Star.
London, England, 1815-04-08 00:00:00

:n Conan contrary to the intention of the Treaty.
it, however,. he had any reason to complain of
'readies of the Treaty with- h;nf, lie should litre sip.
ked to Jose lumens with Whom he made the Treaty.
Altliteigii the King of France was tio direct party to
iris Treaty, yet the allies lied claims upon him as
well as urn Napoleon, for the observance of this
freety The last tune, however, that he passed
;;,rough Paris, when he heard that Bonaparte was
,cuing cannon and provisions, on account of pecuniary
lefieulties, he did apply to the French Government
ei the subject, and suggested to the King, diet it
ht be of the most injurious to consequenc s
egive
:en any just reason to complain of breach of Treaty.
also gave an Official letter to Colouel Camp-
:el, authorising him to complain of some parts of
its otrduct, but the main object of the letter was to
steal f,im front any individual pecuniary wants.
I,e,p ore, however, would not do any thing which
reeNiesed the treaty, and never made any corn-
eents about the breach of it. He trusted, therefore,
ehe would he no more of this treaty having been
o kee on the part of the Allies. The whole of the
eeeect of Bonaparte. might be resolved into this ar.
.eint decliretion, that in signing the Treaty he
tee done an act foe the deception of the Allies, but
al act which, in his opinion, did not at all inveli-
date his legitimate rights to the throne of France.
yaestion now before the House, wis nut
e; t;, peace or war, but merely as to tee neces-
,ey ,t precautionary measures at the present crisis.
tie believed that the H MSC would see, that the
!hie of conduct which this country had to pursue
lay between two alternatives. It must either em-
bark in a war, in conjunctien with the other Con-
eeeetat Powers, or it muse, in cenjunction with
to nf, adopt measures of military precaution, sulfi-
cie.it for its protection under the present circum.
a laces. He was sure that-it would not be contended
in that HOUtt, that while the powers of government
in France were exercised by such a man, it would Is,
passible, consistent with our safety, to reduce the este-
blidunents of the country to that scale which might
be considered sufficient under other circumstances.
However senguiue he I light have been in the hope
of bringing the nation back to its ancient principles
end policy, yet he never did or could have supposed,
like the Gentlemen on the other side of the House,
that there was to be no transition between such a war
as We had for so many years waged with France, and
teat peace establishment which would be sufficient
for the sound health of the country, in settled times,
and when the hornier social resations of Europe were
cunipletel y reestablished. The danger was nu re more
deeply rooted, which tied arisen from a state of things
that had unfortunately too long a continuance. From
this state of trills, France had now become a military
uation, and all other-chases of the cominimityhed be-
come, in that country, subordin Ate to the mi 'nary class.
It was then .easy to that France couid nut break
loose from that illlitatUral state to which it had been
refused, without a greet danger of whet had now
actueily taken place, from a re-action of the army.
Although, in her political situ.itioii, France might
now be prostrate at the foot of her armies, yet, who
would venture to say that the return of Bonaparte
was the act of the •Ftencli nation ?—( Loud cries of
