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London, England, 1824-05-25 00:00:00

Ou the First of June will be published,

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OLD BRENTFORD, APRIL 1, 1824.
MADAM—For the last three months there has been
a must dangerous disorder prevalent with Infants about six
months old, and which, I think, the Faculty call Inflammation
on the Chest, occasioned by cutting their Teeth ; and the remedy
they prescribe is blistering their stomachs, and applying leeches.
My little girl was severely afflicted in the same way ; after having
had every advice, I was recommended to the use of your Setter,
and not to give her any more medicine ; after using by, bottles of
your Syrup, I have the happiness to inform you that she is now re-
stored to perfect health.
I am, Madam, your obedient servant,
Mrs. JOHNSON, `2B, York-place, City-road. W M. BARNES.
To be had, wholesale and retail, of Johnson and Co. as above
and by their appointment, of all principal Medicine Venders in
Town and Country, at 2s. 9d. per Bottle.
Cavviton.—Tun otair GeNume MUHHCAN Soot n o SIMS
is signed on the Stamp, with Mrs. JOHNSON'S own hand-writing.
Any other offered to the Public is spurious, and calculated to injure
in its application.

- -
BILIOUS COMPLAINTS, HEAD-ACt!, INDIGESTION,
AND LOSS OF APPETITE.
COOLING APERIENT PILLS.—It is needless to
remark, that the most prevalent affections of the human
Constitution ate Bilious, and that upon the state of the Bile the
Health of Europeans depends; of which this Medicine will always
peeve an infallible corrective. It is prepared from the Prescription
of an eminent Physician, who, in an extensive Practice of upwards
of Thirty Years, proved its invariable efficacy. From its gentle
aperient qualities, they may be taken with safety at all times.—
These Pills are particularly recommended to those who, by long re-
sidence in, er occasionally visiting warns climates, and those also
who, by a too sedentary life, have contracted Bilious Affections, as
the use of them will prevent many of the disorders incident to such
Persons, and which frequently prove fatal.
Sold by Edward Cemplin, Chemist, 41, Bishopsgate-within,
London; price 2s. 9d. and 4s. 6d. per Box: where also may be had,
a specific, immediate, safe, and certain Cure for every species of
Tooth-ach, swelled Faces, and all Rheumatic Complaints in the
Face, without injuring the Guns or destroying the Nerve: the
daily experience of its efficacy prompts the Proprietor to offer this
valuable Mediciue as being worthy attention. Sold in Bottles, at
2s. 3d. and 4s. 6d.

GOUT, RHEUMATISM, COUGHS, AND COLDS.
T IFE PILLS, entirely Vegetable, discovered by the
la Rev. C. CARRINGTON, Vicar of Berkeley, one OEMs Ma-
jesty's Deputy Lieutenants, &c. for the County of Gloucester.—By
increasing the energy of the brain, and pouring new life and vigour
into the constitution, they enable Nature to make incredible efforts
for the expulsion of disease, before organic destruction.-- in Colds,
Coughs, Rheumatism, Atonic Gout; in Female Compl,ints; in
Flatulence, Sickness, and Pains of the Stomach ; in Nervous Affec-
tions; the bursting agony of sudden Grief, or the deep Heart-Ache
of settled melancholy; in every Spasmodic Pain, from the slightest
Cramp to the most excruciating Chulic, their stupendous success
obscures all fotmer remedies. Zee* in the most aggravated cases 0-
Good in the Stomach, dry etas arrest the progress of Death, and lead
to a recovery; they restore to the dignity of man and parent the en-
feebled and unwary votaries of pleasure.
Sold in boxes, at ls. lid. and 4s. 6d. each, by Barry and Son,
Bristol, (without whose name on the stamp they cannot be genuine);
sold also by Sutton and Co. Bow Church-yard; Barclays, Fleet-
market ; Butlers, Cheapside; and Sanger, tie, Oxford-street, Los-
doti; and by all other Medicine Venders.

