the present war, to reflect on the state of public affsiray
and to expre.s our sentiments concerning them with decency
and frankness, and to endeavour, as far as our influence extends,
to promote, by temperate and Constitutional means, au honour-
able reconciliation.

If then such are the rights and duties of the people, surely
those who at this solemn crisis are selected by them, and who
are specially honoured with their confidence, may vesture re-
spectfully, but frankly, to express the sentiments and feelings of
those whom they have the hour to represent.
The States, as well as the individusts composing ti ern, are
parties to the national compact, and it is their peculiar duty, es-
pecially in times of peril, to watch over the rights, and guard the
privileges solemnly guaranteed by that instrument. Certainly
'then this expression, from the Legislature of the free and inde-
pendent Commonwealth of Massacf:usetts, wi:l not be diaregtr-
ded by the present Congress of the United States. For although
'the numerous petitions ind remonstrances of the-people of the
State in relation to such measures as they deemed dangerous to
their rights and ruinous to their interests, have heretofore hasten
received in a manner little calculated to produce that harmony,
and cement that union which ought to be the permanent aim of
the General Government,yet we cannot but indulge the hope, that
new councils and a more conciliatory spirit will distinguish the se-
veral branches of the present Nat ionall.egislature-that they wi Urn-
deavour,by the exercise of Justice and impartiality, to allay she
apprehensions and restore the confidence of the Eastern stud coin.
mercial States—to remove their avual sufferings, and to replace
them in the happy and prosperous condition from which they
have been driven by a succession of measures hostile to the
rights of commerce, and destructive to the peace of the nation.
It is not to be expected that a hardy and industrious people,
instructed in the nature of their rights, and tenacious of their ex-
ercise, whose enterprise was a source of individual wealth and
I national prosperity. should find themselves obli:ed to aliandon
their accustomed employments, and relinquish the means of sub-
sicence without complaint ; or that a moral and-Christian peo.
pie should contribute their aid in the prosecution of an offensive
war, without the fullest evidence of Its justice and necessity.
The United States, from the form of their government, from
the principles of their history they have made, from the maxims
transmitted to them by patriots and sages, whose loss they can
never sufficiently deplore, as well as from a regard to the hest
and dearest interests, ought to be the last nation to engage in a
war of ambition or conquest.
The recent establishment of their Institutions, the pacific,
moral, and industrious character of their citizens, the ce-rtainty
that time and prudent application of their resources woe d have
ineuced a wise and provident, and Impartial and tem terate Ad-
niinrsfration to overlook, if it had limn neeessary, any temporary
evils, which either the ambition, the interest, cupidity, or :he in-
justice o! foreign powers might occasionally, and without any deep
and lasting injury, have inflicted.
With these maxims and these views we cannot discern any
thing, in the policy of foreign nations, towards as, which, in
point of expediency, required the sacrifice of sn many and so
certain blessings, as might have been our portion, for such dread.
dui and inevitable evils, as all wars, especially in a Republic,
entail upon the people.
p. But when we review the alleged causes of the war against
Great Britain, and more particularly the pretence for its confine.
ance after the principal one was removed, we are constrained to
say, that it fills the minds of the people of this Commonwealth
' with infinite anxiety and alarm. We cannot but recollect, what.
ever the pretences of the Emperor of FR A mat may have been—
pretences which have uniformly preceded and accompanied the
most violent acts of injustice, that he was the sole author of a
system calculated and intended to break down nee tat commerce,
with a view to destroy the opulence, and cripple the power of a
rival, whose best interest and whose real policy were to uphold
that commerce so essential to her own prosperity.
It is not fur us to decide whether the enemy of France did, or
did not, adopt the most natural alulefficacious means of repelling
her Injustice. It Is sufficient that we are persuaded the United
States might, by a firm and dignified, yet pacific resistance to the
French Decrees, have prevented the recurrence of any retaliatory
measures on the part of Great Britain—measures not intended to
injure us, but to operate on the author of this unjust and ini-
quitous system. And, however honourable men may differ, aa
to the justice of the British retaliatory Orders in Council, we do
not hesitate to say, that France merited from our Government a
much higher tone of remonstrance and a more decided oppo.
shims.

