Star.
London, England, 1814-04-25 00:00:00

of the House, at least for that 'of the American peo
ple (and I shall make no apology for drawing theh
attention afresh to the subject), a part of the memo.
cable letter of the iith of August, 1810, from the
Duke de Cadore, the FrenchSlcretary, to General
Armstrong : a letter, I presume, which will never
be forgotten by the American Government or people,
as forming a part of one of the most infamous cheats
and frauds that ever slisgraced the Cabinet of that in-
triguing nation • and which, instead of having been
the foundation Of a friendly proclamation, might with
more justice have bees made the ioundation of a de-
claration of war.

• , Path, August 5, 1810.
6 1 hkve laid before his Majesty the Emperor and
King, the act of Congress of the Ist of May.
His Majesty could have wished that this act, and
all other acts of the Government of the United States
which interest France, had always been officially
made known to him.
6 The Emperor had applauded Me general embargo
laid by the United States on all' their vessels, because
that measure, if it had been prejudicial to France, had
in it at least nothing offensive to her honour.
g The act of the Ist of March has raised the em-
bargo, and substituted for it a measure the most in-
jurious to the interests of France.
This act, of which the Emperor knew nothing
until very lately, interdicted to American vessels the
,ceriinserce of France, at the time it authorised that to
Spain, Naples, and Holland, that is to say, to Me
twntries under French itjluencei and denounced confis-
,ontion against all French vessels which should enter
the ports of America. Reprisal was a right, and com-
manded ty Me dignity of Prance—a circumstance. on
which it was impossible to make a compromise. The
sequester of all the American vessels in France has
been the necessary consequence of the measure taken
by Congress.
Now Congress retrace their steps; they revoke the
act of the Ist of March; the ports of America are
open to French commerce, and France is no longer
interdicted to the Americans. •
In this new state of things, I am authorised to
decliire to you, Sir, that the Decrees of Berlin and
Milan ate revoked, and that after the Ist.day of No-
vember they will cease to have effect; it being under-
stood, that in consequence of this declaration the Eng-
lish s!' woke their Orders in Council, and remove
the new principle of blockade which they have wished
to establish ; or Oat the United States, conformably
to the act ycn !1.:vo just cconnunicated, shall cause
their rights to be respected by the English.
4 It is with the most particular satisfaction, Sir,
that I make known to you this determination of the
Emperor. His Imperial Majesty loves the Americans :
their prosperity and their commerce are within Me
:twit of his policy.'
~ Let us first see what figure an American Con-
gress
makes on this French canvas. Offended by
'one of your laws of mere municipal regulation (and
se considered by Great Britain), the haughty tyrant
says—' Reprisal was a right, and commanded by the
dignity of France ;' then calmly adds—' The se
quester of all American vessels in France has been
the necessary consequence of the measures taken by
Congress.' He then insultingly subjoins—, Now• Co-
ngress RETRACE THEIR STEPS.' Aye, Sirs, Represerse
tatives, Senators, and President, all all .4 retrace
their steps.' The tyrant frowns—they stop; he 'seizes
all American property—they retrace their steps : tie
commands it, and they repeal the obnoxious statute ;
or, in other words, and in his imagination, they fall
prostrate at the tyrant's lett I Then, indeed, as
the Noble Duke has the satisfaction of stating—
His Majesty loves the Americans Ma-
jesty loves the. Americans !' Ycs, Sir, it is even so
written, • His Majesty loves the Americans He
love the Americans? and seize, srquest.r, and con,
demn all the property within his reach ! He love
the Amer.cnns ? and immure our defenceless sai-
lors in his duegeons !. His very smiles (if such a
monster ever does simile) are to I?etrty ; his friendly
profession's, treachery ; his love, destruction ; an
al-
liance with him, .would be the unnatural conjunction
by a tyrant of antiquity, of a dead corpse with a living
body. Not the tyger, crouching for his prey—nor
the lion roaring for his food, is more to be dreaded
than this scourge—this pestilence—this death. 1
would spurn from my, country, his love, his profes-
sions :tad treachery.
Still , his Majesty loves the Americans ; their
prosp:riti and thdir commerce are within die scope of
his policy.' No doubt, Sir—no doubt, when within
the scope of his' power. But this kiid , Emperor is
pleased in aggrandizing the United States' by strip-
ping,their unerptected citizens of all the property
within his grasp, awl expecting hereafter to aggran-
dize the Undid States by generotmly declaring them
a territory of France, and by elevating them to the
dignity' f his empire, adding to his other titles, that of
lover of the Americans ! How was it possible, Simhat
any man in his senses could have been deceived by a
paper like tkis ? How ss as it possible for your Pre-
tient to give to it the least faith or credit ? It car-
ries 'treachery and deceit on the face of it. Yet,Sir, on
this deception was predicated the fatal Proclamation
of your President of the 2LI November, 1810, whereby
he proclaimed to the world, that on the day before,
at a place more than three thousand miles from him,
a certain tact had happened essential to the validity
of tbit proclamation, but which, in truth, did not
take place tilt April after, and which was not pro-
mulgated till May,' 1812, in -season to effect the
rescinding of the British Orders in Council ; in such
time that neither fact should be known in this coun-
try till after your declaration of war—and the inten-
tion of that declaration was the subject of conversa-
tion in Paris before it was in America. Our Go-
vernment had certainly agreed with that of France
to declare war by a certain day (say the'lst of June,
1812) unless the British Orders in Countifshould he
rescinded before that day, and they did butte() faith-
fully keep their word.
‘. Sir, Congress thinnselves did not believe that ths
French decrees were" repealed so late as March, 1811.
,When they Me-enacted the provisions of your non-in-
,tercourse law, which had been attempted to be re-
vived proclamation. And Bonaparte, though
solicited to save the apparent veracity of your Presi-
dent, intending to add the grossest insult to the high-
est injury, would not condescend to found his repeal
ing decree upon that proclamation, because he well
Anew it was a mere dead letter, as his decrees war,
not repea)ed when that proclamation issued; but be
(minded it upon the act of March, 1811, as an act of
esista,une to British aggression. The only concession