Star.
London, England, 1831-03-29 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1831.

PRICE 71).

whether, by checking the vital stream, it should bleed to death as
slowly as possible, drop by drop ,to produce a sufficient degree of white-
ness. If our Legislature, disregarding the convenience and caprice of
butchers, were to enact, that before the termination of that day on which
a calf was taken to the slaughter-house, it should be stunned by a blow
upon the head, after which the throat to be cut—we should then have
true reason to congratulate our country on the advancement of hu-
manity.

EFFECT OF STEAM-COACHES.
We doubt whether our labours to accomplish either of the objects of
this publication, if ever so successful, could produce such complete miti-
gation (rather abolition) of animal suffering as the substitution of loco.
motive machinery for the inhuman, merciless treatment of horses in our
stage.coacites. The man who started the first steam.carriage-was the
greatest benefactor to the cause of humanity the world ever had. But
'in apolitical view the subject is very important. We have a supcia.
bunOant population with a very limited territory, while each [horse re-
quires a greater quantity of land than would be sufficient to support
e man. How extensive then would be the beneficial effect of with-I
drawing two-thirds of the horses and appropriating the lard requiredl
for them to the rearing of cattle and to agricultural produce ? Tie
Liverpool and Manchester steam-coaches have driven 14 horse-
coaches off the road. Bach of the coaches employed 12 horses, there
being three stages, and a change of four horses each stage. The total
horses employed by these coaches was therefore 168. Now each horse
consumes, on an average, in pasture, hay and corn, annually. the pro-
duce of one and • half acres. The whole would thus consume the
produce of 252 acres of land. Suppose, therefore, " every man had
his acre" upon which to rear his family, which some politicians have
deemed sufficient, the maintenance of 252 families is wined to the
country by these steam coaches. The average number in families is
six' that is, four children, besides the father and mother. The subsist.
ence of 1512 individuals is thus attained.

WII Y AND BECA USE.—No. IV.

(Imitated from the Rev. David Blair.)

WHY is a law proposed to enable parishes to send able
bodied labourers out of the country ?
BECAUSE rents, taxes, tythes, and other assessments,
disable the farmers from paying labourers a subsisting price,
by which the terms labourer and pauper have become syno-
nimons.

Win. have they become synonimous of late years?
Seca USE those charges have been continually increasing,
and hence instead of paying labourers the twentieth of the
price of a quarter of wheat per day, as was formerly and
anciently the practice, the payment is either the fortieth or
fiftieth, or the farmers cannot afford to employ them at all.
Hence every labourer is either a constant dependant on the
parish or in certain months of the year.
WIFT are there more labourers than can find employ-
ment ?

BECAUSE, the farmers cannot afford to employ so many
on the same land even at a reduced price, and because there
are fewer farmers, and the smaller farmers have themselves, in
being reduced to the rank of labourers, increased the number
of labourers.

WII Y have the number of farms been reduced?

BECAUSE large farms, let to speculating agriculturalists,
produce higher rents, and pay with greater certainty, and
improved rents were necessa•ry to enable the land owners to
pay the increased taxes and maintain their former incomes.

. .
WII V has this system, which is thirty or forty years old,
produced such disastrous effects within a few years ?
BECAUSE Peel's Bill and the curtailment of the currency,
deprived occupiers of land of their usual means of cultivat-
ing; their farms, and their first reductions fell on labour, in
which there was the greatest competition and least power of
reaction.

WHY has not corn, and other agricultural produce, fallen
proportionally ?
13EcAtrsE corn is protected by a Corn Bill, and rents
are governed by the price of corn, other assessments by
rents, and other produce by the price of the staple corn. Hence
an artificial price is maintained for produce, while labour
sustained by no artifice, is reduced to the general high
worth of the currency.
WHY is not the Corn Bill repealed ?
BECAUSE land owners, and all who live on the assess-
ments on land, require it either to keep up rents for their
indulgence, or to cover the interest of mortgagee, and these
parties are t rong enough in Parliament to maintain an arti-
ficial price of land and its products ..vhile all other prices are
reduced.