In reviewing the avowed causes of the present war, we welted,
if it were possible, pass over a series of transactions, Imperfectly
explained, and calculated to excite our alarm and regret, at
hasty manner, in which it was declared. But the history of the
intended repeal of V e French Decrees, which, if our Government
was sincere, we are bound to believe was the immediate cause of
the war, is so well attested, and has been so often discussed, and
is, besides, so important in this inqui y, that mere niotives of
delicacy canna: induce us to pass over without notice.
If war could be justified, against Great Britain exclusively,
must have been on the ground assumed by our Government, that
the French Decrees were actually repealed on the Ist November,
1810. The indiscriminate plunder and destruction of our eons•
merce—the capture of our ships by the cruisers of trance, and
condemnation by her Courts, and by the Emperor in person—his
repeated and solemn declaration, that those Decrees were still in
force, and constituted the fundamental laws of his empire, at a
period lung subsequent to the pretended repeal, seem% d to furidsh
an answer sufficiently conclusive ro this question ; and we cannot
but lament that evidence so satisfactory to the rest of the nation,
should have had so little weight with that Congress, whose tel to
of service has lately expired.
But this important question Is now definitively answered, and
the American people have learned, with astonishment, the &pits
of their degradation. The Fr-inch Emperor, as if, for the per•
feet and absolute humiliation of our Government, and for the
annunciation to the world, that he held us in u:ter contempt, re-
served till May, 18Iu, the official declaration of the fact, that
these Decrees were not repealed until April, i tit t ; and then, not
in consequence of h!s sense of ►heir injustice. but because we
had complied with the condition he hail prescribed, In the letter
of the Duke of Cadore, In causing " our rights to be respected,"
by a resistance to the British Orden; and he has tince added,
that this decree of repeal was communicated to our Minister at
Paris, as well as ro his own at Wash num, to be made known
to otir Cabinet. As the previous pledge of Great Britain give
the fullest assurance that she would repeal her Orders, us soon as
the Decrees on ♦vldeh they were founded should cease to WM;

rallallinteralswelarmeleggvrii
bt subseruent conduct leaves no doubt that she would have

'len faithful to her promise, we can never too much deplore the
pe glect ro make known this repeal, whether it be attributable to
use French Government or our own.
if to the former belong the guilt of this 'duplicity and false-
hood, every motive of interest, and every incitement of duty call
oudly upon our Administration, to proclaim this disgraterttl
tupohition to the American people ; not only, as it would serve
to develope the true character and policy of France, to acquit
our ni.,•0l officers of a suppression too serious to be overlooked or
forgiven.
But whatever may be the true state of this mysterious trans-
action, the premptness with which Great Britain hastened to
repeal her Orders, before the declaration of war by the United

