Star.
London, England, 1824-04-09 00:00:00

a Government by which they had been so ill-nsed.—
It was worth while to try the experiment of kindness,
now that the opposite system had been ineffectually
sicced upon for so many centuries. There was nothing'
tie people bore so ill as contumely. While it coot;nued
to be heaped on them, it was impossible the country
could be a source of strength to the empire. By an op•
postte sysoem it might be rendered loyal, powerful, con-
tented, and happy ; he cohjored 016.- Lordships, there-
fore, to consider dispassionately whether it would not
be 'n*fe th adopt some other mode of Government that
:mght afford a chance of producing such happy molts.
Lneland owed much to Ireland ; but from the first mo-
rneoz of her roinuest to the latest period, she treated
oer most unjustly. He spoke from the conviction of
his heart when be said, that without a change of sys-
tem it would be impossible to save the country. It was
to avert those calamities which he apprehended that he
caned on theirLor ddrips to take the matter into their most
serious consideration. The Noble Lord concluded by
moving for a Select Cononioet to incerire how far the
reeulatiens lately adopted by Pailiament,or by his Ma-
je Mmisters, lord hitherto tended, avpear ed likely
to rend, to secine the welfare and tranquillity of that
part of the United Krugdom called Irelaud, and to as-
certain whether any and what further measures might
appear to them advisable for the attainment of those
desirable ends.—The question being put,
Tire Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that under any other
circumstances than those under which the present Mo-
tion was brought forward, he should, before rising to
declare his sentiments, have felt anxious to hear those
of the Noble Lords who were more immediately con-
nected with Ireland. But from the peculiarly import-
ant nature of the subject he was anxious, as early as pos-
sible, to state the reasons which induced him to come to
the conclusion that the motion was not one in which
their Lordships ought to concur. If he thought that any
possible good could result from the appointment of a
Committee, either to the empire at large, or to Ireland
itself, he should be one of the last men to resit the pro-
position. Being, however, most firmly persuadeJ,from
all the consideration he could give the subject, that pd
good could arise from the appointment of a Committee;
believing that all the objects sought for by the motion
might be better met by a different course of proceeding;'
thinking that, far from being of advantage, it might
lead the country into most serious difficulties—lre must
on these grounds resist the motion of the Noble Lord.
Before proceeding to the topics adverted to in the course
of the Noble Lord's speech, he felt it necessary in the
first place to do justice to the character of the Irish
people. It was true he never visited the country ; he
was not, therefore, acquainted with its localities ; but
having frequently, both in his private and public capa-
city, come in contact with the Irish people—knowing
how much of the work of London was performed by
labourers from Ireland—what numbers of Irish mecha-
nics were employed in various manufactures—having
had ample means of looking into their conduct, he was
bound to say, that whatever they might be in their own
county, out of it there did not exist a more industrious,
a more honest, or a more kindly disposed people. He
thought it material to bear thie testimony to their con-
duct, lest it might be supposed that he considered the
existing evils, whatever they ;night be, as arising from
the character of the people. Whether considered with
reference to their services in the Army, the Navy, or the
various branches of industry and labour in which they
were employed, there was nor, he would venture to say,
a more valuable people to be found in any .part of the
empire. Ile would come now to the state of Ireland,
as opened to them in the speech of the Noble Lo: d, and
in considering this subject it was important at the out-
set to draw one material distinction, to be found within
the country itself, It must occur to every person at
all acquainted with ir, that there existed a very mate-
rial ditfeience between the province of Ulster and the
other provinces. Though that provioce, in consequence
of the great exertioos the country had been called upon
to make, and the expenditure occasioned by those ex-
ertions, suffered in common with all other parts of the
empire, still it could not be denied that it was in a state
of growing prosperity. There was no reason ter be-
lieving that with respect to its apoicultme, its com-
merce, and manufactures, it was not in as prosperous
and flourishing a state as any other part of the empire.
In stating this, however, he merely meant to say, that
there were advantages which belonged only to this par-
ticular province, as compared with the others. In con-
sidering the state of Ireland, and the bearing of politi-
cal measures upon it, they roust look to it in reference
to the policy pursued by the English Government,
either in former or latter times. Without undervaluing
the general policy of the earlier periods of their history,
it could not be denied that, with reference to Ireland,
it was a policy of tyranny and oppression, and that
where tyranny and oppression might not be traced, the
pr incipies of a narrow and selfish policy were applied.
It could not be denied, that by this system great suffer-
ings had been inflicted on the country, but there was
another cause from which at least equal evils arose—
when they began to pursue a different line of policy,
and extend the benefits of the Constitution to the Peo-
ple. I: wits often done too hastily, when they were not
s .rfliciently prepared for such a chaeg, and by that means
the good proposed was defeated in no inc3usi .iet able de-
gree. This was not mere matter of conjecture or
theory. lie had the advantage of expenence on de
subject, and was borne out by the results of a diffe!ent
line of policy in another part of the empire. Scotland
at one time was in a noach worse situation than Ire
land. li, after the rebellion of 1715, :hey had imme-
diately giver: tr. S:ctland the laws and the magistracy
el Englande she never could have arrived at her pre-
sent state of prosperity. In place of units extending to
her suddenly all the benefits of the Constitution, her
existing wants were taken into consiudation, and mea-
sures suited to time gradvaily introJaceii. In legis-
lating for any country, they should first look at the par-
ticular wants to which that legislation was to be appiled.
He wisned to call the attention of their Lordships to the
numerous laws passed in tbe course of the last reign
for the relief cf Ireiand. Ile recollected that a Noble
BA-on (Lord Glenville, we believe), not now, uttfortu-
rattly in attendance, and who took a diiletent view from
I.im.cllvntrue important question couuected with fie-
LuAl, ,aia, in the coot se of a former debate, that there
ne.er had been so many acts of beneficence done for any
country a., had been. for Leland in the course of the last
reign. Ile would state to their Lordships what the pa-
hey of this yamtry was. The Noble Lord who brought
this subject forward did not seem to be fully aware of
it. No nation, arse the Leg-inning of the world, had
ever dote or soul ificed so much for a part of her enoare
es. England had for the benefit of behold. In consider-
hoe, a question like this, the first thing that we naturally
lv.oioti to V, as the relsital elihetiht Of taxation. England

