Star.
London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

make a still further reduction of twenty or thirty per cent.
more without producing any permanently beneficial effect,
so long as the principal source of mischief remained =-
touched. For his own part he was entirely at a loss to
discover why so high a standard of currency had ever been
adopted. The principle could never be maintained or
justified to the satisfaction of any man of judgment, who
was unbiassed by interest or prejudice. He had, indeed,
beard of a book which was written by a statesman at a
time when the subject of national currency was but little
known or undeistood. In that work it was contended
that opulent and important nations should have a gold
standard, while little states ought to adhere to a silver
ono. There was, in truth, but small analogy between
this subject and cases which were sometimes unadvisedly
compared with it. If a private individual were to go abroad
with the intention of making purchases of no great value
he would put only silver in his pocket; but if his design
was to expend on a greater scale, he would supply him-
self with gold. But no similarity of calculation could ap-
ply to an extensive and powerful kingdom. When a
panic occurred, it was always greater and more general
in a larger country than in a smaller; the wealth in the
former ought therefore to be represented by that metal as a
standard which was easier procured than gold, and was also
to be had in larger quantities. In no other country was
gold exclusively a standard, nor did he believe that itirould
at this moment be obtained in any quarter of the
world to meetan immediate and general demand. Besides,
gold was more open to combination than any other
metal, which would be sufficiently demonstrated in a
sudden exigence by the great dealers in money on the
Stock Exchange. He would propose a silver standard,
and have gold for circulation with a view only to conve-
nience. The resources of the country would then be
emancipated from the artificial fetters in which they were
bound, and it would be shown, to the confusion of poli-
tical economists, that they could be made the means of
feeding as well as starving the population of the
country. What was the condition of the English
people now ? Why, 30,000,0001. of taxes bad been
apparently taken off, an ostensible abatement of front
84,000,000/. to 56,000,000/. had been made, and
yet the pressure was found to be about the same as
before. Were they in the present times, after 15 years of
peace, to be told that they must that a property tax, pay
all the war taxes,—in short, all had been levied at
the heaviest period of national expenditure : now, too,while
economy and retrenchment were adopted in every depart-
ment of the public service? The noble duke at the head
of the government had made promises of still greater re-
ductions. Iu this respect, he was free to acknowledge
that no minister had greater power or more honest inten-
tions. He was quite willing to give that illustrious in-
dividual abundant credit for his ability and integrity,
but he might retrench and economise until he should even
peril the existence of our institutions, and yet the dis-
tress of the manufacturing and agricultural population, he
could assure him, would not be the more ameliorated by
exertions of such a nature. One of the evils attendant
upon the working of the present system was the course
of conduct which it imposed upon bankers. They could
not, consistently with their interest, afford the slightest
accommodation to farmers, who might suffer by a wet
and backward season. The crop, although abundant,
would necessarily require a longer period before it could
be brought to market. The farmer, on presenting him-
self to the banker, demands a check for £lOO, and pro-
mises to,pay the amount with interest, offering,* corn-
ricks for security. This proposal, however, is invariably
refused, as the nature of the circulation prevents the
banker from profitting by acceding to it. His issues are in
51. notes, and, on an average from seven to eight days
after their issue, those 51. notes are returned on hint for
small change, which he is obliged to pay in gold. The
only argument advanced in favour of this circulation ap-
peared to be their supposed effect in preventing traders',
to any great amount on fictitious capital from going to
market ; and, consequently, so far it protected fair deal-
ing, and encouraged the interests of trade. This asser-
tion, nevertheless, was not true, in his opinion, to the
extent alleged. He had seen returns made in 1825,
which justified the inference, and led him to believe that
its operation in this respect was very much over-rated.
His lordship went on to recommend a silver standard, disa-
vowing having attended any county meeting where the,
subjects had been discussed, and stated his conviction
that the distresses complained of were not of a temporary
character, nor arising from accidental causes. There
was, however, another point of the king's speech, which
he could not forbear adverting to in terms of approbation
and satisfaction. He meant the assurance of a reform
in the courts of law : (hear.) This was a matter worthy
of being undertaken by his majesty's government, and he
had no doubt the announcement would be hailed with one
common feeling of gratified expectation by every member
of the community. With respect to a remedy, for the
distresses under which the country was suffering, he be-
lieved the noble duke opposite would be most glad to
apply one, If he knew it; but though the noble duke
might not be able to devise one, still it was necessary
that a remedy ithould be applied, and that speedily. It
was impossible that the poorer classes could be suffered to
continue in the state in which they were now suffering.
