Star.
London, England, 1831-06-29 00:00:00

THE PARISIAN JOURNALS.

ON THE OPENING OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

Le Messayer des Chambres refers to the King
of England's address from the throne, as partaking
of the same character of moderation and reserve
which distinguishes the speech of the French King,
and thence takes occasion to expatiate on the in-
justice of the reproaches made by the opposition
against the latter. It alludes with satisfaction to
the formal recognition of the independence of Bel-
gium by the King of England, and sees in the
manner in which Portugal is spoken of, a fresh
proof of the firm friendship and good understand-
ing existing between England and France, on that
as well as on everj other subject.
LA FRANCE NOUVELLE (Journal de Paris)
says, that the Speech has disappointed the expec-
tations generally entertained of receiving more spe-
cific information on the political situation of the
country. At the same time, it considers what is
said is good, and particularly refers to the passage
relative to the distress existing in some parts of the
empire, as proving that the similar distress exist-
ing in France is not the consequence of the Revo-
lution. This Paper (the organ of the Administra-
tion) makes no remark on the passages of the
Speech relative to foreign affairs, except a general
expression of satisfaction at the King of England
continuing desirous of peace.
Le Journal des Debuts says—The speech of the
King of England was expected this year vs ith a
lively impatience. Never was parliament opened
in the midst of circumstances more grave, both
without and within ; and notwithstanding the dis-
appointment elich nearly always succeeds the pub-
lication of that kind of document, we could with
difficulty prevent ourselves from hoping that the
language of the crown would raise a part of the
veil which conceals the future from our eyes. We
are far from imputing to the English ministry as a
crime the reserve with which they glide over the
greater part of the questions which pre-occupy
England and Europe. In that which touches Re-
form, it was most suitable not to permit any allu-
sion to the presumed mind of the new parliament.
The reformist majority will soon declare itself in the
House of Commons, and it was not for the Crown
to proclaim its existence. As to the European
questions, we know well that it is delicate to touch in
a language sufficiently solemn, negociations still
pendant, and we are astonished less than
we are afflicted, to see that the speech of the
King of Engand does not authorize a more
founded hope of the prompt solution of
the affairs of Belgium. The 30th of June ap-
proaches, and it is grievous that the difficulties
which still delay the recognizance of Belgian inde-
pendence, should not be sufficiently smoothed, to
announce that there is a hope of triumphing over
the late obstacles. We expected some allusions
more direct to the heroism of Poland, and the ne-
cessity of putting an end to the effusion of the blood
of its defenders. We are far from concluding, from
the silence of the crown, that the interests of policy
and humanity, which attach themselves so power-
fully to that question, have remained foreign to the
solicitude of its cabinet. But the parliamentary
discussions will necessarily bring about more ex-
plicit declarations, and we shall await them, in order
to judge the probable efficacy of the efforts which
claim, everywhere, the ardent sympathy of nations
for so fine a cause.