was now taxed far beyond the atisrage rate of Europe.
It was at least doubly taxed. Their Lordships might
be surprised to hear that having taken the whole debt
of Ireland on herself, Ireland .was now the least taxed
of any country in Europe, with the exception perhaps
of Russia an I the Sauthern puts of Italy. Considering
the relative ansount of population, Greet Britain boie ten
times the taxes that Ireland did. Her actual taxation was
Live times greater. There was no direct tax in Ireland,
at least no direct tax paid to the Government.• -The
only thing that could be called a direct tax was the
tithes. There was no poor rate, unfortunately as he
thought for the interest of the country. Whilst there.
fu: e one ccuntry was the highest taxed in Europe, the
other was the least. If Ireland paid less taxes, he was
aware Oat she was less able to bear them. The very
fact of bearing taxes might, he would allow, be a proof
that there existed the ability to bear them. What he
stated, however, was only a small part of the relation
in which the two countries stood to each other, with re-
ference to taxation. Their Lord-Lips were aware that
heavy protecting duties were imposed upon various ar-
ticles of foreign production. This, whether right or
wrong, bad been the„ policy of England from an early
period. Their whole Statute book was full of those
protecting laws. Ireland, however, that did not pay
half the taxes of Ft ante or of the Netherlands, was Iv w
admitted into the English market upon the same terms
as those ho paid five times the amount of taxes—
(hear). He did etat mean to lay any stress on the fact;
he stated it for as much as it was worth, but it was right
their Lordships should know it. While protecting duties
were imposed on the industry of every country in Europe,
Irish produce was allowed to come into the market on
the same mins as English. Was be not then justified
in saying that no nation had ever done so much for any
part of her empire as England had for Ireland ? What-
ever then might have been the former conduct pur-
sued, there was no ground for saying that in hitter
periods the most liberal policy had not been adopted.
This view of the question was very material in refer-
ence to the motion of the Noble Lord. Whatever
might. be the effects arising from religion, their Lord-
ships must see that the evils of Ireland were in no way
connected with the policy pursued in later times, but
that they must arise from something else in the internal
state of the country. He would put it to. their Lord-
ships whether any indisposition was ever manifested by
the Government to institute inquiry when any particle
lar grievance was stated to exist? No Liter than last
Session an inquiry of a most important nature was set
on foot, and some improvements likely to prove highly
beneficial grew out of the recommendation of the Com-
missioners then appointed. The highest credit was due
to them for the able and judicious manner in which they
probed-the evils submitted to their inquiry, and the.re-
medics they suggested. He had no objection to inquiry
on s?ecial objects, but he disapproved of a motion so
genetail as that of the Noble Lord ; because, if agreed
to, it • might lead to expectations which it would be
found impossible to realise. Another question 'that had
occupied the attention of the other branch of the Legis-
lature was that of education. On this subject the Go-
vernment was of opinion that much might be done;
and they were neither negligent nor unsuccessful. An
institution of the utmost importance was now proceed.
ing in the most successful manner—not on the con-
tracted scheme of exclusion, but on the principle of ad-
mitting Catholics equally with Protestants to all the
benefits of it. Ile did not mean to say there were to be
no Protestant schools ; such establishments could not
be dispensed with in Ireland. The institution was
making rapid progress, as would appear from the great
number of schools established since it commenced in
1817, when the number was only eight. In 1818 there
were sixty-five established ; in 1819, 133 ; in 1820,241;
and last year they were raised to 1,122. The applica-
tions for similar establishments were rapidly increas-

