Star.
London, England, 1815-02-22 00:00:00

-it what hail been done was contrary to the honour
d dignity of the nation, and he cared nct by what
:aceociations, or by what motives of policy, that act
was preceded. The apparent breach of faith, the
apparent violation of national honour, the apparent
cruelty and perfidy of the deed, might be explained;
but he was sure it never could be explained without
. the abandonment of all that constituted the moral
greatness and political dignity of a nation.—
(Hear, hear.)—Those who thought any explana-
tion could suffice, might wait ; but for himself,
it was impossible for the strongest case of political,
of financial, or of commercial expediency that could
be made out, ever to alter his impression of the tran-
saction. We promised liberty to Genoa, and it was
an aggravation of our crime, that we knew the value
of what we promised, and yet deluded our victim
with hopes we never realised. We possessed the
blessing of a free Government, founded upon here-
ditary and long established liberty ; and it was not
the least part of its blessings, that it enabled us to ex-
tend our protection and example to other nations.—
How different were the hopes of Genoa last year from
her present condition ! When Lord W. Bentinck
landed in Italy, and proclaimed the independence of
Italy, the animating cry spread from village to vil-
lage, till it pierced the walls of Genoa, and decided
the fate of the French army within them—(Hear.) It
was the moral influence of that sentiment which pro-
duced the effect, not the pointof the bayonet—(Hear.)
Genoa was surrendered by the French, because the
people trusting to the proclamation of a British offi-
cer, would not defend the place ; and what were the
advantages which our perfidy obtained for us ? By
giving us possession of the territory round Genoa, it
gave us, in effect, possession of the whole of the north
of Italy. By our promises we
.gained that advan-
tage ; and having gained it, we violated our promises
(hear, hear). To the latest day of her servitude
Genoa could never forget that she owed her bondage
to the conduct of Great Britain (hear, hear).—They
had delivered the strongest part of Italy to the
weakest possible Power. The result would be seen
when the French should be able to stir on the Alps;
and the K.ng of Sardinia would be able to save him-
self from subjugation at Turin, only by the surrender
of Genoa. lint all this was nothing. The question
was, had British honour been violated ? Was the au-
thenticity of the proclamations by Lord William
Bentinck and General Dalrymple disputed ? No !
here then were sufficient facts on which to determine.
They proved that the faith of England had been
pledged, and that the faith of England had been for-
feited. Something had been said of the effect else-
where of such discussions as the present. He consi-
dered it as the bounden ditty of every conscientious
Member directly to state his sentiments in Parliament,
without regard to effect or consequence. No effect
indeed could such a statement make unless from its
intrinsic weight. He decidedly supported the motion.
Mr. BATHURST and Mr. licutem mutually ex-
plained.
Mr. STEPHENS stated the Gentlemen opposite
were wrong in supposing any one on the bench be-
low him even glanced at the idea that the question
was one of mixed good faith and policy. Had he
understood that the Ministers intended to rest their
defence on that foundation, the very statement Would
have satisfied him of its futility. If the case was
really, as it had been represented, one in which the
national faith had been pledged and broken, he would
be ready to subscribe to all that had been said
against the infamy of the act, and to consider all
motives of policy as mereilust in the balance. The
principle on which he hoped to form one of the ma-
jority this evening, was, that the question ought
not to be prejudged, before it was possible to pro-
duce the documents necessary for its illustration.—
Did any one believe that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and the other Members of Government,
would have
.got up, and stated distinctly that no
breach of national faith and honour had been cow-
mitted—(Hear, hear, hear)—had it not been in their
power to prove their assertion ? There was nothing
in their conduct which would justify their being pre-
judged as guilty, and when he found it stated that in 1
the recesses of the Alps the high honour and public
spirit of the country were extolled, he considered that
the men at the head of affairs were those who had
raised her to that pinnacle of tame. There was
nothing before the House on which it could come to
a decision whether a breach of honour had been com-
mitted, and to at tempt it would be an injustice.
Mr. PONSONBY thought, that unless Ministers
should represent the Proclamations which formed the
subject of the motion as forgeries, a course whichhe
did not think they would adopt, they could have no
defence. From the tenetsr of their arguments, he
thought they meant to allow their authenticity, but
to insinuate, that the Officers from whom they pro-
ceeded had exceeded their powers in issuing them.—
Would this be the ground of their defence ? If so,
he hoped some Relative or Friend of that Noble Lord
would let him know the charge against him. But
be who was acquainted with him, declared that it
was impossible he should sign such a Proclamation,
without the authority of Government to perform the
promises he had made. He maintained, that unless
Ministers should deny the authenticity of the Procla-
mations of Lord William Bentinck and General Dal-
rymple, and the protest of the Senate of Genoa, at
teing obliged to give up the Government to the Pied.
montese, every necessary document was before the
House, and there was no cause for delay. Should
Ministers pretend that they had been reluctantly com-
pelled to give up this point, in order to secure some
advantage for England, he would consider them
guilty of having entered ieto the basest compact.
Mr. LAMB VON in reply, stated, that to see whe-
ther there remained a spark of ancient English spirit
in the breasts of the Representatives of the Nation,
he should call for a division.
A division then took place—For the previous ques-
tion, 115.—Aga;nst it, 66.—Majority in favour of
Ministers, 40.

IRAN FREEHOLDIRL
' Mr. BROWN moved for returns of the number of
registered Freeholders, rated at the value of forty
shillings, in each county of Ireland, distinguishing
tarontes, from February 8, 180, to the same date,
1815.
Lord G. BERESFORD inquired whether it was
the Hon. Gentlem ill's intention to bring in a Bill to
take away from those Freeholderstheelective franchise?
Mr. BROWN replied, that his object was to find,