WII Y are not farms multiplied ?
BECAUSE every farm requires a farm house, and between
1790 and 1810, these were generally pulled down, and the
small farms laid into large ones at higher rents than little
farmers could afford to pay.
WHY are such speculations permitted in land, Being that
the land is the country itself, and the basis of subsistence
and society, in regard to which all other concerns are subor-
dinate and artificial ?

BECAUSE land is deemed property, and the public in-
terests were not saved in the maxim that every proprietor
has an individual right to do as he pleases with his property,
to let it run waste and starve the country if it so pleases
him, or to let it to one or many.
Y has no protection been afforded on so vital a sub-
ject—why were not the laws of the Tudors restored, for se-
curing to the population such a subdivision of the land as
enabled it to provide for the independent subsistence of the
greatest number?
BECAUSE the magnitude of the evil as not duly felt till
Peel's Bill reduced the currency, and disabled the agricul-
tural
speculators from employing so many hands; besides
the rapid increase of taxes rendered it more convenient to
take the chalice of evils than to retard the speculative rise of'
rents.

Wil Y are not the corrections of these evils, by increased
taxes and assessments on large farms, and a repeal of Peel's
Bill, preferred to sending the manual strength of the country
out of it ?

BECAUSE this is the shortest courfe, and the only security
for existing monopolies in land and money.
ti Y are these monopolies preferred to the able-bodied
population. Tl,e strength of a nation does not consist in
monopolies and monopolists—are there not fifteen or twenty
acres to even• family in the United Kingdom—are there
not from 60 to 70 millions of cultivated acres to three and
a half millions Of fmnilies ?

BF CA U:4.1 the Monopolists are the most concentrated and
powerful party ; because certain theories govern legislation
about over population, &c. &c. and because some meta-
physical end of society is imagined beyond the mere sub-
sistence and comfort of the individuals who compose the
community.
Wit v i 3 it proposed to expend the poor rates in transport-
ing the Ale bodied, when the helpless young and old are
the legitimate objects and absorbents of those rates ?
BECA use it is a short course to get rid of an immediate
evil, and more convenient to trust to the chapter of accidents
I in regard to the immediate objects of the poor rates.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF MARS, ,Lance 28.
The Earl of ROSSLYN presented a petition from the M vha•lts
Edinburgh, against the Bast India monopoly.

ILIEVORM PETITIONS.
Petitions in favour *of Reform in Parliament, were presented by the
Marquis of Cleveland from Shields; Lord Montague from Dionfri. a ;
the I)uke of Argyle, from the Borough of Campbeltown ; Lord
from several towns in Scotland ; and the Marquis of Lansdowne fro.:l
Coleman.street Ward, in the City of London.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM was desirous of knowing whether
any specific plan was to be adored for the examination of psi io.•.
It was important that their Lordships should know how many were ttw
the Bill, because many wire for Reform, without any distinct plats,
whilst others called for Reform, with reducthat of taxation, anti alts
Lion of the tithe system.
The Marquis of CLEVEL IND aaitl, all the petitions he had I.re.
seined were for the measure of Reform introducal by his hlaj.rty's
Government.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE also observed, that three out ..1
four of the petitions he had presented were for the Reform under ch•-
cusaion in the other house.

Earl GREY had no objection to the appointment of a Committee to
examine petitions if the Noble Marquis wished that course to be taken;
at the same time be held a paper purporting to be an account of the
number of petitions laid on their table. The account had been kept by
the Clerks of the House. It appeared that 479 petitions, praying for
Reform, were presented before the present measure was brought before
Parliament ; and since its introduction to the House of Commons they
had received 488 in favour of the Bill. If the Noble Duke could trust
to the accuracy of the clerks, a further account might be made out of
the object of each petition.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he had not been apprised that
any account could be taken of the patticular objects in each petition.