ILar, !rear.)—Who could hesitate to allow, that the
late revolution was purely the act of the military,
who saw .that if they submitted to the paternal go-
vernment of their King, it would be fatal to their
paramount interests .as military in n accustomed to
plunder other countries. It. the Ailies did not make
actual war on France, there wi,uld be no alternative
the Allies but to unite again, in order to prevent
he ham breaking loose on other countries; but they
meet...reit for the deciiet of the people of the Con-
He then concluded by in vin an Address
ce Regent,.approvieg of the Augmentation
of ties, .and the renewal of concert with our
ratee .red the ,requisite assistance to
eels things enefeeff •ef• •
:hi. Fa mNCIS t'T said, that it might
•seeee eimitst ruspossible, from the language of the
ee Lord, t.) c ry wh‘ Cher he meant peace or war.
It i,e u..derst deh a there was a desire to preserve
the treaty of peace, tri.icsa some act of aggression
leek piece on the part of France—if he could coftsi-
ein the caninienication merely as information of pre.
'mein His against LI surprise, or attempt, or danger
arising from the character of Bonaparte, truly or
Choy ascribed to him, he should not think it neces.
y to dissent Iron% the motion, but it the address
vas oily an indirect mode of leading them into war,
it was 11,, 'hey to oppose it. The only intelligible
ground of war, as far as lie could understand, was
the ie,toration of the House of Bourbon. He should
vote aksiiibt such an unjustifiable piiaciple of hostile.
ties—(.Hear, hear.) The question now came to this
simple principle—whether. we should embark in a
fresh war, which might last long, perhaps twenty
)ears more, perhaps unsuccessful and ruinous in its
results, for the purpose of replacing tire. Bourbons on
Inc French Throne ?—(Hear, heats) He should be
sorry to criticise the Bourbons, at present, with .eve.
rity. Ir they were not now on the Throne, lie did
mot ascriee it to our Gowen-anent respecting their at-
tention to the Isle of Elt,a. In the laboured Part of
Um Noble Lord's speech, which referred to the de-
Tulare of Bonaparte, he concurred with the Noble
Lori. He WAS not our prisoner, and we had no
rigid to restrain his action e any farther titan as they
traded to reproduce war in Europe. What was the
fact concerning his departure from Elba, and his
landing in France ? It was termed an invasion.—
% tau ever heard of thirty millions of people invaded
by one man.?—(/fear, hear.) HOW was his success
to be accounted for, but that this man's character
111°041 so high in France, that he was generally re-
ceived as a deliverer?— (Hear. hear.) The Noble Lord
spoke of ancient habits, but the French strewed a re-
pugnance to them. The real causes, he took it, were
t.st there was quite a new order of things in that
c..tintiy, that property was changed, and that the
Preen possessors of property felt themselves insecure
!id were alarmed, and that the King had net kept
f. eli with the nation, and had not fully accepted the
constitution according to the stipulations agreed to
byltis brother. He would not be harsh upon the
unutbons ; but their conduct seemed to have de-
kiired them of the Throne, and it would be hostile
10 humeri liberty, to make war upon a principle
:)I forcing a Monarch on a nation, by a combinetieu
litheother arbitrary Governments of Europe. (Hear.)
The Congress at Vienna had made no attempts in
tiMir Of liberty, and the EmFeror at France
was

