Star.
London, England, 1815-05-24 00:00:00

by the Alliei had Aolat-idaki Weti'pait. tt wai
said that Bonaparte had not been paid that sum which
it was stipulated hi should Periodically retel+e: This
rived no violation of the gmid faith of the Allies.--
g,• whom were the sums to be paid? Not by 'the
Allies, hut by the King of France ; there could then
jive been no violation on their part, till Bonaparte
had complained to them that he had not received
whaChe was to have beeri paid,' and they had failed
to enfOrce perforniance of the treaty which-ther
},,id Made with him. fir no. other instance had they
siolateddie treaty the hid made: Could'any one
consider the arratigetnent made with respect to the-
Duchies of Parm.i and 'Placentia, or the • report of its
!,,;rig the intentirin &fhb Attie; to dispossess Bona-
role of Elba, to.afFid jusafication of his conduct
tits re-assufriptitni Oldie Government of France was
t justifiable gtoand of War. • The Allies had ills-
;:tictly declared last Year that they would Make no
~,iace with France so long as Bonaparte lime het
hief. The existing Government had closed with
'n this Declaration,- and dissolved his power,
,hat lett to an 'asnistice. and the armistice to the
conc!jcion of a peitie. If those Who •wiere; parties
dart arrangement had a right to 'make it,
Paco the return of Bonaparte was an usurpation ; and
ii they had not that right, then Louis XVIII. had no
tight to siOt the Treaty of Peace, which of course
became invalid, add thieceuntry must necessirily be
at way wilt Notice ti she Vue -before. The great
qn-szi. in however aft:eV aßilitureatild Wet Amid wit;
', wilet!:er we miglit Tnitof to Ana at a
in; Li; e period with a gieateilariltrit Of-sctiVs thin
pres-nted itself at present ? Friths the characterof Bo;
ilapare, !a, thought Meet* of rmust feel that War was
unavoidable, and if the 'lnt& with which the
would now hale to contend was.great, it would be
st.li more formidable in another year: The Noble
En 1 had :reated the Allies with :Mich severifyin
his s;wech, ants Jeprecated the use of harsh language"
u ith respect to Bonaparte: He *was sorry that with
so much moderation for the enemy, that he had not
re•etved some of heti mildness for the Allies. -He
(Earl Gtey) assumed, that Italy after what they had
:.een of the -conduct of the. Allies with respect to
Genoa, wonld not rise in their favour as she did for-
merly. He wished to know when she had risen in
beh:,lt ail the Allies t He was not acquainted that she
had don. so at all. He defended the course pursued
with respect to Genoa and Saxony. It was not true
that the Saxon .111111# was tin a state of niutinys and
that a Prussian corps was stationed over them. Some
dissatisfacton had certainly existed, on account of
the military arrangements which had taken place ;
these bad been of a very partial nature, and the
guysls of Prince Blucher at that very time were
;Jaunts, he was in the Saxon quarters, .rid no vio-
lknce was offered to his person. The Noble-Earl had
said, the Allies could not bring so many men into
;he field as they marched against Bonaparte last year.
The forces of Russia-, and Prussia . were much inure
numerotis than they Were last year; as were the armiej,
of Austria advancing to co-operate with them, .ex-
..tosive of those employed by that Power against
Murat in Italy. The army of the- Dukoof Welling-
ton, be asserted to be itrAt very forMldable state ; and,
upon the whor4.he cootended, a gleam prospect of
success could not be hoped for at a future period than
