Star.
London, England, 1814-06-24 00:00:00

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sition to that statement. With regard to a conspi-
racy for enquiry, on which some explanation has been
offered; I admit that where there is a suspicion of
guilt, there are many deserve applause, but the inqui-
ries that were instituted last year, were understood to
be Wholly unauthorised, and had no legal or consti-
tutional shape ; they were carried on in a dark, mys-
terious and unjust manner, and when the Noble Lord
heard of them by means of discussions in this House,
he interfered to protect her Royal Highness, and by
his inteilereuce they were defeated : he knew that
there were no fresh suspicions of guilt not canvas-
sed in 1806 and 1807, and upon those charges the
Noble Lor.l had given the Princess of Wales his ver-
dict of acquittal. I did not mean to employ the word
conspiracy in a legal and technical way, but merely
to convey that there were persons in the dark, under-
mining her Royal Highness and planning her ruin
and destruction, whose efforts failed in consequence of
inquiries in this House. I hope that the Noble Lord
wilt not now call that completely constitutional and
legal, which he before so severely and positively con-
demned
Mr. METHUEN.— In justice to the Princess of
Wales I feel myself called upon to state, that I have
not had any communication with her Royal Highness.
I should, I trust, be the last man in the House to pro-
pose an increase of income, if the consequence were to.
be the resignation of any rights on the part of that il-
lustrious Personage.
Mr. S. WORTLEY.—After the address we have
this night heard from the Noble Lord, which does him
as much credit as a man and as a member, as any
speech that was ever delivered in Parliament—(Hea4
dear),---1 should not have risen, but that the line of
tunnel i have pursued on a former occasion seems
to reiister it necessary. I never for a moment ima-1
gined that the effect of discussions of this kind would
be to reconcile the parties, and I thought that this,
was not the fit place for atteolpting an adjustment of
differences, to which the public onet not to be made
panies. The Noble Lord has said that this subject
has been introduced for the purpose of calumniating
the Prince Regent. andfor. dsagging into public notice
the characters ot the most illustrious individuals.
pot it to the conscience of.the Noble Lord to say how
it was first introduced ? (Hear, hear.) Was it not,
occasior.ed by rumours, or rather by certainties (forJ
. 'Tory Alan was convinced of the truth) that inquiries,
were going on which affected the feelings and hearts
of every individual in the country. These inquiries'
compelled the discussion of this painful subject.
put it likewise to the conscience of the Noble Lord,
whether tranquillity had not been restored in the pub•
lit mind upon this question, until the feelings before
existing were awakened by the publication of docu-
ments, galling to all, but most galling to the illustri-
ous personage immediately concerned. I say, then,.
that- Ministers (for so we are compelled to speak'
.here) most not be surprised if a strong sensation is.
produced on the public mind, on an occasion like the
present, nor must they be astonished, if in the House
of Commons some means are found of expressing the
public opinion.
MraTIERNEY—The Noble Lord having alluded
to what fell from me on a late occasion, I shall trouble
the House very shortly at the present with some rea-
sons that induce me to beg the Honourable Member
riot to withdraw his motion. The Noble Lord ob-
served, that on what I said on a former night, I ally-
. ded to the possibility of Parliament being called upon
to come to a vote for an increased establishment for
the rriucess of Wales. It is partestly true, but I should
be extremely sorry if, frost that circumstance, it could
lee imputed to me that. i thought any sum would be
sufficient to compensate her Royal Highness for the
cruel injuries that have been inflicted upon her feelings.
All I meant was, that Parliament being bound to do
something, the most moderate, mild, and efficieat
course would be to provide fef her establishment; not
because the sum given woaldadd to the domestic CM-
,fortS ofber Royal Highness, but because in the Celts-
Minns of England she would then find a protector, re-
nogniaing her as Princess of Wales, sad performing
those offices that others ought to discharge. I hope
also that the Honourable Gentleman will not consent
to withdraw his motion, because if he did so, I should
'link Parliament would separate with very little ho-
pour to itself. Let ns see boa the case stands—the
Princess of Wales sends to us information, that, by
a Message from her Majesty, she has been forbidden
to appear at Court, and that intelligence is accom-
panied by Correspondence, which the House might,
or might not have received, but having been received,
it now lies upon
,the table, and the Rollie of Com-
mons is hi in some way to notice it. I may safely
defy the Noble Lord to produce any precedent where
the House has refused to attend to an, application
made by any branch of the Royal Family. We are
.bound to take, it into cousich ration, even though the
result should be only to provide a befitting establish-
pent for the Princess of Wales. Mach I tbink is done
,en satisfy the feelings of all cloisan of society-in the
_country, by merely considering the subjeut. When
the Noble Lord says, that this House has no right to
inicrfotein transactions tf this kind, I ans sure, Mr.
