Star.
London, England, 1822-07-11 00:00:00

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local Magistrates. The second was to ,
abuse of the Sill, by forbidding tits, renior
,person. being the subject of a country ill
this, unless it should be previously deposed
that he was engaged in a conspiracy against the
vernment of that country. This, he AMr. Scarlett
conceived, would not be inconsistent with the
fessed object of the Bill. The next clause was for
tecting that there be laid before both Houses of Par-
liament a list of the aliens sent out of the country un-
der the Act. Another was empowering aliens to call
for a communication in writing of the charges against
them upon which it was proposed to send them away.'
This was to enable aliens to avail themselves with
effect, of the right of appeal to the Privy Council.—
It would be seen that there clauses did not interfere
with the powers given by the Bill.
Mr. Secretary PEEL opposed all the clauses. The
first was unnecessary, as the local Magistrates could
not act without special authority from the Secretary
of State. No objection had ever been made to give
a return, on motion, of Op persons tent out of the
country under the Act, and the clause on that sub-
ject was also unnecessary. The appeal to the Privy
Council, he contended, was complete without the
clause on that subject. As for the clause limiting the
cases in which the Act was to be enforced, he thought
Alit-Value of the Bill depended upon its being a dis-
cretionary power in the Executive. Past misconduct
alone might be a good reason for removing an alien.
The Rouse then divided on the bringing up of the
first clause proposed.by Mr. SCARLET r : •
• "Rsr the Clause • - 1$
Against it 39
Majority —26*
The bringing up, of the other clauses was them ne-
gatived without a division.
A Message from the Lords here announced their Lordships
assent to several Bills.

CURRIENCY.
Mr. WESTERN, after alluding to the frequent
disappointments he had met with in his desire to
bring forward his motion on this subject, and to the
circumstance of several of his friends having left the
House, under the impression that he could nor bring
it en to-night, proposed that his Resolutions be read
and agreed to profortna, except the Wit, which might
be reset ved for discussion on a future evening. The
last was the only Resolution, he believed, which ad-
mitted of debate—the first one being merely matter
lof dry statement.
After a conversation which followed, between the.
Marquis of LONDoNDERRY, Mr. RICARDO, Mr. HUS-
KISSON, and Mr. WICSTIERN, it was agreed that Mr.
WESTERN should proceed, it being conceived that his
first Resolutions not only were too argumentative,
but involved also many assumed facts which were
disputable.
Mr. WESTERN then resumed. He might be
accused of obstinacy in pressing his opinions on the
attention of the House; but as ne conscientiously be-
lieved that the calamities of the country were to be
attributed to the measure he complained of, he trusted
his obstinacy would be forgiven. He denied that the
statements he had embodied in his Resolutions could
he questioned. He confidently asserted that many of
the cultivators of the soil had been brought to ruin
by the operation of our laws respecting the currency.
The great landholders had not yet felt the pinch,
necaute they were feeding on the vitals of the far-
rners. But even the landholder was drawing near to
a state of degradation in consequence of the transfer,
:sot to say the confiscation, of his property. He (Mr.
Western) admitted that the Act of 1819 had been
passed upon a sound principle, with a view to public
faith, and with the best of motives ; but its effects
had come on with a rapidity and to an extent
which could not be foreseen by its authors. Even
the troubles of Ireland were to be traced to a
want of currency, and not a want of food ; all
the statements which came from that country de-
scribed a superabundance of provisions, and com-
plained only of a want of money to purchase them.
We were sending provisions to Irela.nd, and bringing
back corn. Thus the agricultural peasantry of that
country were actually expiring from ss ant, in the
midst of plenty. The same would be the case with
England, but for her poor-rates and her capital, by
which means the poor of this country were supported
by its capital, and that.alone. He wished that land-
lords would not deal so much in liberality as of late
they had seen some do. Landlords had a right to ex-
pect all that was just and fair from their property,
towards their families and tenants; more they ought
not to exact, but even that the Bill of 1819 prevented
the possibility of their obtaining. No contracts
ought to be held binding entered into before that pe-
riod. He repelled the insinuation that the land-
owners of England were actuated by those sordid
motives that had been ascribed to them. He had
rather be the object than the author of such a report.
The fact, however, was the contrary ; for he believed
that they were now suffering from the want of a
steady and firm attention to their own interests. The
Hon. Member proceeded to read his Resolutions,
which were very numerous, offering various observa-
tions in support, and illustrations of them by the way.
So far from wishing any breach of faith with the
public creditor, he appeared there as a complainant
that faith had not been kept with the public creditor;
but that a flagrant violation had been committed—
(Hear, hear).—H: hoped, therefore, he should not be
aspersed by any such charge. He verily believed
that the Legislature, at the time of passing the Act
of 1819, was not aware of its consequences. One-
half, at least, of the original fundholders of 1797 had
been annihilated by this Act—an Act which • was
called one of retributive justice. Those who had
vested since that period their property in manufac-
tures and teal property, upon a return to cash pay-
ments found their property considerably depreciated.
He set at defiance any imputation against him, that
be desired to place the lower class of the people in a
worse situation—(Hear, hear).—But he did not hesi-
tate to say that the interests of all classes, and of
course the lower class, demanded a higher money
price for all the productions of the country. The
agricultural class he particularly spoke cf. That had
teen, and was still rapidly declining, and would drag
with it all other interests. It was not a diminution
of supply that was alone required to create high
prices. It never entered into the heads of any but
modern philosophers that superabundance could ruin
a country. He believed, however, that the extrior-
dinary industry, the spirit of enterprise, and the un-
broken spirit of this country, were capable-of restor-
ing us to peace and prosperity, were it not for this

