Star.
London, England, 1815-09-08 00:00:00

•

the fall of the old regime.—h weal ;The still greater
evil. to re-establish it. Our stab ofbwasion, is a new
entree of diverse dangers, sahib' in part concerts the'
StiVereigns, others, at this' *Went, shake the power
-dis the *King.
• Thy ravages are multNYlng, the means of subsist.
ence are exhausting; wider this point of view public
tranquillity has but a very uncertain duration: The
word impossible applies to every thing. There are
. ands to all evils which cannot be removed, the
contributions being dried up or suspended, the ex-
pences then can no longer be met. This will be a
new source of disorder. Will they recur to warlike
contributions ? Mow and by Whom can they exact
theta ?* The most of the persons subject to contribu-
don have already lost their habitations—it will re-
quire an armed force to complete the spoil of them ;
the collection of every part of the impost can only
take place. by combat's.
The evil is still aggravated by the prolongation of
the stay of the foreign armies, and yet the Sovereigns
will not think of withdrawing them froin France
before having guarantees of our repose, because their
tranquillity is connected with ours. We must here-
Our be together in peace or in war, in-misfortune
or in prosperity.
A thousand new obstacles will arise from the state
in which they will leave France. Every thing will
have been annihilated, public and private fortunes all
will have been carried off; we shall escape out of this
war as from a sots of shipwreck, at whatever price
we shall have obtained the enjoyment of the King's I
Government. Will this momeot be that of obedience
and love, or that of coMpliints, of reproaches and'
accusations ? The hearts will be embittered, the pas-
aims, already high, will be still more inflammable. '
War, oppression, the examples of inhumanity, -have
always the effect of rendering manners more violent
And of producing a new degree of immorality and
perversity in the heart of man.
He who now kills an enemy, bit who enriches not
himself by the murder, will one day kill his fellow.
citizens in the same disposition of mind. The conse.
qnences have not been calculated Which must arise
Ir:mi the assembling of so many people unknown to
each other and mixed together. There is no longer
either family or country. or laws, in this new world ;
eie:lization is suspended ; the inundation of these peo-
plewill lead every where to a destructive ferment, an
afflicting state of things,• the pernicious effects of
which we shall not fail to feel.

In this afflicting situation of affairs, hitherto without
example. what good can he attempted by your Mit-
jesty, afflicting yourself in common with thepeople,
and in you. vodness forgetting nothing iirat car coo.
sole them: There :nun, however, be expected an
opposition, more pertinacious than in ordinal y times,
and authority will be so much the weaker because
there is so mush the more need of conciliation. If
we'were to speak of re-actions the whole people would
cry out, is there not enough of pidgin misfortunes ?
if we were to threaten a restraint upon liberty, the
people would defend it With 'new energy, as the ()lily
advantage of which the enemy could not deprive
then). It is a discontented pelple, it is an agitated
people that your Majesty will have to govern, .