The Ell.' of El NGSTON presented no less than eleven Petitions
front different Ledges of Freemaanns in Ireland, praying to be ex-
empted from the operation of the Secret Societies Suppression Act
Air. WORTLEY, Lord STANLEY, Mr. PORTMAN, and others, brought
np several Bills from the Commous.
Mr. MASON, front the East India House, presented the annual
Accounts of the East India Company.
Toe Earl of KINGSTON moved for copies of all Returns of
Endowed Schorils in Ireland, with the names of the masters of each
school, and specifying which enduwments were without either
house's or mailers. _ _

The Earl of CA RBER IZY took occasion to allude to the Com-
mission,:rs appointed to inquire I.lto the state of education in Ireland.
He ukderstood that .ipplications to the Grand Juries of Ireland for
somsTn aid of the Diocesan Schools were about to he made ; but
whether this would make patties more attentive to their duty or
not, time alone would chew. Ile wished in the me..ntime that the
proceedings of the Board of Education should be suspended; so
that the whole business might be brought before the Commissioners
for their decision.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL thought that the Noble Lord had
better not nuke such a motion as be had just intimated, without
first giving notice of it to the house.—llls suggestion was cons-
plied with.
Upon the motion of the Earl of Snarvesauits, the Consolidated
Fund Surplus Bill and the Australian Company's Bill, were read a
third time, passed, and sent to the Commons.
REVERSALS OF ATTAINDERS.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said that he had risen in
obedience to his Majesty's command, and with signal
pleasure to himself, to present to their Lordships a series
of Bills for the restoration of Peerages dormant for no
inconsiderable time. When his Majesty was graciously
pleased to visit his ancient kingdom of Scotland in the.
year 1822 (and it would be recollected that his Majesty
was the first Prince of his Illustrious House who had
visited that kingdom), their Lordships could not think
it unnatpral for the descendants of certain great houses
to petition his Majesty to restore those honours of which
their families had been deprived by the conduct of their
ancestors in turbulent and warlike times. Nor could it
appear at all extraordinary to those of their Lordships
who knew the disposition of his Majesty, that such soli-
citations should affect the benignity of his Majesty's
mind ; but though his Majesty at once consented to ap-
plications so respectfully made, considerable time was
found necessary to carry them into effect, and further
time was necessary for preparing such Bills. These in-
eluded four cases; and in fixing the subjects of Royal
clemency, their Lordships would be satisfied that party
had no consideration in it ; they were entirely and de-
cidedly acts of real grace and pure favour on the part
of his Majesty, and their Lordships, he was confideall
would be satisfied with the propriety and juitice,Ofiiie
proceeding—(Cheers from both sides of Me House... T—
. doubts he was aware had been &pressed in a for-
mer case ; but in the present instance it was an act of
Royal grace and favour, springing from the kind dis-
rosition of the Sovereign now !rated on the throne of
this kingdom, and merited by the loyalty and good con-
duct of the parties who had petitioned for his Majesty's
grace. It would not have satisfied the Royal mind in
such a case if the restoration did not constitute an act of
justice as well as grace, and therefore he had to pro-
pose the reversal of the attainder on Lord Stafford,
which be regarded as the greatest blot in the history of
this country at that time, and he had only to hope that
in presenting this Bill he was doing away with the
greatest stigma on the Parliament of Scotland. The next
Bill provided for the restoration of John Francis Erskine,
as the Earl of Marr. The third Bill provided for the
restoration of the Earldom of Kenmuir ; and the fourth
Bill for that of James Drummond, Esq. as Earl of,
Perth, from which title his ancestors had been degraded
by the Parliament of Scotland in the year 1620.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE said, that he did not
' object to the proceedings contemplated by the Bills
which the Noble Lord bad presented to the House ; but
he must take the liberty of observing, that they must be
introduced as solving doubts with respect to the parties
who were to be benefited by them ; for in his apprehen-
sion, they could not go to the reversal of attainders ; for
if the latter were intended, he had strong doubts whe-
ther their Lordships had the power to reverse where
there was a complete misnomer. With this impression,
but with no wish whatever to intercept the merciful in-
tentions of the Sovereign, he thought their Lordships
ought to call for the opinion of the Judges with respect
to the Bill. He was convinced, at the same time, that
the head of the family of Drummond was entitled to the
style of Viscount Strathallen.
The Earl of RADNOR opposed the way of proceeding.
The first thing which ought to be done was to produce
the document of attainder. It must be in existence,
and he thought it ought to.be called for.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL, in explanation, said that
the Bill did not mention merely the i eversal of attainder,
but provided for the complete restoration of the honours
of the family. When, therefore, the Noble Lord (Rad- ,
,nor) opposed the first reading of the Bill, he should only
remind their Lordships that such Bills must always en
i-
Iginate with the Crown, and come to their Lordships
signed by his Majesty's hand. He believed that their
Lordships were never in the habit cf refusing a first
Irea,iing to any Bill ; it was permitted as a matter of
courtesy ; and he hoped, not that such a courtesy should
be denied to the Crown, but that he should not himself'
be made a single exception to it.
The Earl of RADNOR complained that the Noble
Lord opposite had pointed him out, by his manner of
addressing their Lordships, as if he were inimical to the
benignity of the Crown.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said he tendered it as a
Bili of the same kind as others which had been tender-
ed, signed by the King.—Earl RADNOR explained.
The LORD CHANCELLOR could see no difficulty
in their Lordships way. The Bill was ample, as it
recited all .the former Acts of Parliament which con-
cerned the parties, and no supplemental information
was required.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL was about to more that