I;tr. •• .
ti. t

T
li.
r

rendered so much the stronger, because die Congress
had subverted the moral feelings of Europe against
him; and the Allies would, therefore, lute the ad.
vantage of having the same arm to wield against
him which they had used lately. Were this note of
preparation intended only to prevent any aggression,
he would concur in the Address ; but from all he
could collect from the ambiguity of the Noble Lord,
he peiceived a desire to stir np the elements of war
upon the principle of maintaining what was called
legitimate sovereignty. This disposition was evinced
in a country which acted on an opposite principle.
The title of the present reigning family to the croarn
was a parliamentary recognition. Ii die princidles
of the Noble Lord were right, the present family
were usurpers. He still further objected to war on
the score of humanity. We had already done more
than could have been expected for the cause of the
Bourbons. We had spent oceans of blood, and had
incurred many millions of debt.—( Hear, hear.) —The
principle of war for restoring the Bourbons was even
disavowed by the Minister in 1793. The country
was absolutely tricked into the war at first, by argu-
ments about the opening of the Scheldt, and other
subjects. The Noble Lord had kept out of view
many particulars; but he spoke strongly of the
little faith or reliance that could be placed in Bona-
parte. The Noble Lord, however, hid negocia-
tions with the Ministers of Louis XVIII. on the
important subject which had excited so much in-
terest in this country—the Abolition of the Slave
Trade. He had even offered boons and sacrifices
for the sake of humanity; but yet he could not
succeed. Why ? All parties professed a desire to re-
move this odious stain upon the civilised world ; but
the French Government, it was said, was afraid of the
French Nation. But when Napoleon Bonaparte re-
turns, he, whether from policy or from virtue, or
from whatever other cause, abolishes the trade at
once, in despite of all consequences. (Hear, hear.)
As to want of faith, Ferdinand, the Sovereign of Ar-
ragon, was reported to have said that words were the
counters of wise men, and the money of fools. Na-
poleon's Decree against the slave trade was as deeply
laid in policy, as it was proper in the cause of hums.
nity. He wished that our own Government and
other Governments were as great hypocrites, on such
subjects, as Bonaparte. He abhorred war, especially
in our present situation, and in the short breadline
time for Europe. It we went to war for the Bour-
bons, what could any man of common sense say to
Bonaparte's landing with a few hunched men in the
South of France, among 30 millions of people, in the
face of an established Government, provided with
all means and resources ; none daring to repel him,
and as he went on to the North, all that were sent to
oppose him joining his standard ? History scarcely
gave so magnanimous a test to the opiniom of a na-
tion. He had nothing to do with the wishes of the
people of France, but he protested against the abo-
minable principle of interfering with their concerns.
Let them settle their own affairs. The Noble Lord
armed to think the present French Government
weak, and the means to be 1.-ou,4lit against it so
strong as to invite him to his purposes ; but he might
be deceived. The Hon. Bait. stated his reasons for
dissenting from the Address, because it was a men.
sure leading to a war, unjust in its principles, and
, which might be ruinous in its consequences.
Mr. PONSONBY said it was his intention to sup.
port the Address as it stood. Though, if he viewed
it as the Honourable Baronet did, he should, like
him, oppose it. But he could not consider the Address
as at all binding the House as to the future question
of peaceor war. The preparations which this Go-
vernment were about to ask the support of the House
for, were net contemplated, because Bonaparte had
contravened the Treaty of Paris ; or had the Noble'
Lord said so, as stated by the Honourable Baronet ?
What he understood the Noble Lord to have said,
was, that the Treaty of Paris having been entered in-
to with the Bourbons, gave terms more favourable to
France than what the Allies would hive given her
tinder Bonaparte; and therefore, now that Bonaparte
came back, France could not expect the same terms.
With ryspect to what the Honourable Baronet had
said of the wisdom of the French people preterring
the Government of Bonaparte to that of the Dour.:
bons, he was of opinion the House had nothing to do
with it. That was a question for the French people,
and he (Mr. l'onsonby) for one, would never concur
in influencing any country, either by force or other-
wise, in the Government which they should choose.
As to what might be the future conduct of the Go-
vernment of this country, lie had no opinion now to
give. Tire Address did not ask it. All the Address
asked was the support of the House in the steps al-
ready taken. This support, he, for one, was ready
to give. He highly approved of the country being
put in a state of preparation, and ha also appoved of
his Royal Highness acting in c mcert with his Allies.
It was, in his opinion, always for the interest of this
country to act in concert with the great Powers of
the Continent whenever we could. There was one
point in the Noble Lord's speech, however, in which,
if he rightly understood him,. he should not agree.—
The Noble Lord, as he understood him, stated that
the House should place confidence in his Majesty's
Ministers, and not call on them to state what they in-
tended.to do, but allow them now to take such steps
as they thOught proper, and afterwards decide whe-
ther these steps were such as ought to be approved.
In his (Mr. Ponsonby's) opinion, the House should
be put in possession of the intentions of the Execu-
tive, as far as could be done with prudence, before
any final determination should be come to, that his
Majesty's Government might hive the advantage of
the collective wisdom of Parliament at this momen.
tous crisis. The Honourable Baronet (Sir Francis
Burdett) had said, that he perceived an intention on
the part of the Government of this country to goad
the Posters of the Continent on to war. He could
not see any such intention manifested by the Noble
Lord and his colleagues; on the contrary, he farther
considered the steps they were taking, in conjunction
with our Allies, as tending to preserve the peace;
and -if that object should be found unattainable, to
have the country placed in the best possible state of
defence. lie, however, trusted the preparations which
had been made would have the salutary effect of pre-
sPrvitig the peace; he should continue to cherish that
hop. 2 to the last; and mere espicrally as the Noble
L7ird had been engaged in negociatiug peace at Chit.
Itiflon last year with Bonaparte, not at all at that
time contemplating the restdration of the Bourbons,
and bating then thought it possible to insatiate with

