Star.
London, England, 1813-06-01 00:00:00

SMITHFIELD fIA RKET.

The Order of the Day for the 6econ,l re;:tintt of the 5:-.1%11-
field Market Improvement B II being read,
The Duke of BEDFORD rose, and in a concise and perspi-
cuova speech supported the measure, the object ot which x% as
to provide, by expedient and salutary means, a rented:: or cur-
r•ction ot an evil which bad sprung up, and was the tt •cessary
cons-quenee of an immensely incr.-a-AA ppolatio3. iii. Otrac
eioncluded with moving the second reading.
Lord ELLEN LO?sOUGUI admitted the ganeral pvpr•iiity
tke Ncble Duke's statement ; but argued that the evil to be -:-
Inetlistl was sb inveterate and incurable a nature in its present
place, that nothing but complete remov4l could have any el:nice
of success; and contended that the addit lanai space of three quar-
ter; of an 2.rre tvonld, insread of diminishing the evil, increase tt.
He therefore moved that the second reading be postponed to this
day three months.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE defeniied the Btil.
LerJ ELDON argued against the Biil, and was persuaded
that nothing but a complete removal to the end of Gray's Inn-
!Asir, or sonic other place, would relieve the neighbourhood of
SmithEeld and the public from the nuisance of which they all at
I,rtsen: so justly complainsl
• The Marquis of LANSDOWNE voterfar Its going into at
Committee.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL objected to the Bill on every ma-
sideration, both pubtic and private. The inconvenience, not to
say nuisance, of a market like that of Smsthfield, in the midst of
an immense city like London, must be obvious to every one.—
His Lordship enncluded by expressing a hope that some effectual
measure would be adopted tor carrying the market at present
held at Smithfield to a convenient and wholesome distance.

The Duke or BEDFORD reps-ated briefly his arguments for
their Lordships going into a Cstnmittee.
A d•vision tt:en took place, by which the Bill eras rejected by
a majority of 9—the numbers being, for the Bill, 16 ; against it,..
V.S.— heir Lordships then adjourned.
HOTTSE OF COMMONS.

Sir N. COLTHURST moved for and obtained leave to bring
in a Bill to amend the Acts of the 19. h and 20th of the King,
empowering Grand Juries to levy Tolls or. Bridges i 3
hz! Hod. Baronet subsequently brought in the Bill, which was
read a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Thurs-
day se'unight.
The Salvage Bill was read a third time and passed,
The Report of the Manure Carriage Bill was taken into fur-
ther consideration and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read
a third time to-morrow, if then engrossed.
Mr. KENRICK moved the second reading of the Poor Laws'
Bill, with a view, he said, to its being afterwards committed
pro fora, and then to be printed and lie ova till next Session.
Mr. SHAW insisted on the great importance of the Bill
in all its bearings, and wished it might receive the fuilest at-
tention.
The second reading of the Cinque Ports Bill was postponed to
Thursday.
The Committee on the Irish Insolvent Debtors' Bill was post-
poned to Wednesday.
MR. PALMER'S CLAIMS.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, for the
purpose of moving for a select Committee to consider of Mr.
Palmer'. Claims.
Colonel PALMER said, that whatever objection he might
feel to the delay which would be occasioned by the mode of pro-
ceeding proposed by the Right lion. Gentittman, particularly as
the Report in favour of Mr. Palmer already stood tin the Jour-
nals of the House, be yet should not oppose the appointment of
the Committee, from a wish that the character of Mr. Painter
should be placed in the fairest light to the World. He thought,
however, that if there was any evidence, it ►hould have been
brought forward on former occasions.
The CHANCELLOR of the k.XCHEQUER explained.
Mr. P.II.IOORE objected to the appointment of a Committee
of the House, as he conceived they had already adjudicat.:d upon
tie subject. The last question which had been put on the for-
mer Committee to a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, was, whe-
ther there was any further evidence? when he answered in the
negative.
Mr. LONG said, that he certainly, at the time, was not ac-
quainted with auy further evidence on the subject, but he denied
that there was any thing conclusive in what bad taken place.—
During the life of Mr. Pitt, the hsiuse had decided against those
Claims; subsequently there had been a decision in their favour,
and he therefore could not see bow this could be called a com-
plete adjudication.

