Star.
London, England, 1825-02-04 00:00:00

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without exciting-, at least withillat giving any just ground for 104
it an Objeet "Aids I bait,- to be Use WWI 'Of the ttl,* )re
City. (Hear, bear, hear.) I ask then, with conlidence,.4Uritit
respect is this measure unsatisfactory ? Is it Unsatisfactory be:
cause from the beginning to the end no step was taken by the
British Government, which was not accurately announced, to
every party interested, whether by immediate relation, sympa-
thy. or honour—(Hear!) Is it unsatisfactory, because in the.
archives of any office there does not exist a single document
which Spain has not seen, and of which the Allies have not had
cognisance—(Hear!) Is it unsatisfactory. because Spain tai
been told for gears that if she would take the precedence is
this act of grace, Great Britain would be content to follow at
a bumble distance, giving her all the advantage of priority id
the markets of her colonies?—(Hear, hear !) She has refused our
offer, and though we go alone in this recognition, we scorn to take
any separate advantage (hear I). In every treaty we have ne-
gotiated with the independent States, en far from seUing ou7
recognition for a price, we demanded only to be placed where
those who chose to follow us )could stand upon equal tut ins
at our side (hear, hear !). The Honourable and Learned Gen.
tlernan tells us that he approves of the measure, hut di "-
proves of the time and mode of its execution. I tell him, in
return, that for aught I care, the measure may be his, or his
Honourable and Learned Friends, or the country's, or the measure
of common sense - but what I claim to myself, as a merit, if merit
there be, is precisely that to which he affixes Mame, and applies
censure, viz. the dote and mode of the recognition. By this plain
and straight-forward course—by this temperate and prudent policy,
if you will—l trust that we have avoided all the dangers that
might otherwise have,encompassed such a proceeding. Do I pre-
tend to conceal, that by this step. we have hurt many feelings—that
we have run counter to many interests—that we have shocked
many prej'tdices—that we have caused many regrets—that we
have excited much anger and indignation? It is true that we have
done so—l cannot deny it ; but still I entertain the most sanguine
hope, that all these feelings will explode themselves in words, and
we shall remain with our object gained,and at peace with the World.
There is one topic in the Speech from the Throne, on which I
think it my duty to offer some explanation. Iu the beginning of
the last Session, a proposal was received from the United States to
join by treaty toput an end to the illicit Slave Trade, by conced-
ing to each force an immaterial and limited right of search. The
treaty for this purpose was drawn up by the Ministers of the
United States, and in the course of negotiation, it received at our
hands some alterations of minor importance. By the Constution
of the United States, the power of ratification does not lie in the
executive Minister, but in the executive Minister and the Senate
in conjunction : of the inconvenience of such a regulation, this case
affords a proof ; but such being the fact, we have no reason to
complain, that though the ratification had been given by his Ma-
jesty, it was refused by the United States, except in the condition
of alteration. What is singular is, that one of- the changes pro-
posed. and that the most material, was in the original draft of the
treaty. I-need only say of it, that it was an alteration which
withdrew all the reciprocity on which that treaty was founded.
The stipulation had been, that search should be permitted to
American ships in the West Indies, and to British ships on the
coast of America. The Government of the United States with-
draws the last, so that the mutual right of search would be con-
dceed in our possessions in the West Indies, but denied on the coast
of the United States. As a matter of justice to the West Indies, it was
impossible to acquiesce in this proposal, since it would admit, by int.
plica tion,that the Slave laws were evaded by our colonists,whiclrl de-
ny, and were not evaded by the Americans on their own coast. The
course we took was this :—The United States had made an altera-
tion which we could not admit, and we proposed to cancel the
first treaty, and sent out full powers to negoclate another treaty
verbatim like the former, with the single exception of the word
America. The refusal to ratify such a new treaty on the part of
the United Scetes, I really think could not stand the test of public
discussion. By raising the offence of slave trading into piracy,
we gave a test of our sincerity which admits of no contradiction.
It seems to me, therefore, that after a little cool reflection, the
American will feel that they have no choice het to adopt the
course we have recommended. I have much satisfaction in add-
ing, that the whole discussion was carried nu with the utmost
amity, and I have myself not the slightest doubt that the personal
feeling of the executive Government of the United States is en-
tirely with this country. (Hear!)
Mr. HUME said a very few words, but the noise made by
Members leaving the House, rendered them inaudible in the gallery.
The SPEA KElt then put the question, which was carried una-
nimously, and a Committee was appointed to prepare the Address to
his Majesty.—The Hesse, at a QUA RUA woes Nuts, adjourned.

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