for the read
theb
benefit of
mofw;llini cyhNtl,7)iire LoLorrdda
the StanduilidigleOarr:ii,ers
ships would
wl.o was uninformed on the subject, %% hat their usual
mode of proceeding was.
Lord HOLLAND here interposed, by ~bsery Mg that
the House had certainly a right of interleting on even
the first reading of any Bill ; but it was iistial with their
Lordships, and he thought the continuance of the cus-
tom much better than an aberration from it, to allow
Bills to proceed through their first stage. As far as
the present Bills, which the Noble Earl had so properly
introduced, cauld be supposed to affect his own feelings,
he could on!yr say he was most willing to eacourage
them in any stage. He did not at the same time pre-
tend to know whether the same measure might not be
accomplished in another form, and perhaps more con-
sonant to the precedents of that House; but he begged
leave to add, that with all fair distrust of his Majesty's
Ministers at particular times, he really was willing to
give the Noble Earl full credit for having seal ched into
precedents on this occasion ; and, at all events, it WAS in-
convenient to discuss the measure in its present stage.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE said, that he had not
risen to oppose the first reading of the Bills, but to give
notice to their Lordships of the objections he intended
to offer in atio:her stage. The Bill, as he understood,
did not totally, but only partially, reverse the attainder.
Viscount 3IELVILLE spoke in defence of the. Bills
generally, on the ground of precedent.
The Earl of RADNOR said, that he wished the Noble
Earl opposite to allow the Bills to be printed before
they proceeded to another stage.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, if that were the
only point contended for by the Noble L rd, he cer-
tainly had no objection to it.
Lord nEt.ti A V1?;14 should oppose the measure if it -"safe con;
trary to the Articles of Union.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL—The attainder took plat:, since*?
Union, and had nothing to do with it.
Lord I3ELHA V EN explained.
The Earl of RA DNOR suggested that the Bill should printed.
The Pal of LIVEItPOOL assented. The NVEarillien
moved the lit re:aditig of the Bill for restoring Wttv. Nairne, Esq
to the dignity of his ancestors as Lord Nairne. -
The Earl of RADNOR objected to the title of the Bill.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL visited to have the common cour-
tesy shewn to him which was extended to every Peer on the first
reading of any Bill, and he did not know why that rule should not
be attended to on this most sacred occasion—(llear!)
explanations took place between the Karl of Livzaroot., Lord
RADNOR, and Lord HOLLAND, after which the Bill was read a first
time. and ordered to be printed.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL then presented a BiR for reversing
the Attainder on William Lord Viscount Stafford. which was also
read a first time, amidst the cheerings of the House.
The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S presented several Petitions against
the two English Roman Catholic Bills about to be discussed by
their Lordships. The first of the series was front the Protstant
Union residing in London and its vicinity ; the second was front
the Clergy of the Diarse of Brecon ; the third front the Archdea-
conry of Cardigan; the lburtb from the Archdeaconry of Carnar-
von; anS the atth front the Archdeaconry of St. David's.
ENGLISII ROMAN CATHOLICS.
4 TiliqOrcler of the Day faring now trod,
.
Tl* Mari:o4,of LANSDOWN rose.—He had risen
)e-sad, in, purslane of. a notice ;viiich he had given,