States was known to her, and the restoration of an Immense
amount of property, then within her power, can leave but little
doubt, that the war, on our part, was premature, and still less,
that the perseve rence in it, after that repeal was known, was
impeeper, impolitic, and unjust.
It was imptopse—because it manifested, in this instance, a dis-
trust in the gond faith and disposition to peace, of a nation, from
which we had just received a signal proof of both.
It was impolitic—hecause it gave countenance to the charge, of
* subservience to the views of France, and of an ulterior design
of co opetating with her in the profligate and enormous project
of subjugating the rest of Europe.
It was unjust—because, the evidence afforded by the prompt
repeal of the Orders in Council, ou Ist to have satisfied us that
Great Britain was sincerely disposed to maintain and preserve
pacific relations with the United States; and all wars ate unjust,
the objects of which can be attained by negotiation.
It Wel unjust—because the whole history of our diplomatic
Intercourse with Great Britain shows, that we never induced
her to believe, that we considered the impressment of her own
seamen on board our merchant ships as a reasonable ground of
war; and we had never induced her to believe, that we consi-
deredthe impressment of her own seamen on board our mer-
chant ships, as a reasonable ground of war; and we had never
offered her the alterna'ive of war, or a relinquishment of this
practice.
Is tug: unjust—because the pretensions and claims, on the one
side and the other, although attended with difficulties, were not
irreeoncileable. Great Britain did not claim the right to impress
one nstive seamen ; she disavowed the practice in all cases when
the fact was made known to her; she restored, on legal evi-
dence; and she recently offered to return all who were of that
description, of whom a list should he furnished by our Govern-
ment ; and that she hpd many years before made such offers of
fair and amicable arrangement of this whole subject, as to two
distinguished Members of our present Cabinet, appeared " both
honourable and advantageous."
It war unjust—because we had not previously taken all the
reasonable steps on our part to remove her complaints of the
seduction and employment of her seamen. This is made man:-
, fest by the conduct of the same Congress which declared the
war, they having admitted thepropriety of obviating those corn.
plaints by an Act passed subsequent to the commencement of
hostilities.
No state in the Union can have a greater interest, or feel a
stronger desire to protect commerce, and maiistaio the legiti-
mate rights of seamen, than this Commonwealth. Owners of
one-third of all the navigation, and probably furnishing nearly
one half of all the native Seamen of the United States, we are
best. • enabled to appreciate the extent of their sufferings ; Reel
must also be. presumed to sympathise with them more sincerely,
than the citizens of States, destitute of commerce, and whose
sons are not engaged in its prosecution, unless it he admitted
that the sufferers,their parents, relatives, and friends, are
less interested in heir welfare and protection, than those who
are united to them, only, by the feeble ties of political con-
nexion.
With all the means of information, furnished by every mo-
tive of duty, and every inducement of interest, we are con.
strained to say, that this evil of impressment has been grossly
exaggerated; that we have reason to believe, an honest and fair
proposal, as honestly and fairly executed to exclude the reinjects
of Great Britain from our service, would have much more effec-'
tually relieved our own seamen, and more essentially advanced
their Interest than a retort to war; that the trus luterint of the
United States ceincile svi>a the policy adopted by all other
countries, and env we should be more independent, our seamen
would be better protected, and our country eventually more
prosperous, by renouncing altogether the pretension of screening,
and employing British seamen.
The doctrine of natural allegiance is ton well founded, has
been too long established, and is too Consonant with .he perma-
nent interest, the pine end independence of all nations, to be
disturbed, fur the purpose of substituting in its place, certain
visionary notions, to which the French Revolution gave birth,
and which, though long since exploded there, seem still to have
an unhappy influence in our country.
Having then found the avowed causes of the war, and especially
the motives for a perseverance in it, so wholly inadequate, to
justify the adoption of that policy, we have hen obliged to resort
to miter, and more concealed motives. We cannot, however,
without the most conclusive evidence, believe, although the
measures and language of some high public functionaries indicate
the fact, that ambition, and not justice, a lust of conquest, and
not a defence of endangered rights, are among the real causes of
perseverance in our present hostilities.
Must we then add another example to the catalogue of Repub-
lics, which have been ruined by a spirit of foreign conquests ?
Have we no regard to the solemn professions we have so often
repeated; none to the example, none to the precepts of Wash- ,
ington ? Is it possible, either to acquire, or to maintain, eaten-
s:ve foreign conquests without powerful standing armies ? And
did such armies ever long permit the people, who were so im-
prudent as to rise and maintain them, to enjoy their liberties ?
Instances of military oppression have already occurred among
us; and a w-tchful people, jealous of their rights, must have ob-
served some attempts to controul their elections, and to prostrate
the civil before the military authority. If the language of some
then high in office—if the establishment of a chain of military
posts in the iiverior of our country—if the extensive preparations
which are made in quarters, where invasion cannot he feared,
and the total abandonmen: and neglect of that part of our emery,
where alone it can be apprehended, have excited our anxiety and
alarm, as to the real projects of oar Rulers, these emotions have
not been diminished by the recent invasion, seizure, and occupa-
tion of the territory of a peaceable and unoffending neighbour.
If war must have been the portion of these United States; If
they were destined ldy Providence to march the downward road
to slavery, through foreign conquest and military usurpation,
your Remonstrant; regret, that sash a moment, and such an oc-
• cation should have lic•:n chosen for the experiment; that while
the oppres.ed nation, of Europe are making a magnanimous and
glorious effort against the common enemy of free States, we
alone, the slescendants of the Pilgrims, sworn foes to civil and
religious slavery, should voluntarily co-operate with the oppres-
sor, to bind other nations in his dining; thA while diverting the
forces of one of his enemies from the mighty conflict, we should
endanger the defenceless territories of another, in whose ports
the flag of our independence was first permitted to wave, now
struggling for existence beneath his iron grasp.
Permit the Legislature of this Commonwealth, whose citizens
have been ever zealous in the cause of freedom, and who contri-
buted their utmost efforts for the adoption of that Constitution,
under which, in former times, we enjoyed so much prosperity,
most respectfully, but earnestly, to entreat and conjure the Cc n-
stituted Authorities of the nation, by the regard due to our liber-
ties, to our union, to our civil compact, already infringed, to
pause before it be he too late. Let the sober, considerate, and
honourable Representative: of our sister States, in which di&
Conncils prevail, ask themselves—
Were not the territories of the United States sufficiently ex-
tensive, befure the annexation of Louisiana, the projected re-
duction of Canada, and seizure of West Florida?
Had we not millions upon millions of acres of uncultivated
wilderness, scarcely explored by civilized man ?
Could these acquisitiens be I ell as conquered provinces, with-
out powerful standing armies ? and would they not, like other
infant solonies, serve as perpetual- drains of the blood and treog
sure of these United States ? Or is it seriously intended to adopt
the dangerous project of Panning them into new States, and ad-
mitting them into the Union, without the express consent of
every member of the original confederacy ? Would not such a
measure have a direct tendency to destroy the obligations of that
compact, by which alone our union is maintained ?
Already have we witnessed the formation and admission of
one State beyond the territorial limits of the United States, and
this too Iu opposition to the wishes and efforts, as as well as in