ing. In the first quarter of last year the applications
were 63 ; in the second quarter, 73 ; in the third quar-
ter, 117 ; and in the fourth quarter 142—making alto-
gether 395 in one year. Though some objections at first
existed on the part of the Catholics to avail themselves
•of the institution, they were in a great measure re.
moved. The applications from Munster were numerous.
In the counties of Cork and Limerick the number of
schools established last year was 103. These institu-
tions were on the must liberal principle. There was only

one condition required, that t f reading the Scriptures--
(icar from some Noble Lord on the opposite side).—
The Catholics might use their own version if they
pleased. Nearly half the Masters appointed were Ro-
man Catholics. It might be asked what the effects were
hitherto ? Their Lordships must see that instantaneous
effects could not be expected from establishments of'
this kind ; but, from the best information, he was war-

ranted in believing that they were already sensibly felt.
He held in his hand a document which warranted him
in coming to that conclusion. It was the Report of
a Committee on the subject.
[Here the Noble Lord read part of the Report, stating that it
WAS not reasonable to expect that the effects could be discernible in
the adult population ; that the benefits were to be looked for only
when the present generation grew up to man's estate ; but that al-
ready the advantages were great, and that the effects might be
traced in the respectable and orderly conduct of the people in
whose vicinity these schools were established.]
He would not now discuss the measure of Tithes ; but
he did not believe that if the whole Tithe system were
done away with in Ireland, the people would be bene-
fited, for they would then have to pay at least a rent
proportional to the amount of Tithe—and he also be.
Neves' that there were more cruel collectors of rent at
this moment in that country, than there were of Tithes.
1k certainly wished as strongly as any man that the
Cier,sy of the Established Church would contrive to
have their Tithes collected in a less irritating manner'
—but he was convinced, that before the grievances of
Ireland could be removed, a change of conduct must
take place in the landlord. Another source of evil he
considered to be, the subdivision of farms into 40s. free-
holds ; and it was well known that land in Ireland, at
Ithis moment, leis at a higher rent than in England, al-
th,,tigh there are nu poor rates. He believed there never
was a peasantry in such a state as that of Ireland—
(nent)—he would repeat—he believed there never was.
l'esitions had been presented to that House about the
state of fl.e Slaves in the Westlndies, but they had many
advantages—those of food, clothing, &c. but in Ireland
the poor man has no house, no food, no clothes, no rights.
Anozher topic,which he should not now discuss, was, that
in his mind, improperly called Catholic Emancipation.
This measure, he did nut believe, ii passed to-morrow,
would have any effect on the condition of Iceland.
lielaud, iu one iespect, ditTered froth every other coun-
try'. In all others we found that the property, both
landed and conrnretcial, vs cot with the bulk of the peo-
ple; hut not so in Ireland ; there the property was with
the Protestants, while the buik of the population was
Catholic. 'rue Noble Earl then concluded by express.