Le Constitutionnel says, that the cold tone of
the Speech has disappointed the whole country;
and adds, that even on the Reform Question, the
King, by referring it wholly to Parliament, and
renouncing the privilege of being himself the ori-
ginator of it, has ceased to be the popular mo-
narch which he had at first shown himself, and
becomes again merely the first lord of the king-
dom. " It would have been a noble as well as
novel spectacle," it continues, " to see a king al-
lying himself with the nation to accomplish a revo-
lution called for by the popular voice." This revo-
lution is inevitable ! May the King of England
feel the necessity of acting in concert with the
people, and thus avoid the necessity of leaving
them to accomplish it alone.
Le Journal du Commerce —" The tone of this
speech, which is much more remarkable for what it
does not, than for what it does say, is by no means
calculated to tranquillize the public mind. Had it
been framed with the presentiment of an approach-
ing accession of the Tories to power, it could not
have been framed differently. The cold manner in
which refce m is mentioned gives consistence to the
reports of dissensions existing in the Cabinet." It
then animadverts on the absence of any expression
of sympathy for the Poles, and on the slight man-
ner in which the injury inflicted on the Belgians in
the last royal speech is repaired, by the limited re-
cognition of their independence. It concludes by
observing, that the intimate alliance of France
and England for the support of civilization and
general liberty, ought to be the wish of every
friend of humanity ; but that the principle of con-
cession on every point, adopted by the Wrier ad-
ministration, is wore calculated to destroy than to
strengthen it.
Le Aational says, that the use of the word
" contest" respecting Poland proves that the strug-
gle is considered by the British Government as
being between nation and nation, and not between
sovereign and subject. It then eulogises the King
for his conduct respecting Reform, and remarks,
that on foreign affairs the Speech must no longer
be considered as emanating from WiUiam IV. but
from the Conference of Diplomatists, the new
Holy Alliance. In conclusion, it observes, " The
Speech is distressingly insignificant. It is dis-
I coureging for Italy, for Belgium, and for Poland,
and gives us little to hope from the energy of
Lord Grey's Administration. Under circumstances
of similar excitement, Mr. Canning would have
adopted a different tone."
Le Courrier Francais says, that the hopes en-
tertained (notwithstanding ten years' experience of
the nullity of the English speeches from the throne),
that the present liberal ministry would have some-
what changed the old system of saying nothing,
have been completely disappointed ; and while it
appears clear that Poland may be destroyed, with-
out an arm being lifted or a voice raised to assist
her, the Belgian affairs are merely mentioned in a
tone echoing the Protocols of the Conference of
London. " Canning," it adds, " would have acted
differently."
Le Globe.—" The King of England's Speech
on the great question is in the style of a Protocol.
It is useless to comment on the language of
diplomatists."
Le Temps.—lt is useless to analyse the speech
of the King of England. Amidst the diplomatic

negociations of which the British capital is now the
theatre, and which are involved in inextricable
confusion, the royal speech must necessarily be
even more carefully framed than usual, so as to
avoid committing the Ministry to any particular
course.

La Tribune says, that there is nothing in the
speech which gives any reason to hope that the new
King of England has any intention of abandoning
the egotistical and antique system of policy, which,
if it has sometimes been advantageous to the com-
mercial interests of England, has much more fre-
quently been a source of dishonour to the nation.
In conclusion, it remarks, that " William IV.
shows himself to be no more friendly to the propa-
gand than Louis Philip; and though his own sub-
jects may owe him some thanks for the manner in
which he has treated the Reform question, ho has
acquired no claim on the gratitude of the patriots
in the other nations of Europe."
La Quotidienne.—The King of England's
speech is a rare specimen of nullity. There is no-
thing in the royal address of the Cabinet of St.
James's, and with more bombast there will be, if
possible, less in that of the Cabinet of the Palais
Royal. Nullity is the chracteristic of the epoch.
L'Avenir.—Our readers will learn nothing from
the King of England's speech. The Sovereign
mentions all the questions which now agitate eu-
rope ; but what he says is so unimportant, that he
seems only to have addressed Parliament as a
matter of form. We do not, however, mean to re-
proach him for this brevity ; in a representative
government, a dumb Sovereign is a thousand times
better than one who is never silent." It then re-
grets that the cold manner in which the Poles are
mentioned affords ground to fear that it is intended
to abandon them to their fate, although it is impor-
tant to observe, that there is no such approbation
expressed of the Emperor of Russia's conduct as
was bestowed on the King of Holland in the last
speech. In conclusion, it points out to the atten-
tion of the French Government the fact of a di-
minution of taxation not having produced a defal-
cation in the revenue, and calls on Ministers to
try the experiment.

EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

WEDNESDAY. JUNE 29.

This day the KING held a Levee at Saint
James's Palace, which was attended by the whole
of the Cabinet Ministers, and a numerous traiu.of
Nobility and Gentry.