Siisiker, that the assertion must have been extremely
pa'adul to your ears' it is the first time that such a doe-
trios has• bee* bro:ein dr 'et I have often beard it
on die contrary, that ;here was nothing
ea high that the eye of Xrliantent could not inspect;
or so low that it couldnnt fatlicstr. Then comes the
question, is this an occasion where discretion an ho.
rises interference ? If it be nut, I should be glad to
know what is ? A has been taken to outrage
the feelings of an exalted indisidual ; she complains,
it is entered on int Journals, and it no further notice
be taken of it there can be but one opinion out of
doors, as to the motives for this silence. Gentlemen
were However to go away wilt the notion that some-
thing would be done by the Regent, but the Noble
Lord had taken care to he most guarded in his lan.
gunge upon this p hit. I admit, eery readily, the
general kind disposition of the Piinctoof Wales, but
of his particular kindness to his wile, the Princess of
Wales, I must iseg leave, with all respect, to entertain
some sienbt. I beg the Bombe to recollect, that but
for the conduct of the Prince Regent the Heuse would
,never have been engaged in this painful discussion,
nor would the public mind now have been agitated.
The Noble Lord his referreil to a document, for.
ly establishing a separation, signed by the King,
the rritice and Pliiisess,,ol Wales, and others, Let
sin ask hits, it then,: be tine word in that agreement
which det i res that the Princess of Welts shall not
appear at Gout t j—( L'apreesjoea rjoirivio by Lord G.)
•
_ .


The Noble Lord may cry Oh! but I maintain, that
that is the whole pith of the question. —(Hear, hear!
from the Opposition Reacher.) Any woman may agree,
to articles of separation (may I beg the Noble Lord's i
attention ?) but does he mean to say, that in that pa-!
per there was a syllable which could savour of an'
admission that the conduct of The Pri9cess of Wales
had subjected her to the slightest censure?—(Near,
hear!) If not, then I insist that something new must
have since occurred to justify the provocation which
her Royal Highness has lately received. I really
would beg the attention of the Noble Lord, unless
the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bathurst) be amus-
ing him with some of his usual facetiousness, which
no doubt is much better worth attention.—(
augh.) We say that an indignity is put upon the
Princess of Wales ; the defence 9f the Noble Lord is,
that a formal separation has taken place that justifies
the proceeding. My answer is, that subsequent to the
date of that instrument she was formally received at
Court, and that if the King had imagined-that the
effect would have been to exclude her, his Majesty, I
am certain, would never have signed it. Then I de.
mand to know what has happened since to justify this
exclusion ? Let the Noble Lord tell us if he can.—
There has been a most cruel and unprovoked insult of-
fered to the Consort of the Sovereign Authority, at a
time most galling to the feelings of all the Royal
Fa-
mily ; to accomplish which the Queen, who must
be supposed to be best acquainted with the senti-
ments of the King, has been made the instrument.
If her Royal Husband had been in possession of his
faCulties, would they have dared to add this fresh
contempt ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
must know that *advantage has been taken of particu-
lar and unfortunate circumstances to get rid of the
Princess of Wales, and to degrade her in public etoi.
m ition.—(Loud cheer:).—l really believe that the
august personages, lately in the metropolis, were,
desired not to visit her Royal Highness, or if not,i
what does it prove but that the general reputationi
which artifice has raised her, is such that her near se.!
lations had been deterred from discharging even the
common duties of civility ?—(Hear, hear).—Where
then is the Princess of Wales to seek for redress but
in this House ? What friend has she in the world to
console' her under her sufferings ? Her condition is
the most forlorn that imagination can picture. A fo-
reigner, deserted by all her natural friends and protec-
tors, she claims the Aid and support of the Commons
of Great Britain.. I say that when sheet/as married in
this country she was adopted by Parliament : Parlia-
ment is her guardian and I hope it will faithfully exe-
cute the trusts reposed in it. Now let any man contra.,
diet me if he can—thus stands the law upon the subject.
