Star.
London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

this House upon the wings of eloquence, or the grub that
feeds upon the vitals of the country—Corruption is the
father of them all. Neither will all the speeches of all
the approvers of such a system be able to make corrup-
tion incorrupt, or convert the Borough business into a
blessing, or legalise the wholesale trade of selling seats.
As matters now stand, the fury of the law may be said to
mistake its objects—it passes over the daringoutrages upon
the constitution, in order to fall with redoubled violence
upon the petty assaults, and petty larcenies, committed
against the rights and liberties of the subject, and the
purity of elections. The storm of Parliamentary enact-
ments has fallen upon the small tradesmen, and retail
dealers in the bribery line—
" Dat simian corvis, vexat censura Columbas."
Many a wordy statute pours its thunders upon
the head of the starveling, who sells his vote, and
dines upon his degradation ; but our Code contains
no store of wrath, no pains, nor penalties, nor cen-
sures, for the great and extensive ready money trade in
returns to Parliament. Seats, two or ten at a time, may
be bought and sold, and all concerned will continue, all,
all honourable men—and they will find in this House
not merely apologists but panegyrists—they may be
even extolled for true patriots—and the ready money me-
thod of getting a seat is extolled too, and is called pa-
triotic, and expedient, and constitutional, and just as
it ought to be. But, Sir, I cannot concur in
such sentiments ; such panegyric and such phi-
losophy are alike adverse to my views and con-
victions—and hsfpily for the country, and all its great
interests, his Majesty's Ministers do not appear to
etparti-
cipate in these opinions—l certainly have never
them take that line of defence, or rather empty declama-
tion, and most impotent delusion. They have never set
foot upon that slippery and hollow ground—so that, in
spite of the negative by which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man opposed my resolution last Session, I shall continue
to think that Government may be disposed to treat the
question of Reform, not In the spirit of party politicians
or borough traders, but upon the principles of truth and
reason. Agreeably, therefore. Sir, to the terms of my
notice, and in conformity with what I would fain hope
I might find to be the disposition of the Government, I
will endeavour to make the question one of principle, and
not of party. I will refer it altogether to the decision
of the Law and Constitution. I will make them the
criteria of what is right and wrong—true and false—
sincere and corrupt, in respect of our Parliamentary Re-
turns. Now, Sir, without going into any abstract ques-
tion about the right of popular representation, without
touching the -historical controversies upon that point,
without investigating the origin of Parliaments or Par-
liamentary Councils, it may (and, as I think,
safely) be laid down that national Councils, of some
sort and denomination,_ are coeval with our ex-
istence as a nation. Normans--Saxons--Britons—

all had them. These are facts capable of beiug
established by recorded evidence, not truths deducible by
arguing from.natural principles and probabilities. We
find the vestiges of popular representation, the elements
of a Parliament in all parts and periods of our history.
To trace the steps by which this primitive right was
moulded into its present shape and size—to skew lay what
collision of contending interests it has been compressed
and restrained from without—by what elasticity from
within it has often struggled for expansion—to cast up
the number of all the political conflicts in which the
question has been involved, though interesting, are
unnecessary speculations. The enquiries we have to
deal with are whether the people are, or are not, at this
time represented according to the manifest purpose
and designs of the laws and constitution of the coun-
try—or whether by the lapse and vicissitudes of time
great changes have taken place in the state of our par-
liamentary representation, or rather in its very principles
and efficiency ; and whether any thing can be found in the
altered state of our political relations, foreign or domestic,
to prevent a return to the original practice, and the fun-
damental principles of the Constitution. As to the ques-
tion then, whether the people are, or are not, represented
in a manner conformable with the principles and purposes
of the Constitution ; notwithstanding the ingenuity of a
Paley, or the eloquence of a Canning, I assert that thoy
are not so represented—it is contrary to those principles,
that decayed and desolate places should return Members
to this House—it is contrary to those principles that seats
in this House should be bought and sold. And first, as
to the fixedness of the returns of Representatives from
towns and boroughs, the same number from the same
places, let what will be their state, and condition, as to
the density, or thinness, or nothingness of their popula-
tion—their wealth or their poverty—their commercial or
agricultural strength or weakness. Now here, Sir, we
find at once a wide departure from the principle that gave
birth to the returns of citizens and burgesses. Without
wishing to re-invest the crown with its old discretion of is.
suing its summons to this, or that town or borough, acccrd-
ing to somezesi or supposed superiority which it possessed
over others, I cannot but observe that the variableness
perceived in the issue of these writs, and the returns
made upon them, suggests this important conclusion—
that in those ancient days, which some may be disposed
to call days of political ignorance, civio or municipal
prosperity, seems mainly to have determined the fitness
of the city or borough for the elective franchise. I am
aware that there are some outstanding questions upon
this point ; and that it has been contended that the King
in early times was wont to summon none but the royal bo-
roughs—none but his own tenants on burgage tenure, to
come to his Councils, and settle their rates of contribu•
tion to his wants: but this will not account, for the as-
tare, number, and diversity of the early reform and I
think it is clear, from the history of the places them-
selves, that much depended upon their prosperity. Whin
emits and boroughs were seen to thrive, the King's
&our was also seen to follow their good fortune ;
and when their gold was seen to glitter, the Crown dis-
covered the means of satisfying its necessities, and found
abundant reasons for calling upon them to- send their
citizens and burgesses to Parliament ; for whether it was
the King, or the King's officer, who selected the cities or
boroughs, it makes no difference to my argument ; it was
their wealth and prosperity which determined the choice—
their ability to defray the expenses of their citizens and
burgesses during their attendance in Parliament—their
rank as trading towns—their right to be represented, by
reason of their commercial weight and greatnessin
short, Sir, whatever might be the motive, public or pri-
vate, which determined the Royal choice, it was the con-
sequence of the town, under some relation er anotber—;
I mean its political consequence—which pointed it out as
a proper subject for these Parliamentary honours. If.
then, this changeableness in the issue of writs of summons
'be admitted, as it must be, for it is an historical fact, it
will not only throw light upon the present unintelligible
returns from places of no consideratien ; but further,
it will suggest the fitness of recurring to piimitive;prin-
tiptoe, and of transferring elective framilless her old
fose-ways and crumbling castles, from the selltads4the
phi s and•the.ploughed field to the busy haputs of
tri the industrious, and the intelligent, and the indepen-
dent, among the sons of agriculture and commerce. But