-

bim. He trusted Ministers Would still consider it
possible to do so. He did not now intend to enter•
into a discussion of the popularity of lion4parte, or
of the opinion of the French people. towards him, but
he must be allowed to s.ay that be clold uat consider

Bon iparre as being only supported by the French
army. He must think, that unless he had also pos-
sessed some interest with the population of the coun-
try, he could never have reached the capital with the
rapidity he had done. The Right Honourable Gen-
tleman concluded by giving his most cordial sup.
port to the Address, which he considered as most
wisely and moderately drawn up, and in terms highly
honourable to the Noble Lord and those who acted
with him. _

Mr. WHITBREAD said. if he could entertain
the same narrow views of the Message as his Right
Hon. Friend. or perceive in it any of the ambiguity

. .
which it assumed in the apprehension of the Honour-
able Baronet near him, he should feel content to ac-
quiesce in the Address that was proposed to the
Throne. But when he perceived that nothing but a
flimsy veil was attempted to be thrown over the de-
signs and proceedings of the Executive Government
of this country, and also that the candour of his
Honourable and Right Honourable Fi lends around
him was to be mitered, if they chose to be ensn trod, ,
he could not refrain from protesting against the line
of conduct which the Noble Lord wished them to
adopt. He could not conceal from himself, be would
not consent to conceal from the House and the coon-
try, the designs that we were invited to embark in,
and the character of that note of preparation which
Dow sounded on all sides. He was certainly most
unwilling to undertake, what was extremely pto-
blematical at best, another crusade against France in
behalf of the Bourbons, who were indebted for their
transient gleam of triumph to the rashness and mad.'
ness of the individual that now occupied the Throne
of France. Endeavouring to pacify the French, it
was taken for granted that the conditions of the
Treaty of Paris were better than any which the
Allies would have conceded to Nspoleon.—(Hear.)—
But what would the Noble Lord say to the Declara-
tion of Frankfort, which held out to France, under
that same Ruler, the promise of a greater territory
than ever she had possessed under the Bourbons ?
What would the N -isle Lord farther say to the nego-
ciations carried on by himself at Chatillon, cat riot
on with Bonaparte or his Ministers, and which
backedthe Declaration as to terms? Perhaps the Noble
Lord then held out a. Treaty of precaution, like the
Message he brought, only to pounce upon France at'
discretion, and when opportunity might offer.—(No,
whji from the Ministerial:de.) Well, he must suppose
that he had fallen into an error fur this time, though,
considering his opponents, it was not an extraordi-
nary one, since, incomprehensible to thcmse.ves, they.
were likely enough t, be misconceived of by him.—
Bonaparte was not always so remote from tillse who
railed most against him ; be, for instance, bad ended
with a ball at Elba, as the Noble Lurd had bzfore
set him the example by concluding with a ball at
Vienna. Still the complaint of 13 inaparte was serious
in one point, namely, the stipulation for money, the
infraction of which cond,tion was supposed to be