stow. presented itself. This country, he insisted, had
a right tointerfere with the intettukt Government of
France, to a certain extent, 'faits own security; but
England and the Allies of -England did not wish to.
do this; any more than was absolutely necessary for
the satiety of the Commonwealth-of LUMP,. .
Dud LitiILENILILLE zonsideivit.thespsesedaVla
of France as the common enemy oe Europe and this
ceuotry, and had nodoubt•that if he had been placed
hi the situation of Miuistets, he should hatt, given
the same advice as to- the present state of.avitr. Now
that Parliament was cared upon for its suPPorAs he
could not, apes all the consideratien he had beta-
able to give the sdbieet," -bring himself to doubt that
it was th.ir duty it ilOat, their determined relolU-
tfa support the Crowa to the utmost us the pro.
secigon of the war. But if any hesitation had atp..
pearcd on the part of the executive Government,
strong as his.letpresiitin was, he should not hiie.Pre-
sumed upon the itaterfeCts ansi, perhaps, erroneotti
information-which a—Member of Parliament was able'
to up, to advise the Government - to commence
a war which Ministyri'dld not think 'expedient. . He
expressed some CQIIOOTO that the House were not
called upon to coati* this subject 'earlier• for thsi
sake of giving more iatittlaction to the ecientrp-- of,
cdonteracting many tinfoinded opipflins; and:reasno.!
ing many groundlesaptejudices. If he might sepa-
rate his private wishes from his regard for hivcoun.
try, the delay had personally afforded him the coniod-
lation of delaying the fatal necessity of expressing a,
difference of opinion on Chit great and momentous
'''h.frct, with a person of,Jittat he should be afraid'
speak as he felt inclined, if he had: not heard the"
flattering terms in which thepartiality of friendstrit
.d fed hint to speak a him. The delay had also.
4.101 ed trim the opportiipuy:of examining and !az'
examining' opinions, of the COnliCtilCSA ofwhich he,
had so much reasoss to doubt, when •belound 1.14
differed frosts those Of "bin* of whcise judgment he
thought so higlaky. Togivean opinion in lavour of
a COininuance of the calamities of war, was a painful
task to any'man : but it was some consolation to feel
that that was the opinion of . a man whose, whole;
public lite had expressed a general abhorrence of war
and i‘ho thoughtthat to be just, a watt utiist nat Only.
be nece,,sai y, tut unavoidable. The first question w
wl miter wetiad justgrounits to considerourselvesat wari
!'here was a saying of • I:tiike recorded- in those vo-
where, if so many things were often tpplic
ne, it was because they were all founded pn the soli'
rrincipies of truths that neither a profitable wrong,
stir an unprofitable right, were fit to be pursued by
',At. Though it were demonstrable that the greatest
'rossible advantage ;night be derived froth the prose-.
• ation °loran yet if it could be shewn that, however
erofitable in itself, the war was unjust, the waging
unjust war was more unprofitable to its interests
yam any advantage could benefit them. Much, had,
.ern of uid necessity respecting the general Nights.
1 interfering with the government of other nations.
the abstract principle, that no government had a
-glit to interfere with an9tlier, every' body would
• Arte. .The right was unquestionable, like the rights
t men in a state of nature; and if 'any political state
ould be found in a state of nature, the rights *of a
ate so sepasated from the other states would, be ab-
•,iiite and undeniable; but it was with societies as

