Star.
London, England, 1813-10-07 00:00:00

-
, •
*tea dispelled pinsPisEt of ac-
toramodation.
" tile Orders in Council *ere said to have been
4dopted on a ptinciple of retaliation:on al-
thotigh at the time when the Order inf May, 1806,
alias issued, .no measure of France had vectored on
ahl-th it cr.uld he letali story I and at the date of the
peot circler; -Aanuar-y, 1807, it was hardly possible
at this Gorseinment should hove even beard of the
Decree of Beilin, to which it related. It was stated at
Vi.e4l74o,POlieir adoption, and .for eon* time ter.
Nroird_i_oNt.:iliey Mould be revoked as sispn es France
hirciliell•ber Decrees, and that the Govern.
*sent ,i'ilutd..,liroceed with the. Government, of France
lter.i pain' in. the,revocition.. After the Declaration,
isoweVer, of the-Wench Government of the sth Au.
1616, by -which the Berlin end Milan Decree's
IWir eft dedared to be repealed, the British Government
ichanged its Cone, and continued to rise in its de-
inands, to the mOttient that war was declared.
14 It objected first, that the French repeal was con-
ditional, and not absolute—although the only condi-
tion attached toit was, that Great Britain shOuldfol.

--

low the .example, or the United States fulfil their
pledge by executing the Non-Importation Act against
ber. It was then demanded that Trance should re-

peal her internal regulations, as a condition of •the re-
peal of the British Orders in. Council. Next, that
the French repeal should be extended to aU neutral
nations, as well as to the United States ; and lastly,
that the• ports of her enemies, and all ports from which
the British flag was excluder!, should be opened,
to British manufactures in American vessels ;, con•.
ditions so extravagant as to satisfy all dispassionate
minds that the,y were demanded not in the expecta-
tion.that they would or could be complied with, but
to terminate the discussion.
“ On full consideration of all circumstances, it ap-
peared that the period had arrived, when it became
the duty of the United States to take that attitude
with Great Britain which was due to their violated
rights, to the security of their most important interests,
and to their character as an independent nation. To
have shrunk from the crisis would have been to aban-
don every thing valuable to a free people. The sur-
render of our seamen to British impressment, with
the destruction of our navigation and commerce,
would not have been its only evils. The desolation of
property, however great and widely spread. effects
2n interest which admits of repair. The wound is
incurable only, which fixes a stigma on the national
honour.

" While the spirit of the people is unsubdued, there
%rill always be found in their virtue resource equal to
'the greatest dangers and most wring emergencies.—
It is in_ the nature of a free Government, to inspire
in the body of the people generous and noble s4uti.
silents, and it lithe duty of the Constitutional Au-
dimities to cherish and appeal to those sentiments,
and lel), on the patriotic support of their constituents.
Had they proved themselves unequal to the crisis,
the most fatal consequences would have resulted from
it. The proof of their weakness would have been re-
corded ; but not on them alone would its banelttl
effects have been visited. It would have shaken the

foundation of the Government itself, and even of the
sacred principles of the Revolution, on which all our
kolitical institutions depend. Yielding to the preten-
sions of a foreign Power, without making a manly
effort in defence of our rights, without appealing to
the virtue of the people, or to the strength. of ntir
union, it would have been charged and believed that
in these sources lay the hidden defects. Where would
the good people of these States have been able to
tmake another stand ? Where would have been their
rallying point ?' The Government of their choice
having been dishonoured, its weakness and that of
their institutions demonstrated, the triumph of the
enemy would have been complete. It- would also
have been durable.
s"rhe Constituted Authorities of the United

States neither dreaded or anticipated these evils.—
They had full confidence in the strength of the
Union, in the firmness and virtue of the people, and
were satisfied, when the appeal should be made,
that ample proof would be afforded that their confi-
dence had not been misplaced. Foreign pressure-,
it was not doubted, would soon dissipate foreign
partialities and prejudices, if sucil existed, and unite
us more closely together as one people.
" In declaring war• against Great Britain, the
United States hive placed themselves in a situation
. to retort the hostility, which they had so long suffered
from the British Government. The maintenance of
their rights was the object of the war.' Of the desire
of this Government to terminate the war on honour-.
able conditions, ample proof has been afforded by the
propositions made to the British Government imme-
diately after the declaration of war, through the
Charge d'Affaires of the United States at• London,
and by tht promptitude and manner of the acceptance
of the me3iation of the-Emperor of Russia.
It was anticipated by some, that a declaration of
war against Great Britain would force the United
States into a closer connexion with her adversary,
much to their disadvantage. The Secretary of State
thinks it proper to remark, that nothing is more remote
from the fact. The discrimination in favour of
France, according to law, in consequence of her ac-
ceptance of the proposition made equally to both
Powers, produced a difference between them in that
special case, but in that only. The war with Englaid
was declared, without any concert or communication
with the French Government; it has produced no con-
nection between the United States and France, or any
understanding as to its precaution, continuance, or ter-
mination. 'The ostensible relation between the two
countries is the true and only one. The United States
have just claims on France for spoliations on their corn-
n,erce on the high seas, and in the parts of France,
rand their late Minister was, and their present Mini-
ster is, inatrueted to demand reparation for the inju-
ries, and• to.press it with the energy due to the justice
of their claims and tO'the character of the United
States. The result of the negociatiens will be com-
municated to Congress in dire time. The Papers
marked I, contain' copies of two letters addressed
from this Department to Mr. Barlow, one of the 16th
June, 1812, just before the declaration of war, the
other. of the 146th of July follow log, which shew dis-
tinctly the relation existing between the United States
and France at that interesting period. No change
has since occurred in it.
a Alt of 'which is respectfully submitted.
•
• (Signed) •i JAMES MONROE.op
SS% Jody la, no.