Star.
London, England, 1831-09-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT 07 THIS pars JOURNALS.

CititONICLE.—A most important declaration
was made,last night by Lord Althorp, in the course
of a discussion respecting the Press, to which the
presentation of a petition from William Carpenter
gave rise. His Lordship stated that if he had not
been pressed with other business, he should have
brought in a Measure for the consolidation of the
Stamp Laws; and whenever he had an opportunity,
ht. should introduce some measure of the kind.
" It was true (added his Lordship) that he had been op.
; .ofed to the introduction of the Six Acts as eagerly as any
I lonourable Menibcr, perhaps more eagerly, fur he had been
:he person who had made the substantive motion respecting
them. He then, as now. desired that the liberty of the Press
should be protected to the stmosi possible extent consistent
with the prevention of private scandal, and of false attacks
on individual character, or attempts to destroy rublic morals
(cheers). In his opinion. public mcn and public measures
ought to be freely treated (cheers). Those who entered into
public life took their situations as public men, subject to
such discussions, and they ought not to complain of attacks
of a public kind being freely made on their political con-
duct. (cheers) Ile did not take any merit to himself in
saying this, for he did not see those papers which made any
attacks on him—he did not read such attacks. They teem
not agreeable enough to induce him to do so (a laugh); but
if he did, he hoped and trusted he should have more good
humour than to mind them (hear, hear): but he felt that
public men ought not to complain of criticisms—even if
severe criticisms were passed on their conduct (hear, hear)."
This is a most important declaration from a man
of Lord Althorp's station and influence in the
country; and we hail it as the first distinct recog-
nition in this country of the right of the people to
free discussion, in the genuine sense of the word.
It is the commencement of a new era. Discussion
has, no doubt, enjoyed, fur a considerable length
of time in this country, great freedom ; but it has
been a freedom on sufferance. Truly was it ob-
served by Mr Lytton Bulwcr, " that from the free
expression of opinion all that was honest and true
was to be expected ; and on it, too, all good and
real Reform must be founded."
T I MRS.—The names of the most respectable merchants
and hankers in the city of London have been subscribed to
a requisition for a general meeting of that powerful body in
order to petition the Lords to pass the bill ; the requisition
will be presented to-morrow, and the meeting is therefore
certain. What better names can we mention than those of
Mr. John Smith and Mr. Grote ? And all the counties—
we say "all" the counties-oare in movement. Ths
Lords come from the counties, and cannot have a
conviction or an int rest different from that of those
by whom they are surrounded. The opposition to
the bill must therefore be dissipated almost by a
breath ; for what was the bole cause alleged why the bill
might be lost in the lords ? Not the imperfections of the
bill itself—not she nullity of the claims of the people to a
fair representation.-hut their indifference to that their right,
They will show whether they are indifferent to it ; they will
show whether they think themselves freemen, to whom it
belongs to choose their own representatives ; arch, having
done this loudly and bravely, they may then, but not till
then, rest secure of the result.
TIMES.—The Dutch and German papers contain far.
titer accounts of the disturbances at Stettin, caused by the
regulations adopted to guard awl= the propagation of the
cholera =rhos. The same spirit of resistance which pre-
vails throughout the whole of Prussia, also exists in those
parts of the Austrian dominions in which that dreadful ma-
lady has appeared. It does appear strange, that in a coun-
try so advanced in civilization as Germany, any consider.
able portion of the people should have adopted the opinion,
that the patients in the hospitals were put to death, in order
to stop the progress of the contagion ; but this circumstance
will cease to surprise, when it is considered, that though
much knowledge is diffused through Germany, there is one
of a most important kind—political knowledge—which is
rigorously repressed. The censorship, which exists in all the
states, and which some are uow strugglihg to get rid of,
is intended by its institutors to have a benumbing influ-
ence on the human faculties; but where it fails to stupify,
it is sure to excite irritation and suspicion. It is not unnatu-
ral, therefore, that agitated populations should infer that go-
vernments which are in constant dread of the publication of
truth, which cover all their acts with a veil of secrecy, and
which employ an expensive machinery for the sole pur-
pose of diminishing the utility which their subjects might
derive from the art of printing, may be capable of other
evil deeds, even of wishing to apply a stifling process to
the life as well as to the mind of man. Such Governments
must always be liable to suspicion, and no sophistry in
praise of the mildness with which their authority may oc-
casionally be exercised, can divest them of this law of their !