We can state, on the best authority, that His
Majesty's Government have determined to send,
in future, all convicts exclusively to Van Diemen's
Land, and to encourage free emigration to Sydney,
and the other settlements, on what may be termed
the Continent of New South Wales. On the sub-
ject of emigration we wish not to be misunderstood:
we approve of the encouragement given to it by the
Government, and we recommend it to those who
find it difficult to enjoy comfort at home. We
only think that, as a remedy for the existing dis-
tresses of the labouring poor, it will be found
ineffectual.

Scarcely a day passes that we have not the op-
portunity of laying before our Readers Continental
Intelligence of importance, exclusively to be found
on the day of publication, in our columns. Such
of our Readers who enjoy the opportunity of com-
paring the STA It with its Evening Contemporaries,
must know the truth of what we are now stating.
Thus, yesterday we published, exclusively, the
Address of the Hungarians to the Emperor of
AUSTRIA, which to-day appears in the Times,
with such long comments. Wo have now
to call the attention of our Readers to
an article in a subsequent column, under the
head Italy. The fate of MENOTTI has called
forth some eloquent remarks from the Editor of

the Courrier Francais—every word of which well
merits attention. Princes who still adhere to the
dogmas of despotism, might well have some
of its sentences written in their Prayer-books.—
Blood drawn—draws blood ; and who will regret a
Duke of Modena when his day comes ?
We are advocates "for the Bill, the whole
Bill, and nothing but the Bill ;" and we lament,
that in consequence of certain changes, we consi-
der it our duty to sound the tocsin of alarm. Some
sinister influence has been at work, or two altera-
tions of vital character would not have been made ;
and we feel it proper to state, that if these correc-
tions are not forthwith announced, it behoves the
Reformers throughout the empire to re-address
parliament, and once more exhibit the will, voice,
and majesty of an aroused people.

In the 24th section of thd bill, under which
the people exerted themselves during the late
election, the important franchise for voting in
boroughs is thus clearly expressed. It is the
sheet anchor of the people, and the fundamental
principle of the reform : _

And be it enacted, that in all elaetions of members to
serve in any future parliament for cities and boroughs, every
male person of full age, and not subject to any legal inca-
pacity, who shall have occupied, as owner or tmant, foe six
11 calendar months next previous to the day of
in the present year, or next previous to the last
day of August In any succeeding year, within any such city
or borough, any house assessed to the duty on inha-
bited houses upon a yearly value of not less than ten
pounds, or any house, warehouse, oe counting-house of the
clear yearly value of not less than ten pounds, or lowa
fide subject to a yearly rent of not lees than ten pounds, or
which shall have been for the lame time rated to the relief of
the poor upon a yearly value of not less than ten pounds, and
in respect of which house, warehouse, or counting-house
respectively all the rents, rates, and taxes then doe shall have
been paid, shall, 11 duly registered according to the provi-
elms Itembwiter contained, have a right to vote for such
city or borough ; and that no persons other than such occu-
piers as atoned& shall have a right to roes at any such
election : Thin fellows a proviso for the Reservation of the
present rights of frames during the lives of the patios, but

requirieg residence; and for the Reservation of other rights
of voting during the lives of the parties.
But, in the bill now laid before the house, the
following very extraordinary proviso has been in-
serted—formally inserted—and wo may hope
ignorantly inserted ; but so operative as to reduce
the voters to one in ten, or even to one in one
hundred, and in fact tending to destroy and viti:lto
the entire measure :

" Provided always, that no tenant so occupying such pre.
mites as aforesaid, at a yearly rent of not less than ten
pounds, shall by reason thereof acquire a vote in the elec-
tion for any city or borough, if such rent shall be payable
more pequently than once in every half year, or if by any
agreement or contrivance, or lay virtue of any local Act of
Parliament or otherwise, the landlord shall be liable to the
payment of the rates for the relief of the poor in respect of
such premises: provided, nevertheless, that where by virtue
of any local Act of Parliament, the landlord shall be liable
to the payment of such rates, it shall be lawful for any such
tenant to claim to pay such rates, and upon his actually
paying the same, to acquire the right of voting as if
landlord had not been so liable for such rates."