for the purpose of moving the second .eatimg of two
Bills not novel to their Lordships, as thet etc ac-
quainted with their operations in the Si aei Kingdom,
which would go to accomplish a vet y partial repeal of
those laws which still oppressed his Majesty's Roman
Catholic subjects. Whatever their Lordships should think
proper to do with the present Bills, he was confident that
the arguments he should have the honour to offer to
their consideration, would be heard with a feeling of jus-
tice towards his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in
England ; he would say with justice, because it was im-
possible for their Lordships neat to know that the allevi-
ations he sought on behalf of English Catholics had
been conceded to their Irish brethren. He could not help
regarding it as a favourable omen, that on the very day
his duty had called upon him to twice the motion now
before their Lordships, the Noble Eat I opposite had come
down, at the instance of the Crown, in order to propose
the reversal of an act of injustice which had been com-
mitted on a Roman Catholic family, and so committed
by a Protestant Parliament, in tinie of ignorance and
error—times which intolerance would enueavour to re-
vive, but which, he earnestly hoped, their Lordships
would not condescend to wink at. In now calling their
Lordships' attention to the present Bids, therefore, he
should nut notice that hostile feeling which arose from
an opinion that no religious reconciliation could possi-
bly take place, and that upon such grounds all conces-
sion must be denied, because it was in the power of the
opposing party to resist and deny it.* To persons who
possessed such feelings as these he would address no ar-
gument whatever, but content himself with declaring,
that all the subjects of the British Empire ought to en-
joy, in every possible form, every privilege not incon-
sistent with the safety of the State, :al not only so, for
the privileges now claimed were compatible and recon-
cileable with that safety, and indeed he c, nsiJei ed them
essential to it. The common o')ject rf the two Bills
now before their Lordships was to pl. ce the Roman
Catholics of Great Britain, in a great de tree, on the
same footing as the Roman Catholics in lteland. When
he stated that this was the object r f the Bills, he would
place their footing on another ground. He would say,
that when Parliament was endeavouring to assimilate
all parts of the United Kingdom to each ether—when
we wete assimilating the system of taxation—when we
were assimilating and consolidating the system of the
Revenue of the three kingdoms—and wl.en we were en-
deavouring to assimilate the laws in the tame manner—
when this assimilation was going on, not tardily, but in-
cessantly, he hoped he had stated quite enough to induce
their Lordships at once to embrace the present Bills.—
But neither wauld 1 e contend that the existence of a
mere anomaly in legislation was a sufficient reason to
call for the intei fur ence of their Lordships; for in all
such cases some plausible teas 'n might bc urged for
the anomaly ; but so tar fioas this being the reason
with respect to the English Roman Cat! Dries, he would
ask their Lordships if that descripticn tit
s Majesty's
relief they
subjects was not eminently entitled to the rel_
still sought tor? Under this impression, t e first Bill
propesed•to extend to the Boman Cathal c; of Great
Britain the benefit of the elective franchise.: It it were
i that sech an extension of privi-
legesalleged as an objection
Ireland, the evil had arisen
had been an evil in
from the subdivision of the couutry, which would not