This Royal female is brought to England, is recog-
nized as Princess of Wales by Act of Parliament, and
a jointure of 850,000 a-year is given in the event of
her surviving her husband before he ascends the
throne. NVill any man say, circumstanced as she is,
that she can be looked upon in any other light than a
widow ? She has been discarded by her husband ;
why she has been so treated, with the queation of
guilt or innocence,l have now nothing to do. I al-
lude to nothing I have heard, I am bound only to
act upon this plain pi inciple, that a person 'who has
not been proved to be guilty is to 'be treated as inno-
cent. Will then any man say when an appeal of this
kind has been made, when the Princess of Wales,
abandoned by all the wsrld, throws herself upon the
protection of Parliament, that the House shall pass
the subject try and not take any step upon the occa-
' sion I with nothing to be done but that which is
strictly just • T with for a dioroush aessaival of the
Princess of Wales from base insinuations, since no
direct charge can be substantiated : I wish her to be'
restored to her character, and to be allowed the means
of supporting her rank and station. Instead of with-;
drawing the motion, what I would suggest is this,'
that the question should be postponed, with a
view to give time to the Noble Lord to be the
bearer of a Mesrage-Non the subject from. the
Prince Regent. (No, woafroes Laid Castlereash.)
see that the Noble Lord will not-consent. I suppose
it is, because he will advise his Royal Master to do
nothing that shall seem like truckling to the wishes
of Parliament,. That I take to be a new doctrine,
so that if the inlocence of the Princess of Wales be
mold, it is not to be admitted where it is of most
napurtrulce, because it will be called yielding to hasty
motions in Parliament, or trucklin and submitting
to public calumny.— (Hear, hear. —We might as
well live in the reign of Henry V 11. if such are to
be the principles on which the Crown is to act. Is it
meant to be said that Parliament has nothing to do
fith questions that agitate the public mind ? Is not
'Parliament the guardian of all the best interests of
society, of the public manners, morals, and decorum ?
Has this question no connexion with the public man-
ners, morals, and decorum i—(llear, kegf.) TheZeg
essence of our privileges is that they are undefined,
and may assume what shape they please. *I defy any
man to shew me any question in which Parliament
may sot advise the Crown, if it be necessary, for secu-
ring the public interest. I say that in this instance the
pnbliC interest imperiously calls for our interference.
If the letter of the Prince Regent had said that be
would never meet his wife in private, we should have
had nothing to do with it, but he adds, that he never
' will meet her in public. What then is to become of
'the Princess of Wales I If beer Majesty dies. vobri isles
hold the Drawing-room, and who is to be our hem
Queen ? The Noble Lord smiles; be may have seeded
t this, but without meaning to pat* it in a fact*.
si ay, I insist that it is of the last importance that Pig
lament should entertain the subject. The Noble
Lord seems to have a great deal of information in
store—let him give it—my whole object is, that if she
deserves it, the Princess of Wales should be put in such
situation as to be able to discharge in future the pub-
Llic duties that fall upon her, by being enabled to ap-
pear with credit at any Drawing-room that may be
held. I never said she ought to force her way into the
Queen's Drawing-rooms, but this I will maintain, that
it she does not go her absence is not to be attributed to
any want of merit on her part, to any positive demerit,
and still less to any impista don of guilt. (Hear, hear.)