justified by the plea of the year not being nut.—
Wibit t petti-toggilg subterfoBe WAS this ?—(Hear.)
Another sort of pretence was, that when Bonaparte
did apply for money, an officer was sent over to him,
instead of money, who reported that he was recruit-
ing in Elba, arid Was employed in collecting a I..erce
that might threaten France with invasioN. Weil !
spies were most liberally paid for their good intelli-
gence ; the Noble Lord was himself at Vienna, sur-
rounded with old and sage diplomatists, and yet,
though apptised of the fact of Roilaparte being in the
habit of collecting troops at Elba, he is permitted to
decemp with those few troops, land in France, and
there regain the Throne. Diplomatic ai,eacres !
Now that " the cat was out of the bag," the Noble
Lord knew what every body else knew ; he could
admonish us how Bonaparte might have been kept
at Elba ; or, rather, how he might be kept, it he
would only just suffer us to get him back there. B.
naparte was represented as nut being supported by
the people of France, yet had he made his way, front
North to South, without a single arm being littedl
against him ; and now the only question was, whether
we could overthrow the re-creation of a Monarchy
which was Isenefieially designed for the French peo-
ple ! Let us look, for example, the Slave Trade,
and we should discover that what Louis the De.
sired could not do towards its Abolition, with
all the fervour of the Noble Lord to boot; we
should find this was accomplished by Bonaparte
with a stroke of his pen. (Hear.) Whatever was the
character of the chosen Ruler of France, (and, .%ith-
out at all intending to hurt their feelings, he conceived
the interest of the Bourbons to be extinct in France,
and that their misfortunes more than ever, coupled
with their virtues, had a claim upon all genercus
minds), still he conjured his friends net to be misled
by the cautious wording of the Address now pro-
poled to them, on condition of iutormation to be
given diem. If any kind of information was im-
parted, it would come upon them like a thunder-
clap; they would find themselves involved in a new
war before they bad pledged themselves to support it,
while they would be reminded of their consent by
their tote of this night. Considering the late De-
claration of the Allied Powers as nothing less than
an invitation to every man to assassinate Bonaparte,
a meaiure which he would defy the casuistry of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to defeat!, be would,
nevertheless, hope, that as B maparte had promised
' to keep the pence, and not pass his boundaries unless
attacked, so the Christian feelings of the Noble Lord
and his colleagues would not permit them to plunge
this country into a state of useless and hopeless hosti.
lity by aggression. But he was 2pprehensive, that
the catcall talked of in the Message was no longer
wanted; fur eithee the Duke of Wellington, Lord
Cathcart, and Lord Stewart, deserved to be
impeached, or else the Noble Lord opposite
had instructed them to make war against France.
Eve* ing was owing to the escape of Bonaparte,
and escape was owing to the understood sort of
insult( ns Which permitted him to be stopped at sea
°ley is 'se of his proceeding to do mischief. All
°this was exactly foe want of another understanding—
one ttnierstanding in the Cabinet, which, though
afraid commit itself, committed all. also. De.
fence • the system to be pursed by us, and not
o It bbd been observed, by Mr. Sheridan,
that half of the Naiono Debt WAS incurred 01

' curbing the eMbition of the House of Bourbon, and
the-other half by attempt. to restore that
the N ,bl. Lord seemed to believe that noe• to.
deed was the time fsir us to strike. Did the Noble
Lord really think that the Sixons would again unite
with Prussia? that halt- would concur witi: Austria?
that Naples was in temper with as ? Supposing b:t.
ter things. that whole armies invaded France, and
that.B3tteparte was slain, the people of France, dis-
liking the B ntrbons, worth. elect an,,ther head, and
England be left in the lurch, to make peace with
some new congtieror. He .sould ask whether if at
any former period of the power of Napoleon B Mk.
parte, we could have city.tinesi Lim within t:;e
limits which he now says lie will keep, we would
not have made peace with him ? He was sure
there was no disinterested man in the country
who would not have subscribed to such conditions.—.