-4'

M."'

~._ _~.

_IN

•.t
•

in point point of property sak the Heald. itary lands of
E -h Roman Catheßais 'AN/ht.-after ail, what
was tae effect of the present vesWctive system with I e-
soect to the English it‘makCaThilics? Their Lord-
ships now )ftw•in+lndirect•Matl'int influence in full
exercise in the elections for English Members ; they
saw Roman Catholics on the hustings recommending
Members to the constituents, in whom they had no per-
sonal or religious interest, but on. whose behalf they
could not give a single vote. Was it not mortifying—
was it not unconstitutional, to see a Sir Thomas Throck-
mortoo, or a Sir William Gage, recommending candi-
dates to constituents, and yet paving no right to desig-
ease by their votes who should represent them in Far-
li.onent ? With respect to numerical force, if no evil
lead resulted from an extension of privileges in a coun-
tr y where Roman Catholics acted in bodies, could any
ill be anticipate' s! in a country where Roman Catholics
were dispersed, and where they did not amount to more
than 2,000,000 at Mast? Having disposed of the
first 13111, he now came to the others for enabling his
Majesty's English Roniau Catholic subjects to hold
certain offices in the Customs and Excise, and to be
eligible as Justices of the Peace. It was rather 'strange
that pt ivileges which were found harmless on one side
of Sc. George's Channel were taken to -be fatal to the
peace of the other side. Thotigh some persons might
have passed some sleepless nights ever since the Conso-
lidation Act, under the apprehension that tobacco and
sager might, if once Roman Catholiat were permitted
to be Officers of Customs, be infused with poison or
infected with heresy, he could assure their Lordships,
that under the Customs Consolidation Law, by an im-
portation of Irish officers, and a reciprocal exportation
of English officers, the llortian Catholic was permitted
to cater for the English Protestant. He could assure
the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, that an'
easier had been issued by very high author ity, to sus-
pend one of those most valuable Acts with respect to
Excisemen, which formed what his Lordship considered
in rank among the best safeguards of the State, he
meant the Act of Charles 11. which provided that all
Excisemen must take the oath of Supremacy, whereas
they were now admitted without taking the oath, by a
sort of contumacious discretionary power, which de-
manded the attention of the Noble and Learned Lord .1
but all that he (Lord Lsnsdown) now wished was the per:
fect assimilation of the two countries in law as in excise.
He could not understand what danger could result to
this country from admitting English Catholics to act as
Justices of the Peace, since Irish Catholics had acted
with the greatest benefit to that country, and under cir-
cumstances not only of disorder, but of rebellion..
Should their Lordships think proper to reject these
Bills, hoaever, it was not for him to say what sort of
lesson they would teach to both countries. But this be
feared such a measure would hold forth, that loyalty,
forbearance, tranquil obedience, expectation of redress,
and good conduct, were not to be preferred to appeals'
to passion, reliance on number, and the effect of physi-
cal force. This was the lesson which of all others he
wished might never be taught to a free, generous, and
Mighty people.
Lord COLCHESTER objected to the present Bills,
because he found that instead of giving relief to the
Catholics by a general measure, it was now the object
to proceed step by step in an ascending scale. In the
other House of Parliament he had expressed his willing-
ness to open to Catholics all situations of profit or
emolument, but not those conferring civil rights. He
still held the same opiniou. With respect to the office'
of Earl Marshal, he thought that relief should be ob-
tained by a separate Bill. Admitting Catholics to be
Justices of the Peace was admitting them to judicial
situations, and therefore lie would oppose it. As to the
other offices, in the Revenue, &c. whatever opinion might
be held, he could not help saying that the Bill for ex-
tending the elective franchise had his most unqualified
disapprobation. It would introduce religious animosity
into election contests, and give Catholics of wealth and
ambition an opportunity of buying up lands and making
freeholders. If uniformity between England and Ire-
land was the object, it could only be obtained by de-
stroying the uniformity between England and Scotland.
The Noble Lord then alluded to the conduct of some
Catholic Bishops in 1808 and 1815, and a letter from
Dr. Doyle, recently published, which appeared to him
to be chatacterised by seditious insolence, and concluded
by moving as an amendment, " That the Bills before
the House be read that day six months."
Earl WESTMORELAND was every day more and
more satisfied of the impolicy of granting Catholics the
general relief which they sought, but still gave his sup-
port to these Bills. The elective franchise was extended
to Catholies in Ireland, and if possessed by them here
could do no harm, when at the utmost only .500 or
1000 individuals might avail themselves of the privi-
lege. The Noble Earl then contended, that as Parlia-
ment had sanctioned Catholic Officers in the Army and
Navy, they should do the same with Officers in Civil
employments. As a means of resisting the further claims
of the Catholics, lie would give them the indulgences
demanded in the present measures, which, though a fa-
vour to few, would be a consolation to many.
Lord II EDESDALE considered the great objection
to these Bills that every new concession led to further
concessions. In the House of Commons he had voted
for the removal of disabilities affecting the rights of pro-
perty by Catholics, but as political power would be-
stow an isfluence over the concerns of the Established
Church, lie could not support such a demand. It was
said, that because Catholics obtained the elective fran-
chise in Ireland, therefore they should obtain it bete.
But if Parliament did wrong once,_ was it to do wrong
twice? On these grounds he could not consent to the
present Bills. The office of Earl Marshal gavels° political
power, and he should consequently have no objection
to see the noble individual who inherited the title in full
possession of the privilege it conferred. It was now well
known that the Catholics in Ireland were ready to seise
on the Chute!' Establishment, and these measures, if
carried, uould add something to the political power of
the Catholics in that country.
The Bishop of LITCHFIELD next addressed ahe
House, and said that his sentiments on the general ques-
tion of Catholic relief had undergone no change. A
seat in either House of Parliament would give the power
of subverting the Established Church, and a desire to
do so was natural in Roman Catholics generally, but
the elective franchise, while it enabled a Catholic to
express his political opinions through a Protestant re-
presentative, did not allow his religious motives to ope-
tate. The Bills under consideration would remove an
anomaly and inconsistency in the existing law, and
would enable the Protestant to say to his Catholic fel.
lc"-subj.-et that lie was in every respect his friend,
compatible with the safety of established political
Institutioas.