Upon the subject of the Pi incess Charlotte of Wales
I am little disposed to say any thing : I have no means
of access to her person—l never spoke to the Princess
in my life ; but I must be forgiven if .I say, that if
the feeling, of affection of the young Princess, by
what has parsed, have been wooer roused, it gives
.4n earnest of conduct in future to her object% •that
all confer upon her the highest honour, aid upon
her people the greatest bletsinr,—(Hear,

lament that Parliament did not last year take some
sap: this fresh insult, offered through the Queen, at
the instigation of a secret adviser, might then have
been spared. It therefore becomes us now to inter-
pose; we owe
if w
itowee do n
to thot. w
eßoe shallyalFam
milyostt
tend that deliberatelyancl con.
betray the trust that has been reposed in us by the
country, in which there is but one feeling from one
end to the other. The Noble Lord made a great
parade, but I must say, that in a pecuniary point of
view I do not think the Princess of Wales has been
kindly treated. When she lived in Carlton House
she had £17,000 a year, besides her £5OOO, and
yet, when she had to maintain a separate esta-
blishment, with all its increased expences, her in.
come was reduced to £12,000 a year.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord says, what could the Prince do
more? r answer, that he could have referred it to
Parliament—and what motive was there for not doing
it? Parliitnent never knew of these debts of the Re.
gent, now so much talked of; for Mr. Perceval so
wrapped them up, and made such an involved state-
ment, that they were neyer discovered. Those debts
amounted, we understand, to between four and five
hundred thousand pounds; and at the time of the
Regency £60,000 per annum was given, besides the
proceeds from the Duchy of Cornwall, to provide for
their liquidation, and what the Prince paid for the
sums due from his wife was not deducted out of his
income, but only out of the sum thaewould otherwise
have been applied to pay his own creditors; so that
the expenses of the Princess of Wales were not paid
by her husband, or by the public, but by the creditors
of the Prince; and I appeal to the House whether this
is a situation in which it is fit that the future Queen
of this country should be placed ?—(Hear, hear.)—
Although l would not advise her Royal Highness to
demand the payment of £50,000 a year, provided as
her jointure, yet I think that she has an unanswerable
claim to it, and she has the more need of it to main-
tain that splendour and state which will protect heel
in some degree from the efforts of the promoters of
cabals. The Noble Lord said, that a suitable pro-
vision may possibly be made. Will that satisfy the
House ? they virtually acknowledge that the treat-
ment of her Royal Highness has been proper, and
then at the end of this Session, or perhaps not until the
next, the Noble Lord may come down with what be
calls a suitable allowance. Nothing, in my opinion,
can produce in this case a better effect than for the
House to show that it takes an interest in the ques-
tion; and if this motion be withdrawn it will be ob-
vious that in its result it takes no interest whatever.
Considering the time that has elapsed since this ques-
tion was first introduced, recollecting the willingness
the Noble Lord now professes to add to the provision
of the Princess of Wales, and observing the heated
state of the public feeling upon this question, it must
be admitted that Ministers have been grossly culpable
in not endeavouring to put a stop to fut titer discus-
dons by conciliatory proposals. The public feeling
has been now raised to a great height, and what will
induce it to subside I do not know :—assuredly the
country would not be satisfied if an injury like that
sustained by her Royal Highness should go unresent-
ed. I say that her claims are rested upon grounds
not to be shaken ; the House will not tamely submit
to insults offered to its future Queen, the cause of
which has hitherto been unexplained. I should flat-
ter myself that we shall not separate without doing
something to restore the Princess of Wales to that.
comfort which she has every right to enjoy, if riot to
that splendour: she has every right to maintain;—let
tla shew that we participate in the general feeling of
the nation—that her Royal Highness is not without a
protector, and that that protector is the House of
Commons.—( Hear, hear.) •
Ur. GRATTAN said, the Noble Lord and the
Honourable Mover had agreed that a provision should
be made for her Royal Highness ; but they differed
in the manner of nuking it. It ought to be made
with all respect to the Prince of Wales; acid the very
making of it would be a triumph to her Royal High-
ness. For this reason, he was glad to lie.ir that the
Honourable Gentleman intended to withdtaw his mo-
tion ; for by persisting it it, he would lose it, and so
injure the cause, lb place of serving it.
Mr. METHUEN wished to know the intention of

the Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh) before he (Mr.
Methuen) withdrew his motion.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said that, as the sense
of the House was in favour of a provision for her
Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, he had no
doubt but that on a future day he should be able to
give consent to some proposition of that nature.
Mr. PONSONBY.—I am glad that the Noble
Lerd (Castlereaghh) has found an opportunity for
mgiving this pledge—and I will tell him why he has
ound an opportunity, because he perceives that Par-
liament and the country loudly demand it. (Hear.)
Mr. METHUEN then withdrew his Motion.

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