If that class had no confidence in the ministry, they had
confidence in Parliament ; but even in that their con-
fidence would not long continue, unlesa they found that
serious attempts were made to relieve the distress under
which they laboured. Another topic M , which he was
anxious to call the attention of their lordshiPit owes that
in which be considered that the honour of thistotiltry
had been compromised, rind its glory tarnishert.„. He al-
luded to the conduct we had adopted towards thole brave
and loyal men who'had endeavoured to land at 'llnistim, to
add their force to that which was already there, acting in
the name of their lawful sovereign, the young Queen.of
Portugal. The noble earl here proceeded at some length to
contend that ministers, while professing a strict neutrality,
as between the party of Don Miguel and the constitutional-
ists, or rather that of the lawful Queen of Portugal, had
shown a decided partiality to the usurper, and had mate-
rially assisted him in his outrageous violation of the rights
'of the young Queen. If they had acted, be observed, on
the principles of strict neutrality, it might have been
fair ; but they had departed from it, and in every way
showed a decided partiality for Don Miguel. They had,
in fact, acted as constables for his protection: The noble
lord, after observing that lie had been prevented from
bringing this subject forward in the latter partof last ses-
sion, proceeded to contend that the conduct of government,
in preventing the landing of the Portuguese, who went out
unarmed to join the force of their lawful Queen at Terc -
,arcs a decided Violation of that neutrality en which minis.
eirso
Mss professed to act, and was en interposition unwarranted
by the law of nations. We certainly were, not bound.to
Assist in conveying them there, but he defied any mutt')
prove that we were justified. in preventing an maim&
forila from landing on that island. Even itgovertuttent
knew that these men were efterwartle to ba alt ass
and sent to attaik Portugal, still ho would. eonne-
acting strictly as noutral,s, we weretesund Jus ,_
He would ash the noble viscount (Melvifte) at 'the ,
of the Admiralty, if be had ever heard of each a naval or.

that,

military armament as an unarmed vessel containing slx
hundred unarmed men ? He hoped their lordships would
receive some satisfactory explanation on this subject—
if it could be given. He had seen the letter of the noble
duke to the noble earl at the head of the foreign depart-
ment on this subject. He could account for a commu-
nication of this kind between the noble duke and the earl,
by a wish on the part of the former to let his noble friend,
whom he had kindly relieved for a short time from the
business of his department, see what he bad been doing
for him in his absence. The noble duke seemed also to
take upon himself the responsibility of another noble friend,
who was at the head of the admiralty. He avowed the
whole act as his own, and as if he alone were responsibb.
" The whole act," said he, " is mine"—
Me, me, odium qui fed : to me eenvertite fetrum."
The noble duke seemed to take on him onthis occasion,tbs
part of an actor of all work. There was one circumstance
which had resulted from this interposition of ours, to pre-
vent the landing of the Portuguese at Terceira, which,
though it did not relieve us from the disgrace attached
to it, was in some degree calculated to lessen the regret
at such conduct, for the absence of that force which we
had prevented from landing, enhanced the glory of one
of the most distinguished military achievements that had
been heard of for many years. He alluded to the heroic
defence of the island by the Count de Villa Flor against
the expedition despatched to attack it by Miguel. After
a warm eulogium on the brave conduct of the force under
the command of Count de Villa Flor on that occasion,
the noble earl proceeded to object to the conduct of mi-
nisters in departing from the neutrality they professed, by
allowing the British troops to act as a sort of protection
to the Miguelites at Lisbon. At that time the friends of
the constitution were in sufficient strength to hare main-
tained it against all the force which the usurper could
command. All that was asked of the British authorities
then in Lisbon was, that the British armed force there
should not interfere, but should remain strictly as
neutrals quiet in their quarters ; but it was intimated that
if the constitutionalists proceeded to forcible measures,
the British force would be called out to act against them.