• The Bishop of BATH and WELLS thought to.
only question was, whether greater political power could
be given to the Roman Catholics wititott endangering
our Civil sold Ecclesiastical Establishirients? No ont
regretted the eaclusion of the Catholics from their rights
wire thatt he did, but toleration was of two kinds, reli-
gious and political. The first allowed every man to
worship-the Deity according to the dictates of his own
conscience, but the other was very different. The Rev.
Prelate then applied this distinction to the case of the
Roman Catholics, and argued to shew that their belief
in the supremacy of the Sovereign Pontiff influenced
their civil conduct as subjects of this country. He knew
'that in the town of Lancaster, where there were many
poor Catholics in the workhouse, they refused to work
an Saints' days and other holidays held sacred by the
Church of Rome. Again he would observe, that the
,society of Jesuits established at Stoneyhursti was both
unwearied and successful in making converts to the
Catholic Religion. The Roman Catholics were, in fact,
annper eadem, ttil actum reptans duns quid agendum
manebit. He did not, however, wish for perpetual ex-
clusion, but only such as necessity demanded,
The LORD CHANCELLOR declared that nothing
but imperative duty could induce him to trouble their
Lordships on the present occasion. As a servant of the
King, however, he could not allow his Majesty's prero-
gatives to be destroyed, as must be the case, if these
Bills passed the Legislature. These two Bills, although
discussed by the Noble Marquis (Lanadown), as one
measure, were in reality perfectly distinct. The first
Bill sotrght to alter what for more than a century had
been the settled law of the land. But when it was con-
sidered that the whole frame of the Constitution was,
Protestant, be did think it would be strange indeed if
the Catholics were not called upon to give some test of
their adherence to it, before they enjoyed the privileges
it conferred. How was it possible to grant the right of
voting, and not of being elected ? Until two years back
no one ever heard a whisper about giving the elective
franchise to the English Roman Catholics. In Ireland
it was necessary that every person voting at an election
should take the Oath of Allegiance, and produce a cer-
tificate of the same on the hustings; but this Bill pro-
vided no such thing, and therefore there was no ana-
logy in the two cases. In Ireland the offices excepted
were specifically enumerated ; but in' this respect also
the present measure was different. As to the law of
1817, relative to Officers in the Army and Navy, he
(the Lord Chancellor) had doubts whether that Act
were necessary or not ; and although he did not recol-
lect having given the opinion stated by the Noble Mar-
quis, on the right of the Duke of Norfolk to. officiate
at the Coronation as Hereditary Earl Marshal of Eng-
land, he now had no hesitation in saying that his opinion,
if asked, must have been such as had been described.—
The second Bill merely went to demand how Parliament
could deny the same privileges to a number of English
Catholics, which were possessed by Irish Catholics. It
was said, why not do now what was done before? The