. . . . .L . i.i. ~
with indieidu ils, with gniertiVikiilt 'lts eclat intyria.
when they stand in tiny relation to seach other, they
musts be contented tome theie rights regulated with
respect to the mutual rights of all, The rights of
others in relation to that state were as sacred :is the
rights of the state itself. He did not apprehend this
principle could he denied ; every page of history of
every country furnished examples of its being • acted
%ran. His Noble Friend, had mentioned two
striking instances which had lately occurred.—
.'lliat this principle'rnust
.not be . made the. pretext of
oppression and injustice. was true of every other
'ground of war; and there was no legitimate ground
of war which. might not by abuse be distorted to the
purposes of injustice. Tirane was ao country which
had not tried,the effect of a treate with Bonaparte,
and experienced that to restrain his power, or to di-
minish his aggressions, treaties were of no avail what-
ever. If the House had not tr.eti of this opinion, the
moment.for them to have dr:tared it was when our
government signed the declaration to that efftsct: they
shuuld then have required Ministers to withdraw such
declaration in the name of England. He cordially
ipproved of the declaration : on that foundation
France accepted• the offers of the Allies; and that
government (which.was originally. a military usur-
pation), had it been the must legitimate in the world,
would, by the miscondue of-its ;l'hrone, have for-
feited its titic to its King, And have produced the
extreme cake of the necessity of driving from the
Throne 'the frescos who had to *Wed his authority.
ifFrance possessed- the :rig'ht' If enclosing- her own
goverontern. and hadi atter miserly yearsof war, by
-which she had been so.greaS a suffererpmade some sa-
crifices for the idvantages of the restorationot tray.
siiiillitY, her own limitation of that right could not
'-he deub ed : and so the bargain was made.St Paris.
This would. appear-the true sense of the treaties, look-
ing on the whole business as one great transaction. In
civil transactions, some competent tribunal or juris-
diction was referred to, which prescribed certain
forms as necessary to be attended to.for the regulation
of a contract ;
.which he who did, not act upon. ne-
glected at his peril. But in affairs between nations,
there was no common authority or tribunal to refer
to, or which had authority to prescribe : and all that
could be required was to impose on.both parties the
duty of performing what they undertook. The inten-
tion to perform the contract must be made known to
all parties, and this was the case respezting the ex-
clusion of Bonaparte and his family from the French
Throne. ' The question, therefore, was not on the ab-
stract right of interfering in the choice of a Govern-
ment fur France, bet on the right of enforcing a so-
lemn Treaty. It mattered not what
.was the case of
right, if it was allowed, as no man denied, that
France had the right to conclude lawfully the Treaty.
That gave tothe allies the right of enforcing ir. The
Treaty was made, and it could.. not be• lawful for
France t', break it. It was founded on certain stipu-
lations t but. France breaks it, and retractsfrom pan
of the hargaie I -her eirligMiOn WO the etelbsion of
Bonaparte's Uynastt. The. moment that violation
was committed, a just cause of war ensued. They
might, though it wis net necessary, look back to
the succession war andthe,Treaty of Utrecht, and the
.iriginal principle on which that war WAS founded.
The Allies, ire would not say ishether wisely Or not,
4idrelax irons the otigival principle of exclisd:rig the
.13.urbon family from the Spanish throne ; but they
insisted on the Means for preveuting the croups of
sthe. two nations being worn by the same person. It
ini 'lit then have depended on the-life of a weak and
4,i iy child, .whether Philip.woold not become the
id
ful heir of France. Had the contemplated eventpurred, then France would have desired and at-
Pelted the annexation of Spain as a province of
'France; not as it was afterwards, a virtu4 province,
butin actual added' province or kingdom: D the
pocky, then, was admitted to be right, what was the
oiler ence respecting the present circurnstaoces.? The
point then was, not the exclusion of all Bourbons or
'dame from the throne of Spain, but to prevent Phi.
lip V. from wearing the French crown ; and' we now
said that by the Treaty Bonaparte cannot lawfully be
considered as the Emperor of France. This was our
gcwef
aseisuan do
fitting. aTn dt
hoeasshcetaows
et htwe: enemy
re
thisamn yc
:en thatoi
et
the Allies claimed the observance of the Treaty. It
b ha.
wag4e wmore
ere violated,
wu
as tsiafinneed:
in those steps which might bring ,On France all the
: calamities of war. His (Lord Grenville's) opinion
'I
was, that there was ho option left us; nor any
grbunds for long deliberation c we were placed by an
imperious necessity in a state to do what could not
be avoided. The first great point of importance,.
, was the observance of the treaty.. ft was nolighe
matter after twehty.five year of trouble, and even
at the close of war. to find in :Prince the pre,
railing passion' which bccasibied, the ,early calve;
• inities, a passion under the. dominion, of which,
;die was preparing to commence a new war.—
Could France alone have a right to examine, ques-
tion, or cancel treaties, without assigniog any reason
why she was not' bound by them ? If there remained
anytope for the maintenance .daff• peace in Europe
against such a power at haft44lt must iitigioinded
upon a determination that .she ,should be-bound. by
the force of her contracts. Europe his not-to .tole-
rate her principles of destroying twines, such akehe
avowed in the case of the.opening of the Scheldt for
instance, some years ago. SO
~now, she repounced
,her contract by one of the moat imulting papers ever
kpown in theannals of diplomachealled by Caulain-
court a proposition for peace, which was founded only
on. this, that France might, at her pleistire, dispense
with all compacts. What occasion, wait- there now
kir the question whether relatiotre. shiesilel,he Altered
into with France, but that, she •had.slielnythat she
would not abide by any treaty ? She gloried. ia yin-
Wing a treaty. She scattered it to'the winds. She
said in effect, that by 25 years' experience she 'had
'taught Europe how she appreciated **advs. : Other
securities must be found for her thak those solemn.
complaints. Not only on this, but 'on every other
reason, • the necessities of the present case rested. It
he saw Sovereigns supplicating.Bonaparie, he should'
say to what Bonaparte proposes; 'there was an instr.
perable objection. He could offer no security. We
had now a duty imposed upon us. He had flagrantly
broken his faith ; and. because he bad done so, were
we to break faith withour Albeit.' -If they called on
its to support one, which though just was yet new,
we might say, that the interest of the country was to
be first considered. . But our Allies now called upon
us only for the obeervatoce of a treaty agreed Ito by