Mr. PONSONBY rose ands said, that he had anThe
time ago taken the lib7.rty of asking the Noble Lord
opposite some questions regarding the Relations of
' this Country with Sweden, and also with Denmark.
He now wished id ascertain from the Noble Lord,
I whether any sum of money had been advanced to
I the former Power, except that which was stated in
the Vote of Credit ? Upon the answer of the Noble
Lord would depend the course of conduct which
i be (Mr. Por-sonby) should feel himself called upon
to adopt.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said, thAt be had no
difficulty in stating, for the satisfaction of the. Right
Hon. Gentleman,. that some advances had takes
place besides those specified in the Vote of Credit.—
He rather hoped that, after the holidays, he should
be enabled to make a communication upon the sub.
ject to the House. • •
Mr. PONSONBY observed, that he should have
been better pleased if the.Nohle Lord had spoken
more confidently than that" he " raikr hoped" to
have it in his power to communicate some informa-
tion to the House. Though' he' did not mean to
assert that bis Majesty's Ministers might not be right
in the steps they had taken, yet it appeared to him
to be a proceeding which Parliament ought not to
sanction. The Noble Lord said • that certain sums
had been advanced to Sweden besides th )se mention,
ed in the Vote of Credit. If the Noble Lord could
speak with a little. more con6dence as u the certainty
of a communication, he should say nothing mare;—
but if not, he should find it his duty to give a notice'
on the subject.
Lord CASTLEREAGH sari, that he certainly
felt a strong persuasion that he should have it in his
power to make tile desired communication with no
other reserve than the occurrence of unforeseen cir-
cumstances might make necessary. He had every
wish to afford the House the fullest information, and
hoped to be enabled to do so at the time he stated.
Mr. PONSONBY expressed himself sati.fied, as
the Noble Lord had now spoken with considerably
greater confidencetilan at first.
LAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS:
Lord CASTUF.P,EAGH roov-d the 0 •Jer of
the Day for the tionse ring into a Committee to
cimsider further of the Attains the Etst India
Lorne iny.
Mr. P. MOO RE objected to the mot:oa, as a new
string of Resolutions had just 'aveit put into !mud!,
which die Members.had no previa.is notice of, a;id
had no time to make thermeives acquainted with.

Lord CASTLEREAGH said, tlat Alm Cominit.
rec was the fittest place for discussing the Resole, .
Lions and obtaining the fu:lest infOrtnation upon
every-part of the sitbj-tct.
Mr. A. BARING thought it an. extraordinary
proceeding that the House should go into a Coma '
mittee on a string of new Itesointions wha h no one
had time to read. They should hare been informed
whether they were going into a Committee on the
old or new set of Resolutions.
Mr. GRANT said, that this was a question of the -
!art importance to the Company and to the commi,.
nity, and it was impossiblb that the Resolutions
could have been read by ene tenth of the Members
of the House. The Court of Directors had been only
apprised of the change in the Resolutions that morn.
ing,• And he hoped therefore, in cons.equenie of the
new modification, that the Noble Lo:d would not
press the Committee ta-night,but allow some
time in a matter of such great importance.
Lord CASTLEREAGH felt the grounds ad.
vanced to-night not much more weighty than thi
which had been urge-I on a late occasion. He fairly
owned that he could lint understand the policy of
postponement. It would have been perfectly com-
petent for him to have mnvsd in the Committee
those alterations without any previous notice, but lie
was desirous of giving all the previous infana: oit
in his power, and thi n the tactics were to represent
the whole of the Resolutions as having undergone a
change. The alterations were chiefly in the third
Resolution, and there was a great deal ofpreliminary
matter to he discussed before they should come in
contact with it. If the House felt- that there was
any new matter in point of principle, he should
allow it to form a fair claim for the postponement of
the question ; but as the general discussion would
take place before they came to the de jls, he
thought there was no good ground for delay. He
had it in contemplation to propose that they should I
begin by discussing the 2d Resolution first, as em.
bracing one of the great branches of the question ;
atter which would follow the trade to India, instead
Of beginning by the first Resolution, which was ra.
ther to be regarded in the light of a preamble to%
Bill, than as any particular proposition.