SUBLETTING ACT.
Lord M ELBOURNE postponed the committee on the subletting
act to the iirst open day after the holulats.
The Earl of WICKLOU said the persons Interested in tl'e bill were
looking with great anxiety to the result, al., it was desirable that they
should know u soon as possible what wife the alterations proposed by
the t utile lord.

Lord PLUNKETT admitted that the bill was Important, and
thought there was no ground to impute delay in bringing it before
Parliament.

The Earl of WINCH ILSEA presented a petition from the county
of Kent, signed by the High Sheriff, at a numerous meeting of free-
hold es in favour of reform. The petitioners prayed that Hight Ho-
nourable House to pass the great and glorious work of his 3Majesty's
ministers without making any alteration, and thcteby gain the affection
and confidence of the people. The noble earl said the petition was
only signed by the high sheriff, but it spoke the unanimous senti-
ments of the whole county. The noble earl gave his concurrence to
the petition, and denied that the cry for reform was founded on a de-
sire for revolution. He would ask all who spoke about revolution,
in what way would this measure take from the just rights of the crown,
or the privileges of Parliament ?
The Marquis of t'A :UDEN said there was a difference of opinion in
the county of Kent upon the question, and especially among the
freeholders.

The Earl of WI NCH I !SEA said he was a freeholder of Kent.
and he believtd the sent ments of the freeholders to be favourable to
the bill.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE prescrattl a patition from New Rom.
aey, in Kent, against the reform bill.
The Sugar Duties 11:11 was sad a third time and passed.
The LORD CHANCELLOR postponed the committee on his
Chancery Lunatics B.:1, which stuod for this day, until Monday, the
18th of April.