, •L. • . • •
all. and tve could not efliMistediry set hp a of out
own interest as a reason for assisting to 's •cure its ob-
servance. To refuse to maintain the Treaty of Paris,
would be conduct towards our Allies of a character
similar to the bad faith of B inapirte. There were
yet other grounds for deciding on this fearl ul
native. He held good faith to our Allies to be in-
dispensable ; but his real opinion was, that it was
essential to the general security to all (lie knew
not how to make shades of difference), that the
stipulations of the Treaty should he enforced.
Whenever the system of war shouli be recommenced
by France, experience spewed that it could not be
stopped by another common effort of the whole of the
state's of Europe. It was therefore for the preservation
of our faith to our Allies, for the general seem ity, and
for the interest of our own country, that in this sital-
ation we were called on to adopt the means calculated
to avert the greatest dangers. N ► words of which he
was master, nothing that the page of history recnrdi..l,
appeared adequate to impress on their Lordships'
minds the situation in which we were now placed. II
such means were required from any, to place in lull
view- the dangers of removing the barriers against
French ambition and aggression, and the necessity
that must ek.st if they were not removed, he should
des; air. No reasonable man, (certainly no man in
that House) could confide in the security to be found'
in treaties with Bonapa:te. Security must be looked
rot in other means. Soeaking of the security or in.
security of Treaties, he sh old not attempt to make
a statement of how many violations Bonaparte
had been guilty : but be would ask any one to
' chew him one country, during the last ten or twelve
years, which had sought peace or safety by treaty
with him, that had not found itself visited with the
aggravotion of the very evils it had so attempted to
ward off. Instead of enumerating violations, he
would ask, who would rest his security on Bona-
parte ? and who would point out a Treaty with
him that was not followed by the disadvantage and
detriment of the other contracting party ? (Hear.)
His Noble Friend, in a laudable anxiety for Peace,
which he fuUy shared with him, had indulged in ex-
pectations in which he could not indulge. Age cer-
tainly imposed limits on the activity and ambition of
man—but that had not yet occurred. Little either
could he trace as to the amendment of his disposition.
Gun forbid he should suppose that no amendment
could take place in any man : but in looking to the
general safety of nations, and to the happiness and
existence of his own country, he could not rest upon
probabilities merely, where especially he saw no rea-
sonable hopes, and when the very act of the man
which occasioned the present crisis, was one of the
strongest examples of his' faithlessnes and ambition
which his life had offered. By any means of -infor-
mation which he possessed, he knew not how to esti.
Mate the proportions of those in France who desired
his return, and of those who wished for any other
gotatriment. It was a difficelt thing to do so in any
other country. It appeared, however, t'at he was
replaced by the active efforts of the military. 'Theta
were no traces of any other interference. Though lit,
could not estimate and distribute the different pro-
portions of the opinions of th.:. 'French, yet from all
he had heard, from.every report subject that
he had read, it did appear that under Louis the 18th
.the ormy had felt a radical discootent at the pacific
principles of that Monarch. His moderation and
pacific disposition was the very cause, for which, as
tor a crime, he was deposed. He was the victim of
peace—he was the sacrifice of his good faith. (Hear.)
He had suffered, not like his unfortunate brother
Louis XVL not upon charges alleged against him,
for designing to violate the liberties of France, or for
any harshness of proceedings. His Government was
.a'Government of lenity. It could not be .charged
against him that he was shaking the Constitution that
had been formed. Though it was the interest of the
present Government to find out charges of a disposi-
tion to unsettle the present state of property in
France, be had been able to discover not a single
proof of any such accusation nothing more, indeed,
than loose and general assertions. This was evident
in all publications on that subject. There appeared
no such grounds ; and the lawful assemblies under
the new constitution paid him all allegiance up to the
very moment that he became an exile. It was be-
cause he was the friend of peace, and was desirous to
keep peace with the other countries of Europe, that a
soldiery, accustomed to rapine, and raised by their
former chief, as his Noble Friend had expressed it,
" to principalities and. powers," carved out of the
just rights of other people, were discontented,'
and desired• no Monarch but a General prepared
to 'renew the work of apioliation:—(Hear, hear.)—
Was it nothing now to be desired to unction a tars.
ten under which Euretee had so lovig•groaned, with
such an army and such a chief at its head ? If his
disposition was said to have undergone some change,
hit situation again was bow changed ; and as the
army was formerly upheld by spoliation and plunder,;
so-now, for the same objects, he was recalled by his
former instruments, who alone could maintain him in
his regained power. .As to new Constkutions. he was,
firmly of opinion that a good ConstitutiOn could only
be formed by the adsptron of remedies from time to
-time, under the circumstances which requited them.
'Chat-seemed the only means of accomplishing that
difficult work.. The only instance of exception men•
tioned was that of America : but that did not apply.
The founders of that constitution acted with great
wisdom. It wai filmed:6 it to prOdncesslittle change
as possible in the existing laws and manners under the
altered form of government, which, though a republic.
was constructed as nearly as the differences would ad:.
mit, oo the moaarchial form of our own constitution.
If any person would consider the present situation of
Bonaparte' in France, it must appear that, judging
by ail human ptobability, it would be necessary fur
him (even supposing we were inclined to remain in
peace witb him) to keep his army
in humour ith
.himo•by leading them 'on to some fresh aggression
-w
&pink some foreign 'nation ; which w7uld force us
into the contest, however we might . disinclined to
it. •If we were to look at all his former policy, we
Would see, that he was under a sort of necessity to
endeavour to maintain his power by the same 'means
by which lie'had acquired it. -*Against his recurring
to his firmer policy,' his Noble Friend (Lord Grey)
appeared, by the amendment he had moved, to con-
Sider that it would be sufficient security for this coun-
try to continue in peace with him. The state of
peace did not, however, now exist between us and
Bonaparte. We had pow no treaty with him, and