Mr. R. Tip:ANTON Begged leave to observe,
that the Directors considered the Resolutions to be
a connected series, and not a number of distinct

propositions. He trusted, therefore, that the House
would not plunge into the question without suffi-
cient deliberation, nor hastily adopt Resolutions
which are calculated to put down the East India
Company.
Mr. W. KEENE objected to going into the Com•
mittee at present.
Mr. CANNING agreed that the subject couldnot

.

,
be approached with too much deliberation, but he
thought that delay was more fatal to deliberation
than an immediate discussion. Any further post-'
ponement would be considered out of doors, as equi-
• Valent to an abandonment of the question for the pre-
sent Session. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the ar-
i rangement proposed by the Noble Lord, he had to ob-
serve that, when the 2d Resolution came under dis-
cussion, he had it in contemplation to propose a shorter
term for the duration of the trade to China, than that
of the whole Charter, but he could not offer that pro-
position so as to be intelligible, unless the general
principle should have been previously discussed. In
l' point of order, the whole question of the renewal of
the Chat ter seemed to be the proper one to discuss at
. the outset--any specific part appeared premature at
t, present. If, however, the House should determine
,i o.herwise, he would leave his motion for the Report,
iii not he should follow it up, as growing out of the
I Resolutions. But he should not move an exception
ito an exception, unless the general principle was first
agreed to.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT agreed with the Right
Hon. Gentleman, that the country looked for the de-
cision of the question, and the House had no option
left but to proceed at once, or abandon the discussion
altdwether. Where further delay was spoken of, it
looked too like a wish to take advantage of the un-
avoidable absence of Members at a later period of
1 the Session. •

Mr. PONSONBY confessed, that he, for one, en.
tertained considerable doubts as to the propriety of
coming to the completion of the measure in the pre-
sent Session ; for in a short time there would not be
'a sufficient attendance for a satisfactory and final de-
ci-ion. But he was far from thinking that it was not
right to proceed at all now.—(Hear )—On the con-
trary, he thought that much might be done, though
thry might not have it in their power to go so far as
to pass an Act of Parliament binding on all parties.
There was one most material consideration, which
did not appear to have been sufficiently attended to,
and o at %%as, the provsition to allow the exclusive
trade to the Company for twenty years more. Now,
he confessed, that of all the propositions, none ap-
pealed to him so doubtful as that ; for even though
he might d'sposed to think it right to renew the
Charter, vet he might object to the term of today
years. This he merely mentioned in -Order to bring
it under the minds of Gentlenien, and notier the pur-.
t pose of declaring any positive opinion. If the Noble
Liird had resolved to proceed this Session to the com-
pleoon of the measure, the sooner he began the better
for his own purpose.
Lord CAoTLEREAGH said, that the further
disposal of the question depended so much upon cit.-