existence. In a late article of the Austrian Observer, re-
specting the justice of the application of the term
" despotic," used by some of the French papers in speak-
ing of the three great members of the Holy Alliance, the
writer quotes the sentiment of CLAUDIAN-
-.-.. Nunquain libertss gratior emu
" Quam sub rege pio:"
and follows it up by the celebrated line of Pope—" What.
e'er is best administered, is best." Without discussing
these fasourite maxims of the Nletternich school, we may
observe that they have often been misapplied. Tnr
former was constantly on the lips of our Tories during
a teign—not a very distant one—which has been well
characterised as chiefly remarkable for taking from we
liberties and adding to the burdens of the people. With
regard so the latter, we believe no people in Europe would
willingly place themselves at the mercy of their rulers. The
King of Prussia is in general described to be a well-disposed
benevolent etan, yet we find that in Prussia dreadful ex.
CChSCII have been committed, in consequence of a distrust in
the intentions of the Government. Reasonable people,
therefore, wish to have some better security tor good govern.
nivni than the personal character of Princes. This wish, we
know, Is daily gaining ground at Berlin, and notwithstand-
ing the flattering unction of the Austrian Observer, we
believe is nor entirely a stranger at Vienna.
H KRA LD.—lf the House of Lords only exists in the
Constitution to register the Bills passed by the Commons,
it cught not to presume to discuss them; but, if it have
higher functiora to perform, the more important the measure
to which the House of Commons agrees, the more necessary
is it that the Upper House should be free to give it the most
calm and dispassionate consideration. If the measure were
perfection itself, the acquiescence of the House of Lords, if
it does agree to it, ought not to have the appearance of
being loved rather than given • but, should the
prew,edings of the House indicate an adverse
teeth g, there will be time enough before a final
d.cision to criticise and animadvert upon the sentiments
and conduct of their lordships, which will be then fairly
under the review of public opinion. At present that pm.
tion of the press which loves rather to domineer than to
reason actually treats the House of Lords as a hostile body,
and demands that that august assembly shall surrender
at discretion, and submit to march captive at the chariot.
wheels of their arrogant authority, before it can possibly be
known whether the majority of that House are favourable
or adverse to the Reform Bill. One Journal goes so far
as to say that the House of Lords would be at open war
with the King, the Commons, and the whole people o.
England, if they were to " reject the Bill ;" or what it
adds is preci,ety the same thing—meddle with any one of
mere important provisions. It is the same Journal that
said, not very lung since, in commenting upon the chooses
made in the bill in the House of Commons, that the coun-
try had reason to blush for the bill and ha authors I For
our own parts we should like to see the Lords meddle with
some of the important provisions of the bill. We should
approve, fur instance, of their doing away altogether with
the division of counties, and the clause giving the right to
vats to farm-krauts at will. These are highly important
provisions ; and yet the doing theta away would not put the
House at open war with the whole people of England, but
render it more popular than before. These provisions are,
however, too obviously favourable to aristocratic influence to
be viewed with disfavour in the House of Lords. At all
vents, we say, let the weapons of reformers be reason and
free discussion, and not intimidation and violence.
I'OS According to the &hewing of the Times, the
people has quite forgotten all about the Reform Bill
during its progress through the House of Commons, and
they have only been aroused from this state of apathetic
indifference by our contemporary's creek of 'Wider !