he would wish to know upon what growth *coula
now gegneiate with hint ? In that ovto-ore.• Ai it
was called, Oil; Bonaparte made to this country, be
mentlnted nothing a, nit the Peace of Paris, nor
even condesc:nded to Say any thing about the
t Tms on which he: WAS diSp6d to treat with us...
It appeared, however, by I. era Clancarty's letter,
that the proposal which WAS forwarded to Vienna
WAS, that he w..s content to abide by the Treaty Of
Paris. He, fir his part, had al Nays thonght that I?
Liat Treaty, the great p'iinis %JOU' retnaitied to bk
sealri.4 for the lotitre peace of fi:urctpe Were left too
undefined It sta, settled ind Fd, that Fr ince should
preserve her ancient frontiers, aid Ciat we were to
restore to her the greater p rrt of het CO!Onlet• Al
the other great interests of Europe were, however,
re,erveti to be discussed at the Congrys, to which
FrJoce also sent her Minister. Now. it it were pro.
posed to negotiate for peace with Bonaparte on the
tennis of the Treaty of Paris, Was it also to be left
open to Lim to interfere in all those arrangemeots
Ciat by that Treaty wete left utn!efined, but which
hail sin ;e been agreed on by the different powers at VI.
er.na ? If this was the case,veen althou'gh we niight take
the Treaty ut Paris as the tonndatton of Peace, we
should soon find ourselves entangled in a h rtee
gociation with Bonaparte, about those other interest"'
ing points Which had been happiivsettled, after long
deliberation, by the Congress .Lt Vienna. With sacii
a wide field of discussion thrown open, what he
could there be of the cll.-Erosive sys:em boing long
maintained It was impossible for their Lordships
not to recollect what differences bed existed betwerti
the Powers of Europe upon those points, when theit
were under discussion. How greatly would those
'differences be increased, if those discussions were now
'to be re-opened, and Bonaparte was admitted to be-
come a party in them. Under such circumstances,
Land with all the opportunities he would then have of
serving divisions, what bope could be entertained of
preserving the defensive system recommended in the
amendment to the Address?—( Lord GRENVILLI here
appeared to be taken ,tollenly ill, and concluded
crather abruptly by statini•,, that for the reasons he
had stated, he should stlppoi t the Address).
The House then divide.% when there appeared.
. •
For the Amendment Orecent 3;
Prolies 9

Against it

c Prevent
/ Proxiot

- 44
191
54
-►56
112

711.1 why fcr Ministers -
Adjourned aL One o'Cluck.
LIST 01: MINORITY.
Dukca--Sussex, Norfolk, Somerset, Grafton, Devonshire, Argyll.
Marquisses-4.ansclown, 11.)LgiAi' Wellesley.
Earle.-Derby, Essex, Albemarle, Jersey, cow per, Ilehooter, Cans
narvon, Grosvenor, Darnky, itlemont, Minuaghnif" man.
hope, Cork, Grey. Randy n, Lauderdale, isc. Torrington.
Lords—Saye and St Julio, Lyron, King, Montfort, Foley,
prog,,,._Nla,-;luls Duvet:shire, rarl of Amer, Earl of Guilford.
Duke of Leuister, liar!. Ile.L.rough and spmcia, VlSCOlint
Anson, L anti Crew, Oun,lis, se,! l'olsonby.

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