culreitances, that it would be presumptuous in him to
say'more than that he conceived, the sooner they ap-
proached the subject the better. It would be no small
progress, if 'tkey did no more tifan understand each
toher, and sift the question to the bottom. He could
assure the House and the Company, that if he resisted
delsiy, it did not proceed from any uncandid wish on
his part to decide, hastily against the interests of the
Company ; but solely that they might make some pro-
gress in the discussion.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble
.Loyd then repeated his opinion, that it was better to
begin by discussing the second Resolution, leaving
out the concluding words, which bad a reference to
timei and at ter the opinion. of the* House had been
ascertained on the two great branches of the question
(the China and India trade), they could more conve-
niently apply themselves to the details. That was
the c Luse be bad in contemplation, and as he be-
ltived that unless the House turned their backs on
the measure, the sooner they were in the Committee
he should persist in moving, “ That the
o now leave the Chair."
ROBINSON said, that It's only reason for
short delay was, that a most material alte-
taken place in the third Resolution. It
.ablish a system of licences under the autho-
Board of Coniroul ; and as that system,
;es of necessity, was injurious, he trusted
iuld hardly be adopted in making arrange-
India.
:A STLEREAGH had no objection to say,
Hon. Director did not wish a discussion
ird Resolution for the present, he was not
press it.
GASCOYNE said, that as the advocates
=party sought a different ground of delay
, the sooner the House proceeded the better;
!y would give a vital death-blow to the me-
lee.— (Laughter.)
AVIS having said a few words in favour of
1, the House went into a Committee, Mr.
ON in the Chair.
.ASTLEREAGH said, that he wished to
i, at the outset, whether the House wished
with the first or second Resolution ? His
was, that.as the first Resolution was loose
they would come with more advantage
having discussed the application of the ge-
tiple to particular objects, and by minim-
•oposition which had more pretision in it:l
t would have to discuss the subject in all its
all its generalities, and in all its shades, at
proceeding to move the second Resolution
ing out the reference to time towards the',
would, in his opinion, proceed in the most
way, and it would be perfectly compe-
te Right Hon. Gentleman to move any
a on the Report. As he (Lord C.) had
a former occasion, bad an opportunity of
to subject, he wished to occupy as little of
the Committee as possible; but it would
for him to state the general grounds and
his Majesty's Ministers in making the al.
in the Resolutions; after which he would
Resolution, and, with the indulgence of the
reserve to himself the liberty of replying
tservations as might be made in the course
ission.
MIT was of opinion, that they would
i earlier decision by the general discussion
de subject.
fEW PO RT thought, that as the vital ques-
Monopoly or no monopoly, they should ad-
general discussion, and not proceed by the
ich supposed the monopoly conceded. He,
'as an enemy to the monopoly in the first
to its proposed period of duratiOn in the
hoped, then fore, that the Noble Lord
•severe in the plan laid down of the general