of his Resolutions. _,e thought it, therefore,
to leave them to work their own tefutation. If in
France they were to argue as he did, that because
the monied interest now got three times as many
bushels of corn for an ounce of gold as formerly,
therefore the landholder ought to be righted, would
the Hon. Gentleman assent to that proposition
The Hon. Gentleman perceived the alterations caused
in the country by the change in the currency, but
did not know how to attribute them to their right
causes. The alterations were visible, but it was for
the Hon: Gentleman to prove that they flowed from
the Bill of 1819. He (Mr. Ricardo) believed they
proceeded from other causes, operating in this and
every other country in Europe. A country, as a
country in general, was not hurt by an alteration in
currency. It was particular classes that suffered—
(Hear, hear).—To whatever welt/ it could be shewn
the alteration in the currency increa.ed the value of
money, to that estent he would admit was taxation
increased—(Hear, hear).—But he never could con-
sent that this single cause, operating on the taxes, has
produced the present situation of the different inte-
rests of this country. It should be remembered, that
the stockholder paid a portion of the taxes, and that
it was the payers of taxes that suffered in this point
of view from the increased burthen of taxation. As
to the state of Ireland proceeding from the cause
stated by the Honourable Member, it was to him
quite unintelligible. A superabundance of corn and
a scarcity of money were things perfectly com-
patible; but the one could in no way be produced
by the other, except that the price of wages were
regulated by the price of corn. The depreciation of
the currency up to 1809 was only 21,4 per cent.—
The Honourable Gentleman wavered about from one
standard to another. in estimating the quantum of de-
preciation of loss or gain to the country. He went
from labour to corn, and then again to the precious
metals. The Hon. Gentleman, however, was bound to
stick to one or other. But he was at a loss to know
Iwhat right he had to take corn as a standard. It
never had been taken as such, and never ought. if
the Hon. lientleman thought that rents would be an-
nihilated, as he said, he ought surely to become a
supporter of his (Mr. Ricardo s) plan for paying off
the National Debt, by giving up a portion only of his
land. In that case he would, at all events, have a
certain portion of rent ; wheteas without that, ac-
cording to his own account, he would get none. He
maintained that the Hon. Gentleman charged as re.
sults upon the Bill of 1819, things which were ac-
tually the consequences of what had happened before
that period. This was not dealing fairly by the case
at all. In one of his Resolutions the Hon. Gentle-
man had made a mistake of no less than 154 mil-
lions—(Hear, hear, and 4 laugh).—He had stated 11-e
amount raised by loan from the sth of January, 1798,
to 1816, at 459 millions of money, which be con-
tended was 154 millions more than was actually
raised. The Hon. Gentleman, he believed, had mis-
taken sums to that amount paid to the Commissioners
for the Redemption of the Public Debt. There was
a mistake in the calculation of the Hon. Gentleman
to the amount of 154 millions. They had been told
of unjust gain, but the rise of Stock gave fair advan-
tages. If the advantage derived from a rise in the
market was unjust, what would they say to the French '
fundholder? In France, the Funds commenced at
50, and had risen to 90 ; would any one say that was
unjust gain? The proposition for the extension of
the currency involved the necessity of changing the
standard. They could not extend the circulation
without altering the standard. The Hon. Member
had charged Gentlemen on his side with stating, that
landlords were desirous of getting too high tents.—
The fact was, he did not say they took -high rents.
He considered rents like commodities, liable to flue
tuate, and rise in the market. He was ready to con-
tend, that superabundance was injurious to the dealer
in some articles, because it made a reduction in price.
The low value of sugar and cotton was occasioned by
superabundance. The alteration of the currency had
nothing to do with the question. In the year 1797,
a great error was committed by interfering with the
currency. Much mischief had arisen from that pe-
riod. The propositions before the House were so
pregnant with danger, that he was obliged, by a sense
of duty, to oppose them.

Lord MILTON said, the proceedings from 1797
to 1819, had been the cause of all the evils. The
public creditor lost more between 1797 and 1814,
than he had gained since 1819. Taxes had raised
the expenses of the poor. It had been said the Na-
tional Debt was a mine of wealth. He could not
allow that to be the case with respect to the nation
at large. It might be a mine of wealth to the mort-
gagee, but the nation was suffering a loss. His de-
liberate opinion was, that if ten millions of taxes had
been taken off at the commencement of this Session,
the farmers and agriculturists would have been saved
from. ruin. Taxes were the great evil, and it was
idle to suppose any benefit could accrue to the coun-
try without a reduction of taxation. The Noble Lord
took a general view of all the arguments on the sub-
ject, and contended that there was no remedy, except
giving up the Sinking Fund.' The Landed Gentle.
men had done no.hing to benefit themselves on this
important question. The Noble Lord trusted they
would come forward next year with votes instead of
promises. With the exception of the motions made,
by the Member for Winchelsea, and the Member for
York, no measure had been brought forward for the
interest of the country. The Noble Lord concluded
by declaring be could trot agree to the Resolutions of,
his Honourable Friend.
Mr. ROBINSON said, that next Session he should move a
Ot.mtuittee to fix the maximum of the National Debt.

ATT WOOD thought the Resolutions demanded the se-
rious investigation of the House.
Mr. PEEL said, that only a month ago the House had re-
jected the same motion by a great majority, and was bound in
consistency to reject it now.
Mr. Alderman IIEYGATE thought the alteration in the
currency had a great effect in causing the distress of Ireland.
Sir F. BURDETT expressed his concurrence in the last Re-
solution, the necessity of making inquiry to ascertain whether
there were any means of getting out of these difficulties.
After a short reply front Mr. WZITSAN, the Gaitery was
cleared, but the Resolutions were negatived without a division.
Adjourned it a Quarter to Fivetlis morning. . •