violatios of the rithWend interests of smile of the parties to that
tompatt, and the determination to continue that practice, and
thereby to extend our republic to regions hitherto unexplored or
peopled by inhabitants whose habits, language, religion and laws
are repugnant to the genius of our Government, is openly avow-
ed ? Against a practice so hostile to the rights, the intertsts,the
safe: y of this State, and so destructive to her political power, so
subversive of the spirit of the Constitution, and the very princi-
ples upon which it is founded, your Remotistrants, in the name
and behalf of the Commonwealth of Massacludetts, feel it their
duty to enter their most deliberate and solemn protest.
If an extensive, confederated Republic is to be triaintained,and
we most fervently pray that it may, it can enlrbe by a free com-
munication of the grievances felt, and the evils apprehended, by
any of its members; and by a prompt and liberal remedy. The
same spirit of concession which dictated the formation and adop-
tion of the constitution, should be kept in permanent and perpe-
tual exercise. .

The blessings of Government, its vigilance, its protection, its
rewards, z•hould be equally and impartially distributed, and its
burdens as equally and fairly imposed. No portion of the union
ought to be sacrificed to the local interest, passions or aggrandize-
meet of others. It cannot, however, be denied, that causes have
occur' ta disturb the balance, which, when adjusted, was in-
untied to form the principal security of our present compact.—
But the remedy is in the power of Congress, and we look to their
wisdom for its efficacious and speedy application.
The chief motive which influenced the Eastern States to abo-
lish the old confederation, and to surrender a great share of their
own sovereign power, as appears by the recent history of those
times, was the expectation, that their commerce would be better
protected by the national Government.
The hardy people of the North stood in no need of the aid of the
South, to protect them in their liberties. For this they could safely
rely, as they always had done, on their own valour. But it was
an important object with them, that every aid, facility, and en-
couragement should be given to that commerce upon which their
prosperity almost exclusively depended.
To ensure this great object, a very unequal proportion of pa
litical power was conceded to the Southern States. The repre-
sentatiou of slaves, was the price paid by the Northern States for
the stipulated protection and encouragement of their trade, and
for an agreement of the Southern Members of the union that the
public burdens should be apportioned according to representa-
tion. Experience, however, has proved, that although the con-
tract, on our part, has been faithfully fulfilled, both these consi-
derations have utterly failed.
indications of a spirit hostile to commerce were early visible
among some of those who now controul the destinies of our Re-
public. But the Father of his country then presided in our Coun-
cils, and this spirit was vanquished. Under the influence of the
wise, and lib' ral, and magnanimous system adopted and pursued
by his administration, commerce wag indeed cherished, extended
and protected; and the stipulations of the constitution were ful-
filled, in sincerity and good faith.
Since that period, however. the same spirit bas arisen, and has
exhibited an unrelenting severity in the exercise of its sway—
until, at length, by a series of restrictions, utterly destructive of
the calculations of the merchant—by prohibitions and double du-
ties—by embargoes and non-intercourse—and lastly, by war,
the poor remains of that commerce which once covered the
ocean with its sails, have been nearly annihilated.
Nor has the other part of the consideration been better ful-
filled.—Taxation has never, except in a single instance, and that
to one hundredth part only of the revenue raised under the Con-
stitution, been apportioned according to representation; and
with what reluctance it was then submitted to by the Southern
States, and with what tardiness it was even partially collected,
public records will determine.
Of tile two hundred and fifteen millions of dollars divided by
the United States, under the operation of the Federal Govern-
ment, Massachusetts has paid upwards of forty millions—art
amount beyond all proportion to her political weight in the union.