PARLIAMENTARY REPORM.
Lord WU A RNCLIFFE, after presenting several petitions against
i Reform, rose to native for certain papers connected with a subject of
which he had given notice, but which, he said, had not then been car-
ried by the Govetnn...mt of the country through the other House of
Parliament. The noble lord considered It his duty, very early after
the measure had been brought before Parliament, to give notice of his
intention to introduce the subject on a motion for papers. At that time
he had no idea the House of Commons would debate so long on the
bill—they continued the discussion seven nights without a division,
and he then thought it right to postpone the notice until they came to
a division on it. The measure being then und. r thscussion he had sn
objection to the introduction of the question in that heu.e. but still he
thought if a measure of so much importame seas to s. toe b fore their
, loidships, it would be better for sonic Peer to mime moron
that would lead to information on the subject. The nub!. turd made I:1 s.•
observations to account for the delay which had occut red since lie teas:
notice of his motion. T'lere was one point which he was anxious to allude
to before be entered upon the main subject, nanldy, the odium which cep.
peered to fall on the proprietors of boroughs. Ile 11,a1 undoubtedly some
connection with a butough which would be aff end b., the bill. It was
property arising from land, and doling the time his tamily had held i!,
marly one hundred years, improper itfluence lisei rut been used. In
many instances the clamour against borough prop, ie,ors hail hoot un-
justly raised. The noble lord mentioned %hip, bee.;we it a I been ht Id
out by the press that every man who differed upon the bill was sup-
posed to be influenced by base and selfish motives. The noble lord
called upon those who had known him in public and prisate life to say
whether he had been influenced by such motives. Ile was ready. like
other noble lords, to give up his interest, hut lie wished to be assured
that the resignation of his interest would be for the benefit of the coun-
try. The noble lord came into public life for his borough, and it
raised him to the representation of one of the largest counties ; finally
the gracious favour of his Majesty led him to a scat in that assent
bly ; but he might date all his honour and prosperity from his firs, an.
troduction to the House of Commons as the representative of a
borough. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then called upon the house
to advert to the progress which Reform had been making during a
long period. Parliament had opposed corruption sat the boroughs
of Grampound, Penryn and East Retford. But they 114 not
proceeded with a resolute intention to punish corruption. If they had
carried justice in their right hard on every occasion the people would
have been satisfied, and the present call for Reform would nor have
been raised, The noble lord then called the attention of the house to the
result of a motion brought forward in the other House of Po ham. at by
Lord Althorp, shortly after the disfranchisenicht of the basough of
Grampound ; that motion had for its object the transfer of the Iran
chise to such towns as Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham ; bur what
was the result ? After the question was fairly discussed. there were St
the transfer of the elective franchise 140, anti against it 188. leaving a
majority of 40 for not disturbing the franchise—a tolerable proof of the
light in which the house then viewed that important que.tion ; he W::•
aware that he ranked amongst the anti-reformers, who all their lives hail
reform forced upon them as it were. He was satisfied, however, and
no doubt many of his noble friends on that :side of the house were
equally so, that it was now morally impo siblc to go on without some
modified scheme of reform being introduced ; he was quite ready to
allow that to cure those evils complained of by the people, it was ne-
emery to have some reform; but he contended it was nut absolutely
necessary to throw away every thing which had hith,rto been reckoned
valuable in the country.—(Hear from the opposition.) The noble
earl at the head of the administration on the subject of Reforni,liad
in the early part of his life expressed himself as satisfied with a modified
species of Reform.
Earl GREY, across the table, said the people bad no confidence in
the House of Commons, as at present constituted. He felt bound to
support any measure of Reform which had for its object the restoration
of that confidence.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE resumed. He characterised the Mi.
nisterial measure of Reform as one of the most wonderful changes
he had ever witnessed in the course of his political life. It had
been termed a " revolutionary" measure ; if in that phrase, anar-
chy, confusion, and violence, wete implied, be would not go so
far as to admit such a sense; it certainly was, at all events a
radical change of the constitution of the country, tearing it up.
as it were, by the roots—it was not only grievous, but altogether
unnecessary. Now, with respect to the close burghs, or more
properly speaking the nomination burghs, he should take the
betty of adverting shortly to the sentiments of the Noble Lord,
the mover of the present measure in the other House of Parlia-
ment. The noble lord, in a work of his on the English Constitution,
in reference to theme burghs observed, and he (Lord IVharncliffe) quite
agreed wrth him, that by them enlightened men daily found their way
into parliament—by them the aristocracy of talent was preserved ;
many of these men, but for close burghs, would never arrive at the
House of Commons, and the speech of one of whom was worth 20 of
the silent votes of open burgh members. (Hear from the opposition.)
Such was the use with Mr. Fox and other eminent statesmen, even his
noble friend on the woolsack, he believed, had expressed himself, at
one petted, of a similar way of thinking. (A laugh.) But the bill
itself was so contrived as In procure for it what was reckoned • unani-
mity of feeling amongst the people; there never was, however, a
greater delusion than to suppose such a unanimity really existed. That
the bill was cleverly drawn he did not deny ; there was a little advan-
tage here, and a little advantage there, which gave him a seeming po-
pularity. The noble lord then entered into the details of the bill which
had reference to lease and copylsolders, arguing that the number of the
latter were so small that they would not make up fur the effects of the
bill in other respects. It would also be found, when the tax gatherer
went round, that the number of houses rented at 10 pounds per annum
would very far exceed the returns upon which the bill appeared to
have been framed. As an example, he might be allowed to notice a
case which came under his immediate observation. His (Lord Wham.
thee's) gardener, a man to whom he paid fourteen shillings a week,
told him, on being questioned that he rented a house at twelve pounds
a.year, be (Lord Whanscliffe) naturally enough imagined that it
was not a common occurrence for individuals whose earnings ea:
so small to occupy such ■ house, but he was told by the gent
that his was no better than many others, in short, they w..-e
nearly all similar in the parish. Then, with respect to shot ti. og
the dnration of the poll; take Liverpool for an example, it to

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