Star.
London, England, 1830-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOUiiNALS.

CNIONICLIC.—The tendency of such a Government as ours k to
go on continually taking more and more money from the people.
The very growth of the resources of the country necessarily odds to
the corruption. because a greater number of influential individual-
must be gained over. The proprietor of a borough is hut the head of a
company of jobbers, with the various members of which he must dis-
tribute, according to sonic understood principle, the share of the taxes
accruing to the place. Thereare claims of all sizes which must be attended
to. From the government of a colon y, a living in the Church, down to the
place of a tide-waiter, all must be jobbing. And yet there arc people who
are astonished that Science should decline in England, that the Church
should be shared between haughty Aristocrats and paltry canting
Psalm-aingers. displaying neither the learning nor the talents of a fernier
period. The Quarterly Rcrievy, published the other day, admits that
the Clergy of the present day do not possess learning enough to under-
stand the labours of the German Divines, and advises them to
acquire sufEcient knowledge to say whether they are to be
praised or condemned. But why should they ? Livings are not given
to learning—the Minister would be a fool that gave livings to
learned men. The Standard asks why the Reverend Mr. H. Horne
should be condemned to the drudgery of porters' work at
porters' wages, he being one of the most learned theologians in Eng-
land ? But if a clergyman possess interest, why should he trouble
himself with learning ? And if he do not possess interest, why should
the Minister trouble himself with him ? So long as the Aristocracy
disdained the church, it might be as well to encourage learning ; but
from the time they crept into it, which Warburton, in one of his letters
to Hurd, says was about the middle of last century, adieu to all but
parliamentary influence. The very increase of the revenues of the
church adds to the evil. In no other country in Europe do the parish
clergy belong to the Aristocracy : because in uo oilier country of Lurope
do the tithes of parishes form a temptation to the gentry.

Parr.— A letter from Bayonne of the 4th mentions that Isturiz,
Badillo, Sancho, and Calatrava, ;Umbels of the Provisional Govern-
ment, alias Regency, had arrived there. Aline, Nunes, Romero Al-
puente, Francisco Valdes, Rotalde, and Placencia, were also there.—
Mendez Vigo and others remained at or near Pau. Milans, Graft*,
Miranda, and Evaristo San Miguel, were at Perpignan. A curious
correspondence had taken place between Mina and Valdes. The
former wished to assume the supreme command : and the latter,
who is a partizan of Tottijos, strenuously opposed the measure.—
On the other side of the Pyrennees every thing is prepared to give
the invaders a warm reception, in cue they advance ; but of this there
is no probability, there being neither order nor concert amongst them.
At the same time that the French Government is ostensibly giving or-
ders to have the Refugees assembled near the Pyrennees dispersed, it
has excited great astonishment in Bayonne to see that the Paris pass-
ports, of which they arc individually the bearers, besides an order to
furnish them with travelling rations (elopes), have written upon them
these words—'6,Reeontnsandc speeialeasal a /a Wettest:lame des au-
torite: eiviles." What is still more extraordinary is, that an Adju-
tant of the Commander of the Department of Bordeaux publicly re-
views the motley bands of foreigners of all kinds who halt there on
their way to join the Refugees at Bayonne. These who arrive at
Mina's head-quarters boast of having been thus reviewed In Bordeaux.
There must be duplicity somewhere.