•

ins the strongest_ disposition, on the
.part. of Govern-
ment, to do everything in their power for the advantage
of Ireland, and would to GOD they were able to do all
wished for the beoefit of that country'; but; hte could
see no gored likely to result from the present motion, he
must oppose it.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN, though he agreed
with the Noble Earl who had just sat down oa Borne
points, yet differed from him as to the inquiry proposed
by his-Noble Friend, which, he contended, was as ne-
cessary as any that had been called for at for mer
periods of our history. Ali the topics treated upon!
ranged themselves under two heads, acid they had but
to choose whether they would take the view suggested
by one of these or the other. The first consider ation
was, what made the situation of Ireland an anomaly_
throwing out of their calculation whether or not the
Church there established was in unison with the feelings
of the people? and the second, whether these Statutes
applied to cm rect the evils growing out of that anomaly
he had described, and which traveled out of the Con-
stitution, were calculated to give the population and
Government of that country security and repose?—
The Noble Marquis, proceeding to discuss those points,
contended that the circumstances which rendered Fe-
land dissimilar to every other country in Europe were
.adverse to the real prosperity of the Empire; and ar-
gued that the measures adopted to guard against the
evils thence arising were not such as ought to prevail.
Alter all that the Noble Earl had told them Gfflvern-
ment had done for Ireland, he was not prepared to say
that that practical order had been secured, and that
sincere attachment tar England which could exempt us
from that addition to our burdens which the Noble Earl
would to-morrow call upon them to hear when propos-
ing to them an augmentation on account of Ireland.—
There was something then that prevented the measures
devised by the Noble Earl for the benefit of Ireland
from producing the desired effect. But when told of
the generosity of this country towards Ireland, he must
remind the Noble Earl of some of the circumstances
connected with the display of generosity. Ile would
drew that that generosity might be fairly named expe-
o:liency—expediency founded on an enlarged view of
the situation of both countries. If Ireland produced
much corn and England but little, was it a favour to
allow her corn to be consumed in England on condition
that she took our manufactures for the consumption of
Ireland ? When they were told of the difference between
taxation in England and taxation in Ireland, the reason
was obvious. It was because the former was the richest,
the latter the poorest country in Europe. The taxes had
been reduced in Ireland, but first they had been so
largely augmented, that their produce diminished from
the extent to which they bad been pushed.—
The taxes which had formerly given a million, from
being augmented sunk to half a million. Then we be-
came generous and remitted the extraordinary duties
most lelt, and now Ireland was likely to pay a million
again. Ireland was reviving on the ruins of those laws
under which she had suffered, for to the tyrannical
laws which had been in force, he imputed much of
that disposition to rebel which had manifested itself
in the North of Ireland. He could not bait warmly
praise the measures latterly adopted by Government,
and express particular satisfaction at seeing the prin-
ciple of a commutation of tithes admitted. Ile hoped
Ministers would follow it up, till the practice of
commutation should become general throughout Ire-
land. There was another question to which the Noble
Earl had adverted, and which, in the unhappy situation
of that country, must always demand.particular atten-
tion, he meant the state of the administration of justice.
Than this nothing could have greater influence on the
manners and feelings of the people. Ought it to be
supposed that Irishmen were found residing in all other
countries from choice? Ought it not rather to be
ascribed to the state of the laws there, and the peculi-
arities in the administration of justice? On the subject
of middle-men, be begged to remark, that such rersons
were as much employed by the resident gentry as by the
absentees of Ireland. From various circumstances, he
was sorry to .say that Ireland had not through many
years enjoyed the advantages intended for her in the
full and fair administration of justice. Ile however ac-
knowledged that the greatest efforts had been made by
his Majesty's Government, and especially by that part
of it which was more immediately connected with Ire-
laud, to accomplish that Most desirable object. The
persons who had been selected to be the agents of the
Police had been proved guilty of creating those very
disturbances which it was their duty to put down. Hehad
received a letter within these few days from Ireland, one
passage of which he would repeat; it was this—c, The
Assize here is just over; it would have been a maiden
one but for the disturbances created by the police."
Those men, who had been engaged by Government to
guard against a disturbance, had been guilty of going
into a fair, and enticing men to drink till they became
drunk, and then murdering them, for so he thought he
might fairly describe their crime. These men had been
convicted of manslaughter by a Protestant Jury, and
had received sentence of transportation. To shew the
effects of past misgovernment, and to shew how little
the people calculated on obtaining justice at the hands
of Government, he would state what had occurred on
this occasion. The family of the person who had lost,
his life was so poor, that it was considered they could
not obtain legal advice if left to their own resources.
The Government upon this, very commendably and
very promptly directed four King's Counsel to conduct
the case. Four Gentlemen prepared to obey, and
would doubtless honour ably have discharged their
duty, but so little faith had the former in the good
intentions of Government, that they actually sub-
scribed to have a Counsel of their own, and Mr.
Wallace had been sent to Maryborough, and on his
shewing, the verdict and sentence had been obtained.
This he mentioned but to shew the rooted belief which
prevailed among the people that they were proscribed,
and could not hope for justice at the hands of Goven n-
ment. A resolution come to by the Grand Jury of the
county of Roscommon, had been communicated to him,
which charged the constables sent down by Govcr a-
ment with creating disturbances and extorting money,
under the sanction of the person at the head cf the po-
lice there, who had culpably endeavoured to screens
them from punishment. Ile stated this as another in-
stance of the difficulty of adminicening justice, even
where the Government were disposed to effect that
important object. The Noble Marquis alluded to va-
rious cases in which individuals had been improperly
molested, and where blood had been shed, without
its being found prac:icable to bring the authors of
such outrages to justice. These things he mentioned
as arguments in favour of that inquiry which had
been called for by his Noble Friend. He noticed
the injurious effects of Orange processsions, and read
the remarks of Mr. Bawls M'Clelland in a late charge to