truth, however, appeared to be, that they had been
going on until they knew not where to stop. He wished
their Lordships to look into history. Let them study'
the Ist of Philip and Mary, and they would then see
that the spiritual and ecclesiastical supremacy of the
Catholics included temporal supremacy also. No sub-
ject had a right to enjoy the offices sought for who did
not acknowledge the King as supreme. If, within 20
years past, it was thought to carry the Catholic Question
by storm, that time was now gone, and it 'was only at
tempted to gain the same object by sapping and mining.
But he still relied upon the wisdom of that House, and
should conclude with observing, that he could never
agree to the Bills on their Lordships' table.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that were the present
the general question relative to the Catholics, no man
should more firmly oppose it than himself. Events
which had occurred even within a few days, must have
strengthened the sentiments with which he had always
viewed that measure. The Bills, however, under im-
mediate consideration, were of a limited nature, and had
no reference to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, but re-
lated solely to those of England. For his own part, he
should say, that he would violate every principle that
guided his public conduct through life, if he did not
uphold the supremacy of the Crown. But this was
always a question of degree. He had no difficulty
in saying that the King of this count y should be
Protestant, the Council Protestant, the Parliament
Protestant, and the Judges Protestant, because they
were the supreme parts of the Government—( Hear ).
Upon these grounds he differed with the Noble Lords
opposite respecting the general question. Every honest
Catholic must be hostile to a Government such as he
(Lord Liverpool) just described, and where they would
have the power to endanger it, they should not in his
opinion be admitted. Hence he objected to the gene-
ral measure introduced by the Noble Lord opposite, and
desired him to particularize the redress he sought. To
apply the same principle to the office of Lord Chancel-
lor and of a tide waiter, rendered it ridiculous. His ob-
ject was not to give what would be dangerous, not to
refuse what would be safe. He did not think because
a certain law prevailed in Ireland, that that was in
itself a sufficient reason for introducing a similar law
into this country ; but there were some cases where it
would be preposterous not to aim at uniformity.
—lf the elective franchise was given at the recom-
mendation of the Crown to the Irish Catholics, why
should it be withheld from those of England? Gene-
rosity, he thought, demanded the concession, as well
as justice. The oaths alluded to, it was well known,
were scarcely ever tendered but as means of delay.—
With respect to the second Bill, which went to confer
eligibility to office it was divided into three parts—that
relative to the Revenue, &c. Justices of the Peace—and
the Earl Marshalof England. The last he must join
with all who had preceded him in wishing to have met
as a separate measure, although he could well appre-
ciate the exalted motives of the Noble Duke it con-
cerned for declining any individual relief. Next, as to
Justices of the Peace, he confessed there were some de-
bateable difficulties attending the subject, however free
his own mind might be from any important doubts.
But he did not see how the law as regards the Revenue,
Custom, and Excise, could remain in its present state.—
' (The Noble Earl here entered into an explanation of the
consolidation of the Boards of the two countries). That
evil must, he thought, have some remedy. On the ge-
neral question affecting the Catholics he had no fears.
lie knew the opinion of the Public of this country on
that subject, and he agreed with his Noble Friend (Earl
Westmor eland) that the only weakness to be apprehended
was from refusing trifling concessions irrelevant to the
real merits of the measure.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN briefly replied, after
which the question was put on the second reading of the
Elective Fianchite Bill, when the numbers were—

~;;-4.-,-.1;e..,1!

Contents - - - a SS
Probes - - 3S-101
Non-Contents 74
Proxies - - - 65--)59
Majority against the second reAng —Ss
The House then divided on the second for admitting lint-
halt Roman Catholics to offites, kc. when the numbers wererfor
Ate seconi reading,
Contents - - 66
Proxies - 43-109

Non-Contents - - 76
Proxies - - 67-143.

Majority
The House then adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.

- -
This being the last day for receiving Reports on Private Mils, the
Horse was occupied for a lung time in rece►ving them.
Mr. BY NG presented the Report of the Commercial Roads Bill,
which was read and agreed to.
Lord STANLEY presented a Petition from certain persons in
Lancashire, praying for an inquiry into the case of the lase Mr.
Smith, the Missionary.
Mr. BROUGHAM said that he would bring forward his motion
upon this case on Tuesday week, instead of neat Thursday, If an
Honourable Friend who had a motion for that day, would yield to
hint precedence.
Lord FRANCIS OSBORNE presented a Petition for an inquiry
into Mr. Smith's case, from certain inhabitants of Royston.
Sir 'l'. ACLA ND presented a similar Petition from Barnstaple.
Mr. STANLEY presented Petitions from Charleswortk and
Warrington, praying that the House would institute serious inquiry
into the transactions which gave rise to she trial of the late Mr.
Smith, Missionaty in Demerara. As the question was to undergo a
grave discussion in the course of a few days, he would refrain from
any present comment.
Mr. HUSKISSON took the same course with respect to a Peti-
tion signed by 4,000 inhabitants of Liverpool, upon the same subject.
The same Hon. Member presented a Petition from blerthants
and Bankers of Liverpool, against the Corn Laws, and the system
of monopoly and averages, which the Petitioners asserted was so far
from being beneficial to the growers, that grain bad never been so
unreasonably low as since the year 1815, when this system was first
established.