'proposition first,2nd then the discussion of the manner
in Which it should be carried into effect.:—(Near.)
Mr. BATHURST replied, that the course pro-
posed by his Noble Friend would actually bring into
discussion the subject alluded to by the Hon. Baronet.
The second Resolution, respecting the trade to China,
distinctly involved the question of monopoly and pri-
vilege. The third Resolution also involved it ; for
the first paragraph related to the question, whether
or not the Outports should participate in the trade ?
There would be considerable inconvenience in dis-
cussing, in the first instance, the first Resolution, as
it related to the duration for twenty years of the new
privileges to the Company. In his opinion, it would
be advisable to decide what should be the limits or
restraints, if any, that ought to be imposed on the
Company before the' period of the Charter should be
discussed.

Mr. CANNING did not see the propriety of
coming to a decision on a small part of the question
without any determination on the general principle.
In his opinion, it would be much better that Parlia-
ment should, in the first instance, pronounce affirma-
tively or negatively on the proposition, whether the
East India Company, in its commercial and impe-
rial capacity, should or should not continue to be
considered a fit instrument for carrying on the Go-
vernment of India? For his part he was prepared to
affirm such a proposition. But, unquestionably, the
decision of the House ought to be had upon it, aye
'or no, on the4lrst setting out upon the business. As
to the Resolution respecting the trade to China, if
that were to be the first proposed, he could neither
affirm nor disaffirm it. It would stand without rela-
tion. Iu what state the Company by which the trade
was to be possessed, with what immunities they were
to be clothed, of what length their existence, these
were all questions that were to be left for subsequent
decision, and yet, on the determination of those ques-
tions alone should he feel himself qualified to pro-
nounce on the Resolution itself. In his opinion, by
omitting the clause in the first Resolution, which re-
lated to the term of twenty years, and then consider.
ing that Resolution, in the first instance, some affir-
matiVe or denial of the general principle of permit-
ting the Compai.y to continue in existence as a poli-
tical body might distinctly be obtained. It was highly
improper that such a principle, involving, in it the
Government of an empire so vast as that of Great
Britain in the East, should be decided by inference,
and not upon some native and intelligible proposi.
don. Some might be ready to affirm that the East
India Company were a fit instrument for the Govern-
ment of India, but that they ought to be wholly
stripped of their commercial privileges. He did not
say that this was his opinion, but it certainly might
be held without absurdity. would be better there-
fore to set out on the discussion with a reference to
the political power alone. It would be better for all
parties, that before any details were entered into, the
grand question of the continued existence of the Com-
pany in their corporate and imperial capacity should
be pronounced upon. He le,.seated, that if the House
were required to pronounce in the first instance upon
the Resolution, he, for one, must abstain from giving
!any vote upon it; for he must first know in what
condition the Company were to be placed ? whether
they were to continue to be a trading corporation as
well as to be the Sovereigns of India—whether they
were to maintain their commercial as well as their
!regal greatness?
Lord CASTLEREAGH declared, that he had
no wish to press his own suggestion, if t different
course were deemed mote advantageous. He really
thought that the first Resolution was of so general a
nature, that although the adoption of it would cer-
tainly recognise the existence of the Company, yet it
would leave the precise character of that Company so
loose and indefinite. that when the second Resolution
came to be considered, every Honourable Member
would have his own imaginaty East India Company,
to which he would, in his mind, refer that Resolu-
tion. It did appear to him, that if the House came
first to sortie definite determination with respect to
the nature of the privileges and immunities which the
Company were to enjoy, they would then be .better
able to decide on the expediency or inexpediency of
their existence, or on the advisable duration of it,
whether for ten years, for twenty years or for, any
other period.
Mr. CANNING professed himself unable to con-1
ceive how this ideal Company of the Noble Lord's
could be embodied by saying nothing about it. That
did not appear to him to be the way to convert the
phantom into substance. _ _ _

Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he was by no
means a convert to the arguments that had been
urged against the curse of prcceeding which ht? had
recommended ; but as he was perfectly ready to
adopt any mode of fairly getting into the business,
he should move the first Resolution, divested of that
clause which fixed the duration of the Charter. The
Noble Lord theu read the Resolution, which was as
follows

l'hat it is expedient that all the privileges, authorities, and
immunities granted to the United Company ot Merchants trad-
ing to the East Indies by virtue ot an Act or Acts of Parlia-
ments now in force, and all rules, regulations, and clauses affect-
ing the same, shall continue and be in force for a time to be
limited, except as far as the same may hereatter be nuxlified and
repealed."_

-Mr. MARRYAT adverted to the great evils that
hadarisen in the case of the South Sea Company,
from the want of a precise understanding of the terms
of the Charter, and recommended a sti ict adherence
to accuracy and intelligibility in the present instance.
Mr. BRUCE observed, that the qucstion before
them was, simply, Whether the East-lndia Company
should, yr should not, be annihilated ?—a question
which imposed an awful responsibility on those who
were called to decide upon it. With the permission
of the Committee, he would examine the history of
the Company, the sources of the applications from
those who were for opening the trade, the nature of
the Resolutions on the table, and the character of the
evidence upon which those Resolutions were founded.
In pursuance of this arrangement, the Hon. Gentle-
man commenced an inquiry into the establishment
and progress of the East-India Company, tracing its
history from the original Charter granted by Queen
Elizabeth, through the reign of James I. by whom
licences were granted to other tradors, which had
nearly proved fatal to the interests of the wh01e...-
of Charles I. who permitted associations, the compe-
tition attendant on which had been productive of the.
most pernicious consequences—of Charles 11. by
whom an unsuccessful attempt had been made to