If, however, France steps beyond ties: limits, she
then becomes the aggressor; but she ought to be left
alone till she thus forfeits her claim to race. He
would therefore implore the G,tvernment, as well as
all his own Honourable Friends, to reflect that if the
Address is supported at it now stands, the Miniiters
would be implicitly sanctioned in entering upon an
aggressive war.—(Hear, hear.)—‘ltich had bean said
by certain writers for the diurnal press of this metro-
polis, in favour of such a war; ft bad long been their
practice to run down Bonaparte; bat these persons
must not carry their tentimerits too far; at any rate
much stress ought not to be laid on what is said by
:them. He should, for his own part, enter his de,
tided protest against what is said lay them, as well
as against the doctrines of the Noble Lard, and
he should feel that he should not do has duty, if
he did not vote against the Address generally.--
He, however, would agree to support as much of it
as went to authorize pravisions for defence against
aggression, which he should wilt to be made to the
fullest extent, till we could see that the danger was
over; but do not put in the hands of the Executive
Power the means of making oar. With this view he
would propose as an amendment, after the expres-
sion of concurrence in the sentiments of the Message,
At the same time earnestly to implore his Royal
Highness to exert every endeavour to preserve the
blessing of peace, so long a); it could be maintained
with safety to his Majesty's crown and dominions,
and security to his Aliiec."
On the question being pin.
Mr FREDERICK DOUGLAS said, that as
Bonaparte did not rest upon the aff...ctions of the
people of France, he c . uhf aboiish the Slave Ttrade,
which Louis XVIII. who did rest on their affections,
could not. 'llse general policy of the country should
lead it to remain in a swell peace, but that pi e.
supposed that Europe should be divided into inde.
pendant States. lie had heard the assertion with
Astonishment, that Bonaparte had been recall:d by
the voice of the people; be bad ben recalled by the
vo.ce of the army, . who, long habituated to revolt, it
Was natural should Jeclare.tor him.. Had even Bo-
naparte the imention to rem sin at peace, he had not
the power, for it Was only as the representative of a
war system that lie had been preferred to Louis
XVIII. who in tile prospect of a state of peace would
hate been prelened even by the army. France must
now, ia the event of wa-, reoceed by a system of
commenter...lion, as Ilinaparte co.4.44Lienger rais-
contributions, and that was the true cause' of his Mo-
deration. The extirpation of the army that supported
ainaparte was neces'..iry to the restoration of Europe,
AS the lire of the revoletien still continued to burn in
their bre tsts.
Sir J. /4 LI WPO IZT supported the Address.
Mr. CROKER spoke merely to a matter of fact.
An Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) had
stated, that a I'rencit shin had been brought into
port by an English ctuiztr, under circumstances
which shelved that she had been taken either under
an ambiguous order, or some secret understanding
with the Ca; win of the ship. He could take upon
him to assure the House that such statement was
whory and entirely without foundation ; and that
there mid been no order to any officer to interiere
with the tri-coloured flag of France, any more than
with the white flap.
Mr. BANKES supported the Address:, though
he thought the country ought to be very cautious as
to any increase of burden on its finances.
!Aid ALTIIORPE and Mr. AI3ERCROSIBY were for
the Amendment.
Mr. W. ELLIorr said the Address only claimed
the attention of the House to those measures of pre-
caution which iu colleen with our Allies might be
deemed necessary for the security of Europe; and as
such it had his support.
Mr. TIERNEY said, the message, it was true,
only called on the House to pl ice the cluntry, in
point of military matters, in such a state as might be
necessary to secure the tranquiility of Europe—but
the speech of the Noble Lord gave reason to suppose
that our allies were inclined to a state of war, and if
they entered on that war for the purpo3e of dethron-
ing Bonaparte, the idea would appal his very heart.
He had heard also, that notwithstanding the appa-
rent moderation of the message, subsidies to our se-
veral Allies had already been settled and agreed on.
This might be false—but if true, the amendment of
his Honourable Friend seemed to him to be most de.
sirable, as it threw on Ministers a greater degree of
responsibility. Ile had no wish to crab mass Ministers,
but as the words of the amendment were very moue-
rate, and did not weaken the address, he should vote
for the amendment.
Mr. W. SMITH supported the Amendment.
spoke in favour of the Address.
Mr. PLUNKET expressed his cordial and unqua-
lified support to the Address, and affirmed, that there •
appeared nothing in the Noble Lord's speedi which
indicated that he had any wish or int .ution to dupe
the House. For his own part, he should be very
sorry to be the dupe of Ministers, but he should be
much more so to be duped by the present Ruler of
France. If war must be the consequence, he bad no
doubt but we had a legitimate and justifiable cause
for it, but that question was reserved for a future day.
Lo d CASTLEREAGH replied at considerable
length, contending. principally in reply to fir. Whit-
bread, that it did not follow. because this country had
treated with Bonaparte at Chatillon. that it must be
prepared to treat with him under existing circuits-
seances. He begged leave to state, that though the
Allies did treat with bin at,Chatilion, they did not
consider themeelte, called upon to accept of his pro.
Pow wbeo they were likely to enter Paris. As *SI
•