Star.
London, England, 1815-03-16 00:00:00

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necessary for for directing his judgment. But in all that
he had heard within the walls of Parliament, or else-
where, in all'that he had read, or in all the MSS of
enlightened discussion which had been published on
this subject,' he found nothing that Could alter the
opinion he had formed, . and in that opinion he was
mare fully confirmed than ever by the speech of the
Noble Earl. If there were no other grounds for the
measure than those stated by the Noble Earl, these
he would say were wholly inadequate to support it
because so inconsiderable a istrt of them was totally:
d;sclainted by the country.
i Whoever looked at the
:ports before Parliament, would think that this mea-
-1,.i.e was founded on thcdistress in which the agri-
tolltural part d the isatiOn was now placed. The
c.lzstion, therefore, must be argued, not on the
ground of private indemnity, but of public policy,
having reference to an enlarged system of permanent
policy for the general good of the state. The Noble
I.ord had observed, in his argument for the measure,
that the manufacturers were already protected by
heavy duties ; such duties had, Weed, been imposed
many years ago, btit it was a doubtful question whe-
ther such a system of restriction was altogether bene-
ficial to the country. Whether it was or not, the
question relating to agriculture ought to be discussed
solely on its own ground, and not by drawing any
analogy between manufacturers and agriculture.—
The Noble Earl told the House; that this measure
would benefit the consumer, by establishing a cheap,
steady, permanent, and abundant supply of Corn.--
Ors this part of the argument he would ask, what
necessity was there to legislate on the question at all ?
He was sorry to observe on this, as well as on most
other occasions, that there was an extraordinary
fondness for legislation—a perpetual eagerness to do
that which was far beyond the reach of human
power ; and were he to trace any political evil to its
utmost extent, he should find that it originated in
that restless spirit, which actuated most men, of legi-
slating on all matters; and particularly on matters
relating to trade; and whenever this principle was
opposed to practice, the argument used was, that the
necessity of the case required the law to be passed ;
whereas the interests intended to be promoted were
really injured by such meddling attempts to.do good.
.—The Noble Lord contended that the Bill, for tl
reasons before slated, would have the effect of keep-
ing up the pric- of Corn. With respect to its opera-
tion is Ireland, lie proposition which the Noble Earl
had brought fo:w..ad' it was said, would give certain
benefits to that part of the United Empire in prefe-
rence to the foreign exporter. That was an object
to which he should be disposed to accede. The
question however was, whether, by giving such pre.
ference, we could obtain a cheap supply for this
country ? For his part, he was of opinion that some
further evidence was requisite to enable him to come
to a just conclusion on tnat part of the question. As
to the ultimate benefits of the measure, he wits in-
clined to think they would be visionary ones, for the
population was an increasing one. Toe operation of
the Bill was to keep the price on the rise until it
reached the maximum of 80s. and then it would
cease to operate. The Noble Lerd here went into
abstract reasoning, with a view of shewing that the
employment of 'capital would be but ill directed for
the interests of the agriculturalists, unless he could
(Again a larger price for the produce of his soil. If
he could not (Astern that increased price, then he mis-
applied his capital : but if he did obtain a rise in the
markets, the consequence would be to lay a heavy
tax on the consumer. To obviate these objections, it
must be desirable that some period should be fixed
for departing from this prohibition. The measure
rould make supply uncertain and prices unsteady... -
iiaving at very considerable length taken a review
of the arguments of the Noble Earl in favour of the
measure, he expressed his decided opinion that the
measure would have a tendency directly opposite to
that which it was contended would be produced.—
He denied that any apprehensions were to be enter-
tained of France being our natural enemy, in respect
to a supply of Corn—he wished for a mutual com-
mercial intercourse. The statement of prices which
the Noble Lord had made was incorrect, so far as
they respected France. He recommended, as a
means of securing a permanent peace with that
country, a fre and open communication of "Vrade.—
He maintained that, instead of the measure making
• the supply abundsot, it would render it deficient—
instead of making the price cheaper, it would raise
that price ; and that the capitalist might employ his
capital to more advantage in foreign trade than in
agriculture.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE said, that in his
opinion much that had fallen from the Noble Lord
that spoke last prOceeded from false principles. The
twogreat objects of tliis measure were to give bread
to the country, in more abuo'clanee and at a cheaper
and fairer rate than it othetvise could be afforded:
The next was to afford relief to the agriculturists in
their present distress. As to the disadvantage of this
• measure to the; manufacturers, lie had himself asked
them at the liar of that House it the high price of
provisions did not operate against them Their re-
ply always was, rh it if they had a brisk demand for
their articles, and the mien would work Min hours
than they then did, the price of provisions would
produce no disadvantage to tnem. Neither w** this
a new measure; from the reign of Charles 11. such
. restrictive prices haa frnin time to time been imposed
son the importation of core to this country. it IPSO
not true that this measure was intended to operate
/in favour' of one class of the community to the in:
jury of another. Fer.witlsout sach a plan as this,
the little shopkeepers profits would be immediately
elninished, and that would soon have an injurious
effect on Our .manufacture, the hoMe demand for
which, it was • well known, was more valuable
than that.of all other countries put togethi e.— (Hear).
:--Hears asihnishied that the Noble Lord could assert
that this measure would have 'she Effect of perma-
nently increasing the price of bread. Surety en-
co'lreiging our. own growth of corn could never be
supposed 'to have that effect. At the same time is
was undoubtedly true, that it was impossible to grow
corn in this count! y so Cheap as in other ceuntries,-
where'the rate`of t.ixation was lower than here. lf,
by railsing to adopt this measure, they shotild lower
the Mice of labour; what viould• become of Our ma.
ntractines, when the labourer would be deprived-el
the *so4ans Of purchasing his usual •proportion .9f
them ? Besides, what would he the result of making
the country dependent on foreign nations foist supply

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of sia anon* quarters of rein yearly, which would
b 3 the consequence of rejecting this. scheme ? In
yams of plenty we should have an abundant supply,
destructive of the agriculture of the country; and in
years of scarcity we must be dependent on the preca-.
rioos supply of foreign countries for our subsistence,
Without some such measure as this, foreigners would
only have to stop our supply of grain from their
countries, in order effectually to destroy oor manu-
factures. A dependence on other nations for our
supply of grain was perhaps the most efficient means
for raising up a foreign navy to rival our own. By
the adoption of this measure, they would encourage
the sale of our manufactures, by giving to the la-
bourer an increased price for his work, and by ena•
bling the farmer to pay higher rents for his lands.—
In proportion as they encouraged internal industry,
they would have cheap bread. He contendeti that
by this measure the price of the quartern loaf would
never exceed Is.
'The Earl of SELKIRK spoke also in favour of
the Bill. These restrictions would not have the ef-
fect of preventintall supply of grain ; but if it should
be wanted, we- might still receive Corn from foreign
countries. He contended, that this scheme, it carried
into effect, would produce general benefits to all
classes of the community:
The question being loudly called for, a division
took place, when the numbers were....
For the second reading 92—Proxies 52—Total 144.
. Against It • 15—Proxies 2—Total 11
Majority in favonrof the second reading '
The Bill was then read a second time. saloon,
milted fur Friday.—Adjoumed at TwO o'Clock.

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