establish the Royal Government in India—and of
William 111. who, accustomed to the Dutch associa-
tions, and in great want of pecuniary resources, re-
curred to that system which had formerly manifested
itself to be so injurious. He proceeded to enumerate
the various changes which the Company had under-
gone down to the year 1748. In the year 1748, the
Mahratta Empire was dismembered, and military ad.'
venturers seized the various provinces of which it bad
been composed, occasioning great annoyance to the
Company. _ In 1763 their Charter was renewed, and
their rights and privileges distinctly recognized. By
the subsequent efforts of the great Lord Clive, the
British Empire began to be considered so important,
as to become the subject of Parliamentary inquiry.
In 1784 a new change took place 3 Commissioners
were appointed to controul the military, financial,
and political affairs of India, leaving the commercial
authority of the Company unimpaired. By the wis-
dom and energy of Marquis Wellesley, the. East.
India Company had ultimately been placed in the
prosperous situatidn in which they then stood ; and
they came forward to claim the rights vested in them
by original grant, and by subsequent and repeated
confirmation, and by which they were established as
a political and commercial body. The Hon. Gentle-
man then pointed not, at considerable length, the in-
juries, commercial and political, which must be occa-
sioned by any deviation from the existing system—
namely, the want of a regular market for our manu-
factures, the probable loss of the China trade altoge-
ther, the evil that the introduction of European ad.
venturers among the native Indians would cause, and
the danger to the British empire in India which must
necessarily follow. Adverting to the sources of the
applications of those who wished for open trade, he
observed, that their allegations were unsupported by
evidence ; and that though the abstract propos;tion of
the benefit of-free trade might be undeniable, yet that
those who obtained any acquisition, first by purchase
and then by conquest, which acquisition was con.
firmed to them by the royal sanction and subsequent
Acts of Parliament, were better entitled to retain
their interest in that acquisition than those were tol
obtain an interest in it who had not visited their lives '
and property in the attainment. With respect to the
Resolutions on the table, he considered them seriatim,
and contended that they,were pregnant with injustice
to the Company. They were in direct contradiction
to the evidence that had been given before the Com-
mittee, the general tendency of which was, to shew
that the existing regulations of the Company were
admirably calculated to preserve the allegiance of the
natives ; that, so far from there being a probability of
an increase of the demand for English goods, in the
event of an open trade, the Company were frequently
compelled to sell those which they at present shipped
below prime cost ; that the manufactures of India
were already imnorted in quantities fully adequate to
home-consumption ; and that smuggling in the large
vessels employed by the Company was utterly im-
practicable, while nothing would be more easy than
its commission in the proposed ships of only 350 tons
burden. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by decla-
ring, that with the opportunities which a connexion
of twenty-five years with the East had afforded him
of considering the merits of the important question
before the Committee, he should not have felt him-
self justified in withholding from them his opinions
upon it.

Mr. C. GRANT, jun. after complimenting the
Hun. Gentleman who had just sat down, on the co-
gency of his reasoning, proceeded to observe, that
previous to considering the great question before Par-
liament, it seemed natural to inquire what was the
condition of the inhabitants of India under the exist-
ing system? On that subject he conceived there would
not be a dissenting voice. All must agree that it
was most flourishing, not only in comparison with
that condition under former Governments in India,
but in comparison with lily other standard whatever,
India was happy and improving. This being allowed
he would ask what wise practical statesman would by
any change endanger a subversion of that fortunate
condition/ But some of those who did not deny the'
existing happiness of India, attributed it not to the
East-India, Company, but to the Government at
home. They contended that the occurrences of the
year 1784, created a grand line of distinction, and
that all the good that had since occurred was to be
ascribed to the influence of the legislature. Now,
even admitting for a moment, that the good effect
that had been produced resulted from the united ef-
forts of the Company and the Government at home,
surely a Body which in common with the Legisla-1
cure bad laid the foundation of so much happness,
could not be so radically vicious in its Constitution
as to require annihilation, or even to deserve injury.
But the fact was not as for the sake of argument he
had admitted it. It was a fallacy to say that the pro-
ceedings of the year 1784 constituted so marked a
distinction that a sudden change in the affairs of In-
dia had manifested itself. Those great measures did
not emanate from the occasion—they did not proceed
from the spur of the moment—they were the result
of the' maturity of former plans originating with
the East-India Company themselves—although at
the period in which they originated, a period of strug-
gle and contusion, when the idea of political ascen-
dancy never occurred, it had not been practicable to
execute them. Subsequently, however, to that pe-
riod, by a progress, sometimes impeded, but still ge-
nerally advancing, those principles, the benefit of
which was now a subject of such pleasing contempla-
Con, were more and more strongly enforced: It was
during the period when it was impossible that an ex-
tensive plan or system could be carried into practical
execution, that those principles which were afterwards
adopted, and on which the subsequent interference
of the Legislature was founded, were fully discussed
and amply recognised. Any person who would be
at the trouble of referring to the publication of that
day, and to the debates in the council of Calcutta, in '
which Mr. Francis took Ls distinguished a share,
would see that the two bases which were after-
wards laid, and on which the government of India
had been since constructed, the improved adminis-
tration of justice, and the equitable assessment of the
land revenue, were considered in those writings and
discussions, as the great fundamental regulation on
which a permanent settlement must be raised. It
required long and mature investigation, accurate
knowledge and profound reflection, before any settled
system of Government could be established over a
dominion acquired by such extraordinary means and
held by so peculiar
tenure. This task; with all its