Truzs—.From the power displayed by the press of France before the
expulsion of the Bourbons, it might be inferred by those unacquainted
with facts, that the French periodical press was entirely free from all
the restraints of fiscal law and all the burdens of the Treasury. Nn.
thing could be more erroneous. In the first place, before the Martignac
Ministry, no journal could be published without an authotatative licence
from the Ministry, who were not likely to grant such a privilege to per-
sons disposed to question their integrity, or to criticise their mea-
sures : in the second place, up to the end of July, and to this very
day, no political journal can be published without a deposit
of money, or an offer of security to a large amount. NoWsig
could have a greater tendency to agate a monopoly in favour of existing
journals, or in favour of rich proprietors, than such a regulation. In
the third place, the limitation of printers to a certain number who en.
joyedpatenks or licences,crested a monopoly in favour of that class, and
thus not only increased the expense of printing journals to all, but
doubled the obstacles to the publication of free opinions to those who
chose to indulge in a greater latitude of political discussion. In some
eases such licensed printers erected themselves into unlicensed censors of
the press, and from a pretended fear of being liable for its excesses,
refused to print journals till compelled by the order of a 3lagistrate.
In the fourth place, the Treasury came in for enormous doves, ex-
ceeding in amount the price of the paper, of the printing, and of
literary labour put together. Lastly, the journalists accused of libel
were degraded by being brought before the tribunals of correc-
tional police, and subjected to the treatment of petty thieves, swindlers,
and pickpockets. Vet, with all this additional expense—all this mono-
poly—and all these vexatious, the daily papers actually became a power
too strong for the monarchy; and, under the name of journalism, pre-
pared and accomplished the late revolution. In considering this CirClllll-
stance, along with the narrow basis of the French electoral system,
which, though far from being popular, has operated with popular
wonders, we are more than ever struck with the fact, that the Bourbons
had no hold over the minds or feelings of the present race of French.
men; that they were entirely isolated from the nation; and that their
system of government could never again have been naturalised in the
country. A press so burdened and shackled as we have described, and
a Chamber of Deputies seturned by an electoral oligarchy of 80,000
voters, had become too powerful for the Bourbon monarchy, because
the Bourbon monarchy was an exotic, which had not fixed its roots in
the nation, and derived support from no large class of the people.

Henai.o.—A great deal is said by some writers in the Daily Jour.
gals about the pacific and conciliatory proceedings of the King of the
Netherlands, and the anxiety which he evinces to bring about that son
of arrangtment with the Belgic people which they themselves proposed
originally, but which, since their recent triumphs, they seem no longer
desirous to obtain. Those writers accuse the Provisional Government
of being influenced by the most ambitious or the most unpatriotic
motives, and the people with being inflated with all the insolence
of success, in preferring the establishment of an independent .State
to a federative union with Holland. It is not our object at present
to enter into a discussion of the policy of the measure which seems
to please the majority of the Belgians—of the fighting Belgians,
at last; but we cannot avoid observing, that whatever difficulties
beset the King of the Netherlands, they are of his own creating. " if,"
to use the language of Junius, " his bed be a bed of torture, he has
made it for himself." Without entering into the original causes of the
discontent in Iklgium, since its co-npuisnry annexation to Holland, such
as the continuance of the odious Van Alaanen in power.—the persecution
of the presi.—the refusal of the responsibility of Ministers—and the trial
by Jury, let us confine ourselves to the conduct of the King since the
breaking out. of the disturbances, and let trt we whether he has acted
like one who is entitled to the credit of sioecrity or wisdom. What was
his conduct when the people of Brussels rose against his troops, and de.
mended, with arms in their hands, a redress of grievances? Did he pro.
claim them a rebels—all forth his legions—and order them to re.
turn to their allegiance before be listened to their remonstrances ?
lie did DO such in g. On the contrary, he sent his son, the heir.
apparent, who affemed to treat in an sinkable spirit with the armed
enigma, received their statement of grievances, and pledged the honour
of a Prince to submit their demands to his Royal father, for the discus-
sion of the States-General. %Pell, the promise was kept is much the
some manner that Jesuits keep promises when they think it their inte-
rest to violate them. The dtaks-General were convoked—the demands
of the Belgians were submitted to them—but, in the midst of the die.
emissions, the King orders his second son, whom he bad appointed to the
chief commando( the forces, to concentrate the available (tools in the vi.
einity of Brussels; and,when all was prepared. he minusionses the citis.ns
to lay down their arms, and enters the town at the head of his

troops to comFel them. Does history, we ask, 4ff.a.l .iny ex-
ample of Poy perfidy greater than this ? know of yore; nor
we know any instance of treachery practised by the Olio or a nation
on his subjects that has been more signally avenged. .fir under
those circumstances, to wonder that the Belgians, having
in repelling this perfidious attack, decline to place any more confi-
dence in the promises of the King? By what obligatior.s can they
bind one who has so grossly violated his faith ? By chat auil.ority
can they hold him to an observance of his engagement ? Con they
trust in the honour which he has tatnisbed ? esti they rely on the
Royal word, which he has so wantonly broken ? They raw believe
that his actions cannot be controlled by a sense of justice or by a f.elisig
of morality, but that superior power alone can hind him to the obser-
vance of his solemn promises. We :wet this stare of thiligs--but
whatzvet embarrassments the Belgic stairs may ti.row in rite way
the pacific relations of Europe, we lutist say the Kind, of tL, Net: Alards
is responsible for than.