-1-

a Grand Jury on the importance of putting them
lie enial ged on the misconception and consequent (.1).w.-ll-
tents in Ireland, which k vas his Lordship's belief led !!e
peasants, under ti,e impression that eq raljusticewourld mit
be dealt out to them, to outrages. bur rings, and nntr.le,,,..
No one could be more favntrrAble than he WAS t'

. . -
nussions of Inpiry, and he was as ready as the N'‘b.e
Earl to bear te,timOny to the ability and intecTrity wi ii
which the Commissirniers formerly appointed by Parli i.
went had performed the duty imposed upon them ; hut
he thought something more than inquiry ought vow to
-take place. Ministers ought to be especially catefai
tha: no religious differences should be encouraged in
the school, now establishing, or to be established, i!!Ide:.
their auspices. It hid been often said that the Catholic
Clergy in Ireland were unwilling to allow those under
their guidance to receive the benefits of education. i'e
felt called upon, as in this he could speak from his o•A
experience to say such was not the fact. Under all the
circumstances, he thought the inquiry called for by W,.;
Noble Friend highly desirable, and he therefore heat 6,y
concurred in the motion.

The Earl of LIMERICK agreed with much that i:al
fallen from Noble Lords on both sides of the ffoihe
he felt it his duty to declare his concur ren,e in the opie:qi
which had fallen from the Noble Earl (Liverpool), that
notenetit could arise from the apk ointment of the Com-
mittee. With respect to Pour rates, they would be velf
agreeable to the Irish peasants ; for they would never
work if they could obtain support without it. The.
establishment of a sytem of Poor-rates in lb amid wouli
only create six millions of beggars.
The Marquis of DOWNSII IRE set forth the import-
ance of adopting measures to relieve and conciliate the
people of Ireland, and hoped 1111Cd115 would be tound of
employing the siketfluous capital of Engiand there in a
manner that would prove beveticial to both countries.

Lord CARBERY defended. the measures taken for
more general y diffusing the bles,ings of education
among the poor of Ireland, and maimaineti that every
care was taken not to alarm their ieligion.i.rejn..i.:es.
The Earl of RODEN considered it to be the misfor-
tune of Ireland to be the tool of party and the dupe at
designing demagogues, who wished to set them against
English jurisprudence and English connection. Till that
superstition was eradicated which now enslaved her, no
Permanent good could be effected. He bole .estimony to
the general anxiety for education pieva.ent in Leland.
Ile praised, in the warmest terms, the Sunday Sellout
society in Ireland. That Society had mew estabii,hed
1640 schools, in which there were 12,578 gratuitous
teachers, who had weekly to perform the rleasing task
of teaching 157,184. children. But it was not the Sun-
day School Society alone. which thus exerted itself in
the cause of education.- The London Hibei nian Society
instructed 90,000 children daily, of whom 65,000 were
Roman. Catholics; the Kildaic-street Society educated
70,000 children, of 'b.. hum 4.5,009 sere Roman C
lies ; the Capehstteet Society educated 19 216, of whom
924.6 were Roman Catholics. The Anabaptist's Society
educated 9000 children, of whom 7500 were Romao
Catholics. The Tilsit Society educated 3900 children,
of whom 3000 were Roman Catholics. The sum total
was, these schools educated 319,306 Irish children, of
which number 161.,746 were Roman Catholics. He
should oppose the motion.
Lord CIA FDEN snprortNi tine tn,vion, and contended that
Ireland could never be pacified all the Protestants and the Catho-
lics were placed on a perfect toeing of equality.
The Eirl of CA It NA It VON did rot think the changes at pre-
sent countenanced by Minisceri calculated to effect much; !rut he
thought the Government would t}ti itself compelled to go further.
Ile thought no beneficial change could be looked for while Ireland
retained a Hierarchy of the same persuasion as a small portion of the
people,which was rejected if not execrated by a great majority.
The Earl of DARWLET replied.
After which the House divided, when the numbers were as
follow :

Contents, 17 I Nnn Contents, 57 I Majority against the Motion, .10.
Adjourned at Twelve o'Clock.
11017 SE OF COMMONS.