difficulties, devol'
India Company,
discharged—nev,
attained—never
which was formed
pounded into its
gislation, orem!
e prehension, the
with the whole
terests ! (—Hear,
tuted the
.grouni
1784, and althoi
the merit of goy/
system, it was di
minent features
veral authors, at pro-
duction of one of the Company's servants. Th s was
the system that had been since happily for the natives
of Hindostan, in existence. This was that grand
fundamental, comprehensive, soda', imperial conei.
tution, which hadnow fer a succession of years g;•eti
confidence to the population of our Indian enyire,
distributed the blessings of liberty to the children and
the victims of slavery, and laid deep the found ition
of the British empire, in the introduction of llritid:
laws, the administration of impartial justice, the Fe.
curity of property. and the guardianship of the p:,,-
(liearduar.), It had been no small felicity, and ha I
contributed in no small degree to the practical el:-
cacy and success of the settlement in India, tee
Lord Cornwallis was appointed to preside over 'le
early execution—a man endeared to his own age and
venerable in the eyes 'of pos•eri•y, for the unsullied
purity of his political.careee—f ee Iris unimpeached
disinterestedness—for warm benevolence--Mr lofty
management, and a temper that exempted him from
those difficulties that check the march of other arch
spirits, but were utterly unkonwn and alien to his
calm and dignified• sobriety of mind—( Hear, /ear.)
With all deference and respect for the conduct mei
policy of the Board of Control and the views with
which it was instituted, he could trace, he conceived,
mach of that prosperity that new reigned in Indir,
much of that tranquillity which was now diffirsel use.:
that vast expanse of dominion to the counsels of the
Directors. •He who had been a disinterested stiecte-
tator of their proceedings might, he trusted, be for-
given for saying that in point of unremitting atienlioi,:-
-assiduous vigilance, of laborious exertion, an man,
however great his name er powerfui his influence,
or unwearied his application, need be ashamed to find
his claims emulated by those who were to be found
in the number of the Directors.—(Mar, hear, hear.)
Nor could any man, however earnestly he had devo-
ted his mind to the question, or patiently silted every
thing upon this subject, come with an understanding'
better informed or more maturely exercised, to an ul-
timate decision as to its ISSUS?. But nothing to which
he had hitherto listened, had been found sufficient to
meet one difficulty, that startled even the most um.
ruin speculator—he meant the difficulty of safely
providing for the exercise of Indi.i patronage. It
was impossible that this could be vested tidier me-
idiately or immediately in the hands of Government,
without seriously endangcrin the independence of
Parliament and the great practice of the Constitution.
The present plan contained, indeed, a scheme fur
avoiding this danger ; but a scheme whiche in his
opinion, would serve only to defeat its own purpose.
The institution of public schools from which the
civil officer shall be selected, however plausible at the
first view, would prove utterly inadequate to the eie
elusion of patronage, or the maintenance of. equal
claims. By what means was superior merit to be en.
I certained —where was the test to which the candidates(
were to be subjected ? how were -the facilities to ad.
mission to be secured ? Was the system of edacatioo
to be conducted on. the highest or on an inferioe
scale ? WaS it not obvious that here was abundant
scope for the exercise of patronage, and That this pea
tronage would'be wielded in a great measure by the
servants of the Crown. The phtet of providing mi.
liter), officers was undoubtedly generous, and one to
which he could make no other objection, than that it
' would leave a large disproportion between the supply
and the demand, and as the deficiency would be in
theformer, much patronage must still remain afloat.
But what, and this was the liglit in which he was de.
sirous of looking at the whole question, would be the
effects of this change of system upon the natives!,
How could it affect their sentiments or operate upon;
their prejudices ? The whole machinery of the sys.
tem might be h.ct entire, althetzgh- its powers and
virtue were extinguished ; 'the form might remain af.
ter the spirit which 'animated it was suppressed.; the,
curious fret-wOrk of the grotto might continue unfree,-
paired, whilst the stream that gave it freshness and
beauty had ceased to flow. The plan proposed to
remedy the evils attendant upon a transfer of patro-
nage was a plan of exclusion ; it excluded from In-
dia the sons of -all who might not be able to procure
admission for them in their new seminaries. Profess-
ing to have for its object the prevention of exclusion,
it was itself eminently exclusive. Why should Par.
liament adopt the niggardly principle cu narrow the
avenues to a theatre which had produced a Clive, a
Lawrence, and a Coote ? He had been recently not
a little surprised at an attack upon the institution of
Hertford College in another place, an attack, how-
ever, which had been most satisfactorily refuted by
one of its professors, Mr. Malthus. Much as had been
said of the anomaly exhibited in an union of govern-
ment and commerce, and on the inconsistency of their
different functions, much of this consisted in assump-
tion, and might be opposed by the authority of the
father of political science. The political power was
however left entrusted to the Company by this very
project, and it was the province of the House in car
tying into effect the principle of a practical policy, not
to try this question by previous rules, but to measure
and ascertain the quality of. the rule by the example
and evidence afforded by the case in its present shape
and relations. (Hear). The evidence
.given belie
the Committee had, he might venture to state, disi-
pated much of that error which was before so preva-
lent respecting the accession of commerce which wes
to be anticipated by throwing open the trade of India.
The inhabitants of that quarter of the globe were
men whose wants were few, whose climate guarded
them against extravagant desires, and whose religions
Conversant with external operatioriand dictating even
the minutest actions, shut them up from all intimate
intercourse with the manners of other nations. The
mysterious serpent that formed the representation of
the genius of that religion, perhaps might be emble-
=tic of; their destiny, and as their singular cheese-