Arguing, therefore, from this admitted fact, we feel jus-
tified in asserting that the people, if kft to themselves,
would not care one straw about the Reform Bill. Does
the hungry man require to be driven to his food ? th
does the weary traveller need the Sid of eloquence to lure
him to his couch ? Assuredly not. How absurd then is it
for the Times to suppose that if the people were really in need
of Reform, they would require the crash of its thunder
to remind them of theft necessities. No, no ; a people yearn-
ing for an amelioration of their eonditioa require but little
persuasion to induce them to i'emard it; and therefore we
say, again and again, that the indifference of the people of
finglaml respecting the fate of the Reform Bill, is a full proof
that they deem it an unnecessary, and therefore a dangerous
measure. That the feeling in favour of Reform was very
general eiuting the late elections we willingly allow; but
popular excitement is of short duration, and the people, en-
joying a return of their natural good sense, are at length
t.eginning to see their folly, and to repent of their part in-
, discretion. The ministerial scribes have therefore our full per-
mission to ray: and rant and thunder as long as they please;
we laugh at their efforts. The excessive beet of June has
sunk Cown into the healthy temperatitre of September ! By
the bye we perceive that the Times is offended a' the charge
of violence which has been brought against it. " They
charge the Times with appealing to the rwb, and forsooth
would meet us t itii le people, in coniradiitinction to the
mob. 11'e reject and deprecate mot) meetings!" Ah !
indeed ! and bow )(mg is it since the Times be-
gan to reject anti deprecate mob meetiags ?" If
se remember it is not three months since the
Timex not only armed the aid of wide mectin
but kindly advises 1 them of the sort of weapons which the
said meetings n most advantageously ure. And also, if
we do not mistake, Circe days have not elapsed sine:, the
• Times hinted ab... I:.e probability of open violence on the
part or t!,e rabble. Can cur Contempormy, in defiance o.
these facts, attemp to " reject and deprecate mob meet-
ings ?" All his eirorts. however, to remove the impressine
of disgust ewer:aired against him will prove in vain; of this
we are quite ccrtair. Zits newtons, and regretted even by
;he more hio lerrltc Reformers, that the Times has endea-
voured recite t:le rabble to acts of outrage and violence ;
and our Cortempo.ary may rest assured, that the remem-
brance of this fact will long stand out a lasting disgrace.
not only to hin,self, butt to the infamous intriguers whole.
views he endeavours to forward

131 PER lAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Sm. 15.
tietetal of the newly.cteated peers were introduced.
LONDON COAL BILL, AND PO•TUDAL.
The Earl of ABERDEEN gave notice, that • noble
friend, then absent, would move the second reading of the
London Coal Bill on Thursday next. The noble Earl tools
the opportunity to advert to an observation which had been
made by the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's govern.
ment in the course of the debate of yesterday respecting
Portugal. The noble Earl had thought proper to contradict
an important statement made by himself in that house. On
a former occasion he had asserted, that the French admiral
in the Tagus had endeavoured to procure commercial advan.
tagea for France in Portugal. Although that statement
been contradicted he you'd say, when next the noble Earl
appeared in the house, that he was ready to re-assert all that
had been s►id by himself on that subject.
The LORD CHANCELLOR assured the noble Earl,
that the contradiction which be had noticed was not a volon.
taty denial of the matter, but forced from the noble Earl by
the arguments in debate. Whether it was wrong or right,
at that moment he was not prepared to decide.
The Earl of ABERDEEN was aware that the maim
had occurred without previous arrangement, but when the
Noble Earl appeared in his place he should repeat what he
had before asserted.

The Alarquis of LONDONDERRY observed, that he
said nothing in debate with respect to the subject of com-
mercial advantages.
Viscount MELBOURNE pointed out this as an instance
of the inconvenience which arose from entering into debate
irregularly, and he exhorted Noble Lords to avoid such
consequences in future.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said the Noble
Viscount might have spared his lecture. He had given
notice of a motion for papers, and the Noble Earl only pre-
vented that motion by consenting to lay the papers on the
table.