Leave was given to Wing in.a Bill to establish an FgnitL•ble Loan
Society in Dublin.
Mr. BYNG brought in a Bill to incorporate a Company for
lighting the cities of London and Westminster with Oil Gas.—lteal
a first time, and ordered for a second reading.
Mr. I'. WILSON brought in a Bill to amend the Laws relating
to the Custody of Pauper and Criminal Lunatics.—Read a first
time, and ordered for a second reading.
Petitions were presented against Slavery, from two Parishes in
Lancashire, by Lord STANLEY ; from Standish, by Mr. Cuawco ;
and from Chipping Wickham—Severally laid upon the table.
Sir A. CA MPBALL presented a Petition from the Dean and
Procuratots of Paisley against the Attendee 811.
A similar Petition was presented from Wigton, both which were
laid on the table.

Mr. LAM BTON presented a Petition from the Merchants and
others of the town of Darlington, in favour of the County Conics
Bill.—Laid on the table.
General GASCOYNE presented a Petition from an individual,
and another from certain inhabitants of the town of Liverpo 1,
against the County Courts Bill. The Petitions stated that there
were Courts already existing in the County of Lancaster that were
fully adequate to all the ends of justice. The gallant Member gave
nixief that be should move a clause in the Committee for exempting
the county of Lancaster from the operation of the ICI.
Lord Atmolt P wished to ask the lion. General how mall
signatures the Petition contained?
General GASCOYNE said there were about fifty signatures,
principally those of lawyers—(hear, bear).—The Petitioes weir
laid upon the table.
Mr. DEN ISON presented a Petition from the Trustees of the
East Smithfield lioatis against the St. Catherine's Duck Bill. The
Petitioners were ordered to he heard by thema Ives or Counsel be-
fore the Committee on the Bill.
Lord A I.TIIOIIII moved the committal of the County Coirts
Bill.—The Bill went through a Committee, the Report was re-
ceived, and ordered to be. taken into further conaideretioa on
Monciay next.
Mr. LAM BTON fixed his motion relative to the Press in India,
for Tuesday, :he 25th of May.
Mr. K. DOUG LAS presented a Petition from the Sheep Farmers
of the county of Dumfries, praying for a repeal of the tax uputt
Shepherds' Dees.—Liid un the table.
Also a Petition front the Magistrates and others of the Burgh of
Dumfries, preying an inquiry into the Salmon Fishery Laws.—He-
ferred to the Committee.
Mr. 11. G. BENN icrf presented a Petition from the Inhabi-
tants of Newton and another ylece against the proposed grant of
1.500.000 for the building of New Churches.—Laid on the table.
Loz d A. 11.17.m.T0N nnnced fur a Ileturn of the Fees chareed
by the Magiscretes and Town Clerk of Inverness, on the discheree
of any ptiauiter under the Act of Grace.—Ordered:
Mr. S. E ICE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to re:elate ti.e
holding of Petty Sessions in Ireletal.—Leave given.
The s.:me lioneurehle Member moved that a Select Committee
be aro:Mite:l to iniyeire into the local taxation of Dublin.—The
acireed to, and the Committee appointed.
Mr. HOME moved fur a Return of all Slaves, the property
the Crowe, it: of the Colonies, stating the number meter -et
years of :lg.!, and the number over that age.—Ordered.
The A TTOI:NEY-G P.NE It A L obtained leave to bring in a 13: i
to amend the. Acts relative to the British Museum.
Mr. 0 U LBU RN moved for leave to bring in a Bill for drain-
ing and improving the Bees of Ireland ; a Bill to amend the County
of Cork Division Bill; and a Bid. to amend the Civil Bill Act 4
Ireland.—Leave given.
Mr. PY M presented a Petition from Leighton-Buzzard, :pin,:
the window-tax.