l:cved that ni
the measure,
the better, he
Speaker do no
Mr. A. RO
wishing a shor
ration had tal
went to establi
city of the lit
even in cases
that it would
mews for Indi
Lord CAS'
that if the Hi
on the third I
disposed to pr,
General Gi-
„,
of the Compa
every day, the
I if nor, they wi
Lion at larre.—
. Mr. DAVI,
the motion, ti
LI s'inxgroN it
Lord CAS'
under.tand, at
to rocked wit
impression wit
' and general, d
to i", Ai ter hat
nerd principle
iog the propos
• it not, tht y \yr
'• details, in all i
GnCe. By pro
first, striking
close, they wot
ci;nveilient wa
' tent f, r the 1
(• • amendment 01
already, on a I
oeening the su
the time of tht
be material fir
motives of his
teraticns in tf
move the Resc
Committee, re
to such obsery
of the discussic
Mr. J. SMI
come to an eat
of the whole st
Sir J. NEW
tion was, Mon,
here to the ger
details which s
for one, was a,
place, and to i
next. He hot
would persevez

olved on the D'reetort of the E tst-
, and ev7er was duty more faithfully
ver was an ohject more successf illy
was a plan arranged Anti effected
led of more solid materials, that corn.
essence more of the elements of le.
'braced with a more reaching, torn-
whole variety •of reciprocal du.,3,
train of immediate and distant in-
., hear.) It was this plan th it consti.
id work of the legislative system of
)ugh he had no desire to detract from
rernment it the preparation of that
clue to truth to declare that all its pro.
were described in the writings of s!.,
ind particularly in one work, the pro.