CORBETT'S REGISTER.—Where i, then on this earth a people mete
fit for life under a Republic than the Belgians? I'laiu in their man-
ners, simple in their dress, industrions, sober, patient of toil, steady
' in their purposes, proverbially pions ; inhabieing a rich all, frugal
An their living, excellent hush:mein:ea, cleanly and econcn`leal in
their houses ; upright in their dealings, and, above all, obstinately
brave and persevering. And yet they are unfit for a Rentiblle,
and it would he " much better for them to have a Conrtita iiocal
Monarchy !" Like ours, of cour',: ! There was a nursery.maid
used to say to one of my children: `- You'd better sit don.,, tpy
dear, and not gallop about the room so." n No, Dincy," said tkechild.
" I aettte• not laying a very heavy emphasis upon the wont n,g--
And thus the Beigians would answer, if they were to read the e`,,:ria-
tions of this man with the kilt and phillib:g. how the Belgians v. Juhl
stare, if they were to see this politician ice petticoats, who takes
him to recommend to them a " perpetual t nun" as a thing calculated
to " flatter their vanity !'' Faith, they have had toomuch of an occasiia.,l
Court to want a" perpetual" one. They it read of the cheap (}„sera.
ment in America; atui so as all the wood ; aid in short, the indtistr'n as
part of mankind are now resolved not to toil any longer for the
benefit of a lay and rapacious anti insolent Aristocracy
You may be assured, that our Government will not stir hand m fit
against you, hi the way either of war er of subsidy . • and that &ere.
fore '• like your Belgic Ares of old," you may now be free, and Inn.,
just what government you pleua. Tile situation of our Cr—
remittent is this : it cannot, even row, collect taxes softie::.:
to pay the interest of the &Ist in full, io:1 to maintain all its
establishments as they now arc ; yet, the taxes are so heavy
as to produce misery the most deplotable, and discontent raging
front one cad of the country to the other. All tie middle classes of
society are calling for a reduction of taxes ; and such reduction mus,
take place, or the nation will be convulsed. NVII:rz are then the means
of war or subsidies ? At this very moment the several parishes of Lon.
don nod its evirons are combining, in order to obtain relief from the
taxes with which we are already !ended. Here are a million and a
half of people now actually In motion against the taxes. What more
is wanted to convince any man, that new taxes cannot be imposed ;
and vet how is war to be made or subsidies paid wititsur new taxes ?
And, when you reflect that war uonld cut off half the trade and ma-
nufactures of the country, you must see that war would Fluent: us irate
utter confualon.

Timm—We have always defended the principle of the New Police :
wf the objections sow made to it, some do not affect its principle. and
of those which do, the greater portion a-c not tenable in reason. Ti .!
parishes complain bitterly of the incrtased expense entailed on them by
this establishment. If the business of preserving the public peace, ata
of securing person and property, was badly executed by the ancient
watchmen, and if much of the efficacy (at least toward. any good
purpose)' of those confederates with thieves and vagabonds. was
easily traceable to the wretchedness of their pay, it follows,
that all who regard the peace of society, an,: the protec-
tion of life and goods, as things worth paying lot, at the ittark,:.
price of severe labour, can ground no fair objection It. the polw,,
merely on the rate of their wages being higher than that of nateittnen's.
It is otherwise, if the extra taxes levied on parishes be more than suffi-
cient to defray the additional expense. The communisation of a co:.
respondent—who proceeds, we suspect, on good authority—informs us
that the erns charge foe the hat twelvemonth ought to bare been levied
out of the poor rate, and ought not to have exceeded Bd. in the putted.
If, therefore, there be parishes in or about London where the charge oc-
casioned by the police, as compared to the watch, amounted to the dn.
Terence between 24001 and 1,4001. or between 1,7001. and 9001. we Call
only regret that such foul play should have been committed. and protem
against the abuses of parochial administration being laid to account in
the necessary charges for police.