If therefore the revenues derived from this Commonwealth,
and paid into the National Treasury, had been preserved in her
own, she would have been fully competent to her own defence,
and would not have bren obliged to m:ieit, nor experiense the
injustice of a refusal, of the arms for which she has long since
,paid, and which were her due from the General Government.—
What good cause can be assigned for this refusal, your Remon-
strants are wholly unable to determine. No discretion is, by law,
vested in any Officer of the Government, in relation to this sub-
ject. Its provisions are simple, plain, and peremptory. Your
Remonstr. nts, therefore, cannot but express their astonishment
that the State of Massachusetts, possessing a sea-coast more ex-
tensive and populous than that of any other state in the Union,
and a defenceless frontier by land, should not be entirely aban-
doned by the Government whose duty it is to protect her, but
should also be refused the arms for her own defence to which
she is by law entitled. They cannot, however, permit them-
selves to doubt that Congress will forthwith adopt such mea-
sures as will render to this Commonwealth that justice which the
Executive Department has refused.
If the war, in which we have been rashly plunged, was under-
taken to appease the resentment, or secure the favour of France,
deep and humiliating must be our disappointment. For although
the Emperor is lavish in his professions of lova for the Ames:-
can people," applauds our ready self-devotion, and declares, that
" our commerce and our prosperity are within the scope Of bis
policy," yet no reparation has been made or offered, for many
outrages, indignities, and intuits ke has initiated on our Govern-
ment, nor for the unnumbered millions pt which he has plums
dered our citizens.

And when we consider the course of policy pursued by our
Rulers, in their external relations and commercial restricions,
front the prohibition of our trade to St. Domingo, to the declara-
tion of war against Great Britain—that the course often heeived
his opeu approbation, and was not *infrequently conformable to
the system which he himself had adopted—when we consider
also the mysterious secrecy which has veiled the correspondence
of the two Governments from our view—and, above all, when
we consider, that in many instances, the most important mea-
sures of our Government have been anticipated, in Pals, long
before they were known to the American people, we cannot
conceal our anxiety and alarm for the honour and independence
of our country. And we most fervently pray, that the sacrifices
we have already made, like the early concessions of Spain and
Portugal, of Prussia and Sweden, may not be the preludes to
new demands and new concessions ; and that we may be preser-
ved from all political connexion with the common enemy of civil
liberty.
To the constituted authorities of our country, we have now
stated our opinions, and made known our complaints—opinions,
the result of deliberate reflection, and complaints " wrung from
us by the tortures of that cruel policy" which has brought the
good people of this Commonwealth to the verge of ruin. A po-
licy which has annihilated the commerce so essential to their
prosperity—encreased their burdens, whilst it has diminished
their means of support—provided for the establishment of an
immense standing army, dangerous to their liberties, ani irre-
concileable with the genius of their constitution—destroyed
their just and constitutional weight in the general government—
and, by involving them in a disastrous war, has placed in the
power of the enemy, the controul of the fisheries; a treasure of
more value to the country than all the territories for which we
are contending, and which furnished the only means of subsist-
ence to thousands of our citizens—the great nursery of our sea-
men—and the right to which can never be abandoned by New
England.
Under such circumstances, silence towards the government
would be treachery to the people. In making this solemn repre-
sentation of our sufferings and our dangers, we have been influ-
enced only by the duty which we owe to our constituents and
our country, to our consciences, and the memory of our fathers.
Anil to the Searcher of all hearts we appeal, for the purity of our
motives, and tke sincerity of our declarations.
Far front wisWng to embarrass the Administration in any of
their negotiations for peace, we cannot but express our regret
that they should not have evinced a sincere desire for this great
object, by accepting some of the repeated overtures made by the
enemy for the suspension of hostilities.
And permit us, in conclusion, most earnestly to request, that
measures may immediately be adopted, to stay the sword of the
destroyer; and to prevent the further effusion of human blood;
that our invading armies may be forthwith recalled within our
own territories • and that every effort of our rulers may he
speedily directed to the attainment of a just and honourable peace;
that mutual confidence and commercial prosperity may be again
restored, to our distracted and suffering country ; and that by an
upright and faithful administration of our Government, in the
true spirit of the constitution, its blessings may be equally dif.
fused to every portion of the Union.
In the Horse of Representltives, June 14, 1813, read and
accepted. Sent up for