Mr. CURTEIS expressed his readiness to give up the system of
averages, as wholly inefficient to protect the growers.
Mr. WHITMORE said, that it was impossible that grain could
be foes her coos from the operation of those improved and liberal
maxims Which now influenced all the other interests of the country.
If no one else underfoot' is,he pledged himself in the course of next
Session to bring the whole subject, difficult as it was, before the
consideration of the House.
After a few words front Mr. Cuarvs, the Petition was laid on
the table. - .

Mr. WHARTON presented a Petition from several Justices of
the Peace at Northalkrton, against a clause in lire Jail Bill.
Mr. CHALON ER complained
,shat the object of these Justices
was to have the power of inflicting the punishment of the tread-
mill on prisoners before trial.
Mr. BROWNLOW gave notice that be would, on Friday neat,
present a Petition respecting the Catholic Association now sitting in
Dublin, and move that it be referred to the Committee now sitting
on the state of Ireland.

Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS presented a Petition from the Inhabi-
tants of the burgh of Annan, against any alteration in the Duties on
Hides and Skins. He also presented a Petition from the Presbytery
of the same Burgh, against the Scotch Poor Bill.
Lord A. HAMILTON said, that instead of supporting the
Scotch Poor Bill, as had been said, he was a decided opponent of
the measure, and hoped it would be withdrawn.
Mr. KENNEDY said he should withdraw it, after explaining
the.reasege whit& induced him to introduce it. He hoped the Right
Hon. Ohnsismun oppodte would allow him to do so this evening.
ST. KATHARINE'S DOCKS.

Mr. BYNG presented a Petition from certain indivi-
duals, praying to be heard by Counsel against the St.
Katharine's Docks Bill.

Mr. GRENFELL did not know whether there was
a precedent for such a proceeding; if there was, he
would now call on the House to reject this Petition. The
Bill to which it had reference had now been three weeks
before the Committee, and they had not as yet been
able to get through the preamble. They had already
had twenty-three Petitions referred to them against the
Bill, in which the parties had desired to be heard by
their Counsel, and the Committee had been condemned
to sit, day after day, hearing Counsel after Counsel,
and listening to cross-examination after cross-examina-
tion, hours in length, and now here was another Peti-
tion about to be referred to them, to open anew these
examinations. An Honourable Alderman had declared
publicly, that he would do all he could by delay and
otherwise to defeat the Bill. The Honourable Alder-
man might smile; but W such a course as this was
tolerated, there was no measure which could not be de-
feated by money, if it wa; brought forward on the first
day of the longest Session of Parliament that ever was
known. He called on the House to interpose and to
rescue its character from the obloquy which must be
brought upon it by such a proceeding as this.
Mr. C. CALVERT complained of the mode of pro-,
ceeding which had been adopted before the Committee.
Mr. Alderman HEYG ATE could not sit silent under
the charge that had been brought against him. It was true
he had smiled when he heard an Honourable Member
propose to the British Parliament, to reject the Petition
of, or refuse to hear an individual, who asserted that a
certain measure now in progress through the House
would, if adopted, be his ruin. He had never said, he
would defeat the Bill by delay ; what he had said was,
that precipitancy on one side must be met by propor-
tionate delay on the other; and he would say, that
never had a measure of such importance as this, a
measure going to destroy 800 houses, and the property
of numetous individuals, been pressed through the
House so precipitately, or introduced at so late a period
of the Session.

The SPEAKER said, it appeared to him, that the
House having referred this Bill to a Committee, to in-
quire into its merits, and to report to the House upon
them, the House could not now regularly enter into a
debate on the principle of the Bill. As to the Petition
to be heard by Counsel, it was clear that it was the
duty of the Committee to hear all persons interested in
the measure, whether for or against the Bill, and with
that view they were bound to hear the Counsel of the
patties till they were fully informed on that particular
point; but having once been satisfied on that point,
they were not bound to hear other Counsel upon other
Petitions relating to the same point, and only differing
in the name of the individual petitioning; of that fact,
the Committee were the judges.
The Petition was then referred to the Committee on
the Bill, as were the Petitions of several other indivi-
duals, containing the same prayer.