It was that answer that was the means of destroying the
spirit of the constitutional party, and which rendered so
many thousand brave and loyal Portuguese now exiles
from their native country. He believed that in the pa-
pers to which he had alluded, he could not find any cor-
roboration or contradiction of this statement, but he had
no doubt that the facts were as he had stated them. There
was no doubt that it was at the request of Don Miguel
that our troops were allowed to remain in the country
longer, and there could be as little doubt that but for the
protection thus afforded him, that usurper would have
been driven from the country in disgrace, and the
authority of the lawful sovereign of the kingdom fully
acknowledged. We might with perfect consistency have
acted on that occasion in a manner which would have
put the question at rest, and prevented the perfidi-
ous usurpation which had taken place, and the dread-
ful disasters which had followed from it to so many
thousand brave and loyal Portuguese. He did not
mean to attribute this conduct of ministers to any affec-
tion for Don Miguel, or to any love for the sort of govern-
ment which he had established ; but the fact was,
they felt themselves involved by the state of the country
at home, and they seemed disinclined to add to their dif-
ficulties by taking measures which they ought to have
taken with respect to foreign relations.. They saw the
state in which the resources of the country were placed,
and they had not the manlinets to apply the proper re-
medy. But the distresses of the country were now so
generally felt by all classes, that if the ministry did not
find a remedy, the country would have a ministry by
which some remedy would be devised. He was disposed to
think that the remedy might be devised without much dif-
ficulty by a ministry who should set themselves in ear-
nest to work about it ; but unless that was speedily done,
he could see nothing await us but a rapid diminution of
that power and influence which we once possessed. With
respect to the amendment, he would own that he did not
expect much as the result of a.parliamentary inquiry..
The public looked to Government for relief, and they
must have a government that would do its duty by the
country fairly and manfully. Ministers, he believed,
would say that they wore ready to administer a remedy,
but they could not distinguish any that was practicable;
but if they did not, be trusted others would be found
who would try it. The noble lord concluded by declaring,
that he could not give his assent to an address which
pledged them to matters which he believed to be incon-
sistent with the truth.
The Duke of WELLINGTON :-If I had any doubt as
to the propriety of my determination not to submit to
the proposition of the noble earl who proposed the
amendment, that doubt would have been removed by
the observations which have been made by the noble

earl who has just spoken, particularly in the latter part
of his speech. Instead of confining himself to the
subject matter of his majesty's speech, and to the
address proposed by my noble friend—instead of re-
ferring to these topics, and to these only, the noble
earl has found it necessary or expedient to revert to
transactions which took place two years ago. He has
blamed the government for not having preserved a real
neutrality between Don Alive! and his niece; and in en-
deavouring to show that there was some ground for his
censne, he has reverted to these long past transactions,
without giving the least notice that he intended to take the
present opportunity of bringing• these matters under
discussion. He expressed an earnest anxiety that the
stillest should be attended fo, and •dismesed in, the,
course of the lea session, when we- 'would have
been prepared with the proper documental and the best
information to elucidate the question which he has called
up to-night, and the transactions to which he refers.
He has not kept to the topics mentioned in his Majesty's
weecb, and in the address in answer to it, which form
the subject now under the consideration of yoUriordships,
but has turned aside to the discussion of matters upon
which there is no information, or, at least, only partial in-
formation, before the house, ad. has, argued on supposed
facts which are not in despatches to. be found on your,
lordships' table, or in any public office, that-I know of.
There was no such communication made to us as the.
noble earl alludes to. It is true that Don Miguel
did desire that the British troops might remain in Por-
tugal ; but it is not true that the communication was
made to us in the manner mentioned by the noble earl)
that lam aware of. The Noble Earl says that we did not
preserve a real neutrality with 'respect to the patriots who.
were assembled at Oporto, in order to make an effort in
favour of their legitimate sovereign ; and that we opposed
them, and would not, suffer the*. favourite Acme to join
them. But the fact is, .that the treopnat Oporto were
not opposed by us, nor assisted. They were in them-
selves /sufficiently numerous, andsuffidently.well equipped
with all the awl necessary for, the operation, and wet*
joined.by •the very. orlawif boat thw noble sari witis6ll
ae.of hasping haw damn.. Bret,, as come, of themselves..
:had expressealit, they with4mk bscauN. they 01.* thdk
the wispie,;counvy was.. otaipati 11,t Woe.
fact /Which' had appeared 'in the correirpebienee. 'We
have not the proper documents before tbe bones at pre-