Now we take it upon ourselves to declare, that
if diligent enquiry were made, it would be found
that at least on nine houses in ten, the rents are
made to be payable quarterly; and that nearly in
all of them, the rents are collected and paid quay.
terly. The writer of this paragraph has occupied
houses from £3OO per annum down to £4O, and in
all his experience ho never heard of half-yearly
payments; and he has been a party of many leases,
and he never saw a single case in which other than
quarterly payments were stipulated, with forfei-
ture on non-payment within twenty one days.
In truth, a house held on half yearly payment;
would be an anomalous tenure; and with or with-
out agreement, a landlord could seize at the end of
a quarter for his rent, though nothing had been
previously settled about the term.
What perverseness, or whose ignorance could
therefore have introduced such a clause? Some
one so ill-informed of all the usages of the country
as to be utterly unqualified for its legislation ; or one
who holds the judgment of the people in such con•
tempt, as that he supposed they would not discri-
minate his perverse design.
And let it be observed, it is not a mere word
About which we are raising a question, but a clause
deliberately drawn, and asserting a principle at full
length, knowingly and advisedly. It becomes,
therefore, of consequence, that it should at once
be inquired into ; and if it is a mistake, or owing
to the ignorance of some inferior agent, that avowal
is indispensoble. But, on the other hand, if it i;
a principle put forward with an intention to be
supported by any persons avowing themselves
friends of reform, in either House of Parliament,
the people must regard themselves as baffled, and
hopes of salutary and efficient reform must, in
spite of all that has passed, be postponed till
another age.
We considered the 101. franchise as the key-
stone of the bill of the last sessions, and that the
right was to be conceded to the occupier of the
house for twelve months before the election; and
therefore we consider any requisition as to how,
where, or when, he pays the rent or rates, or
whether l►e has paid it or not, being in bona fide
occupation, and equally liable, is no affair of legis-
lation—no question relavent to this franchise, and
one which ought in no way to be allowed to mingle
with it. It is quite sufficient that the voter occu-
pies, resides, and is rated, and the exercise of the
franchise ought not to be made instrumental to the
collection of•rents or taxes.
Again, we are by no means satisfied with the
change from 14 years' leases of 501. in land to seven
years. The change renders the Tenants so depen-
dant on Landlords, that it would add dangerously
to the influence of Great Proprietors. Twenty-one
years was the first and wisest plan, and that which
specially recommended this franchise, with a two
years' conclusion. It was not improved by lower-
ing the time to 14 years ; but seven years, and one
years' conclusion, would render Great Proprietors,
or any two or three of them, masters of a County.
We object, therefore, to this alteration as one of
principle, while it has been constantly reiterated
that no change of principle would be made, and
the People have confidence in this pledge.

1 The TRUCK SYSTEM met with severe repre-
hension in the House of Lords, and Lord Wu A RN-
currE, with that public spirit for which he is so
pre-eminent, brought in two Bills, which were read
a first time. It would appear that Mr. LYTTLE-
row, wearied by the slow progress of his Bill, has
preferred the more prompt legislation of the Upper
House, and transferred the duty to Lord WHARN-
CLIFFE.

In the House of Commons there was much inte
resting, though fruitless discussion ; but the 150
new members still preserve their taciturnity, with
the single exception of Mr. PAGET last night.
Mr. HUNT presented a Petition from the
" Nationai Political Union," against the continu-
ance of the Six Acta ; and this called up Captain
GORDON, who produced " The Poor Man's
Guardian"—and " Carlile's Republican," as a
proof that they were still necessary to repress such
opinions as he quoted. He thought they deserved
the immediate attention of the Attorney General.

Mr. HumE treated this notice of the " Poor
Man's Guardian" and " Republican," as an ad-
vertisement of them, which would cause them now
to be read by thousands who had never heard of
them. For himself, he considered the Six Acts a
disgrace to the country, and wondered that the
present administration, who bad opposed them when
they passed, bad not moved for their repeal. The