Star.
London, England, 1831-10-14 00:00:00

RRFORM OF PARLIAMENT.

We give place to-day to the following letter of
the celebrated writer Junius, which he dedicated
to the British nation ia 15 70. Its leading pas-
sages being faithfully illustrative of titu present
comupt system of the representation, with all its
manifold abuses.
" If an honest, and, I may truly affirm, a la-
borious zeal for the public service has given me
any wo.c.,:t. in your esteem, let me exhort and
conjure you never to suffer an invasion of your
political Constitution, however minute the in-
stance may appear, to pass by without a de-
terinined persevering resistance. Oae pre-
cedent creates another. They soon accumu-
late, and constitute law. What yesterday
was fact, to-day is doctrine. Esamples are sup-
posed to justify the most dangerous measures; and
where they do not suit exactly, the defect is sup-
'died by analogy. Be assured that the laws
which protect us in our civil rights grow out of
the Constitution, and that they must fall or flourish
with it. This is not the cause of faction, or of
party, uor of any individual ; but the common in-
terest of every man in Britain. I cannot doubt
that you will unanimously assert the freeeom of
election, and vindicate your exclusive right to
choose you. representatives. But other questions
have been started on which your determination
should he equally clear and unanimous. Let it bo
impressed upon your miuda—let it be instilled into
your children, that liberty of the press is the
palladium of all civil, political, and religious rights
of an Englishman, and that the rights of juries to
return a general verdict in all cases whatsoever, is
an essential part of our constitution, not to be con-
trolled or limited by the Judges, nor in any shape
questionable by the Legislature. The power of
King, Lords, and Commons, is not an arbitrary
power. They are trustees, not the owners of the
estate. The fee-simple is in us. Tbey cannot
alienate—they cannot %vast°. When we say that
the Legislature is supreme, we mean that it is the
highest power known to the constitution ; that it
is the highest in comparison with the other subor-
dinate
.:'powers estaolished by the laws. In this
sense the word supreme is relative, not absolute.
The rower of the Legislature is limited, not only
uy the general rules of natural justice, and the
welfare of the community, but by the forms and
principles of our particular constitution. If this
doctrine be not true, we must admit that King,
Lords, and Commons, have no rule to direct their
resolutions, but merely their own will and pleasure.
They might unite the legislative and executive
power in the same hands, and dissolve the con-
stitution by act of parliament. But I am per-
suaded you will not leave it to the choice of seven
hundred persons, notoriously corrupted by the
crown, whether millions of their equals shall be
freemen or slaves ? The certainty of forfeiting
their otvn rights, when they sacrifice those of the
nation, is no check to a brutal, degenerate mind.
Without insisting upon the extravagant concession
made to Henry the Eighth, there are instances in
the history of other countries of a formal, delibe-
rate surrender of the public liberty into the hands
of the sovereign. If England does not share the
same fate it is because we have better resources
than in the virtue of either house of parliament.
I said that the liberty of the press is the palladium
of all your rights, and that the right of juries to
return a general verdict is part of your constitu-
tion. To preserve the whole system you must
correct your legislature. With regard to any
influence of the constituent over the conduct
of the representative, there is little difference be-
tween a seat in Parliament fur seven years and a
seat for life. The prospect of your resentment is
toe remote, and although the last session of a sep-
tennial Parliament be usually employed in courting
favour of the people, consider that at this rate
your representatives have six years for offence,
and but one fog atonement. A death-bed re-
pentance seldom reaches to restitution. If you
reflect that in the changes of administration
which have marked and disgraced the present
reign, although your warmest patriots have in their
turn been invested with the lawful and unlawful
authority of the Crown, and though other reliefs
or improvements hare been held forth to the
people, yet that no one man in office has ever pro-
moted or encouraged a bill for shortening the dura-
tion or parliaments; but that (whoever was minis-
ter) the opposition to this measuie ever since the
Septennial Act passed, has been constant and uni-
form on the part of government. You cannot but
conclude, without the possibility of a doubt, that
long parliaments are the foundation of the undue
influence of the Crown. This influence answers
every purpose of arbitrary power to the Crown,
with an expense and oppression to the people, which
would be unnecessary in an arbitrary Govern-
:rent. The best of our ministers find it the
easiest and most compendious mode of conduct-
ing the King's affairs, and all ministers have a
general interest in adhering to a system which of
itself is sufficient to support them in office, without
any assistance from personal virtue, popularity,
labour, abilities, or experience. It promises every
gratification to avarice and ambition, and secures
impunity. These are truths, unquestionable. ICI
they make oo implestion, it is because they are too
vulgar and too notorious; but the inattention or
indifference of the nation has continued too long.
You are roused at last to a sense of your dangers.
The remedy will soon be in your power. If
Junius lives, you shall often be reminded of it. If,
when the opportunity presents itself, you neglect
to do your duty to yourselves and your posterity,
to GOD and to your country, I shall have one
consolation left, in common with the meanest and
' basest of mankind, civil liberty may still last the
life of " Junius."