TIMOTHY PICLOW, Speaker.
In Senate, June IS, 1813, read and concurred.
JOIIN Pignuts, President.

SUltlar MUSES.

CROYDON, AUGUST.IO.

Yesterday, at three o'clock, Lord ELLENDOROUQH
and Mr. Justice HEATH opened the Commission for
holding the Assizes for this County. They were at-
tended with a numerous procession of the Gentry of
this County.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH sat on the Civil Side, and Mr..
Justice HEATH on the Criminal Side, and they went.
to Court at nine o'clock this morning. •

CIVIL SIDE.

DOE AND THE MAYOR OF LONDON 47. FENIVICK.

This was an action against the defendant, a gla.
zier, who held two houses in St.*George's Fields,
being part of the Bridge House estates, and of which
he refused to deliver up possession to the City of
London.

it was proved that the houses in question were for-
merly held by Mr. Hedger, as lessee, of the City of
London ; that the defendant afterwards, upon pe-
tition, was allowed to hold them of the City, he un-
dertaking to quit them at six months notice ; but he
afterwards refused either to quit them or pay any
rent ; in consequence of which they were compelled
to bring the present action of ejectment.
These facts being proved, the Jury found a verdict
for the plaintiff.

[UV lest, %stet •••%•11011•our ••, •••••• ..... ~.........,
not a defence of endangered rights, are a
perseverance hi our present hostilities.
Must we then add another example to
lics, which have been ruined by a spirit I
Have we no regard to the solemn profs
repeated; none to the example, none to
ington ? Is it possible, either to acquire,
s:ve foreign conquests without powerful
did such armies ever long permit the p,
prot!ent as to raise and maintain them, u
Instances of military oppression have ;
us; and a w^tchful people, jealous of the
served some attempts to eonwoul their et
the civil before the military authority.
men high in office-4f the establishment
. posts in the in'erior of our country—if th
1 which are made in quarters, where inva
, and the total abandonment and neglect of 1
where alone it can be apprehended, have
I alarm, as to the real projects of oar Rule;
not b..en diminished by the recent invasic
tion of the territory of a peaceatee and ur
If war must have been the portion of I
they were destined by Providence to mat
to slavery, through foreign conquest ar
your Remonstrants regret, that sa-li a nit
i • cation should have bc•:a chosen for the e
the oppressed nations of Europe are maki
glorious effort against the common ener,
alone, the descendants of the Pilgrims, Si
religious slavery, should voluntarily co-o;
stir, to bind other nations in his chains;
forces of one of his enemies from the migl
I endanger the defenceless territories of ar
;
i the flag of our independence was first pet
struggling for existence beneath his iron e
Permit the Legislature of this Common
have been ever zealous in the cause of fre
• buted their utmost efforts for the adoptin
ußder which, in former times, we enjoy,
most respectfully, but earnestly, to entre:
;glutted Authorities of the nation, by the ;
tics, to our union, to our civil compact
pause before it be he too late. Let the
honourable Representative: of our sister
Councils prevail, ask themselves—
;
• Were not the territories of the United
itensive, before the annexation of Louisi;
duction of Canada, and seizure of West r
Had we not millions upon millions of
wilderness, scarcely explored by civilized
Could these sicquisitians be / eld as con(
out powerful standing armies ? and woo
infant ..olonies, serve as perpeoial drains
1 sure of the-se United States ? (Jr is it eerie
I the dangerous project of forming them ire
!
i stinting item into the Union, without I
I every member of the original confederacy
? me.oure have a direct tendency to destroy
k compact, by which alone our union is ma
Already have we witnessed the forma
- . one State beyond the territorial limits of
1 ; this too in %paid= to the wishes and e
A 1;