It is true, Sire, that the personal qualities of your
Majesty may cause to disappear, or be the means of
softening down, a great number ot the obstacles.—
The love, the respect, the confidence which they in-
spire, are our principal means of safety, but the de-
stinies of France are ant in your hands alone, *alai
circumstances exist which excite fears in the minds ot
the people, and induce them to distrust the reigns
which will follow that of ylitir Majesty. They ask,
whether they shall always be governed with the same
moderation 1 whether an inviolable barrier will
be opposed to the persecutions of the Nobles and to
the return of the ancient regime ? whether religious
differencei will always be mingled with the same to-
leration 1 whether firmness will always be tempered
by indulgence and goodnlbss 1 A natural instinct
leads all people to look forward to the evil and the
good which await them, and in their happiness, as
in their disquietude, they *liege compare the present
reign with the 'reigns that are to follow. I have
made this remark because this circumstance has an
inevitable influence on the disposition of the mind,
and whilst under certain circumstances it renders Go-
vernment more easy, in other cases k creates ob-
stacles, and prevents a proper degree of firmness.
Let us look forward to the state of France as it
will be after the departure of the foreigners. Will it
be at peace at hsonte ? will the combat of opinions
have ceased 1 will tyranny be extinct I There will
be a nation sensible and proud, but unquiet, vain,
and jealous ; equality and liberty have made a deep
impression upon. the heart. The ancient Nobility
and the Clergy, in losing. their property, have lost
all aptitude to form again the body politic of the
State. Every dispute relative to principles will ex-
cite.disturbances when it shall operate as a dispute
' for or against.public opinion. In ordinary times,
little.attention is paid to discontent, and it is easy to
restrain the seditious t.but in our•situation every kind
-of opposition, every complaint will be a simnel he-
,IIWOH the people • and• the .Goverament. The
trill be still more envenomed' by the general misery,
our finances will be ruined; we must reduce the ex-
penditure, and sake away the subsistence from thou-
sands of families, before we can find functionaries
united to the state of the public mind; we must place
and displace, and at every nomination the opposite
parties will be still present. It is always by the choice.
of its auxiliaries that authority suffers its most hidden
designs to be discovered: •

• After this comes the inseparable dangers of a na-
tional repreaentatien, and those of die liberty of the
press, without which however there can be no ',ollie
liberty. The worst of all die evils will ithrtlins,_
lity, that sad scourge which &strop nations, w!,i,:b
vitiates the mind and the heart, and which
guishes public spirit. Lastly, we have to cooltut on
one side the opposition of a numerous and tor midable
party, who wall not suffer authority to repose so long
as there shall be any fears for public liberty or for
themselves; and, on the other side, the pretensions
of *nether party whom no concession will satisfy, who
attach themselves to itialty only to share its power;
and who would sap and overturn the thr6ne only be.
cause it does not adopt them for its chief support.
1 sbotild not have thought of placing this afflicting
picture before the eyes of your Majesty, if I bud not
at the same time to propose some measures, and a
Plan of rvantroment, whtch may coulribute to reactor'
, ger skips** 3oponahlo.

~ ._.

Government cannot exist without a physic:l rr
without a moral force. The first cannot subsist w;kil,
out the second, and both fail us. The manner d
forming the army will implicitly decide other
dons. It would lead to a general overthrow, were it
left to be conjectured, in consequence of this tom"
Lion, that the King had a d.sign of forming an army
against the public liberty. I have already said, that
it seems as if therc were two nations in Frince
must, therefore, be promptly decided to c,,nciloo
them, in order to attach both, without which a wq
may be lighted up which cannot be extinguished,
and whatever hippens, your Majesty mast at lea/
appear to reign with the nation.
We can ne longer have the services of the anciprt
army, it mast even change the denoMinations und^:
which it has hitherto been known, in order to bre.l
its habits; but would it not be uselul, would it r,„
be evidently just, in dissolving the corps, to tike
as much as possible of the interests of individuals
The disbanding may be managed with pri:dence,atJ
with a sort of family care. There would be Lk,
danger in the return to society of soldiers or htfi:tr.,
who themselves ask the alternative of rem lilting is
the army, or of quitting it; a proposition Ur invit4.
tion might be made to those who on quit I 41114 it wow
stand in need of any annual pension to make a deck.
ration to that effect ; and others might he 1.
ask only what would be necessary to complete t,,
' means of subsistence. All those who reL
too much quitting the on prottbat..e with wl.::
they are acquainted, might be retained, it their
lity can be relied upon.
If the Government adopts in all respects wise pi,„,
ciples, it will stand in need of hut a small army. It
should not, however, be too much reduced. It would
then be more easy to give it a good spirit. Your
M tjesty foresees many difficulties in diminishing the
household troops. Public opinion witnesses with pin
the employment of time Swiss ; the pay *deli is given
to a foreigner is a means of subsistence taken from -
subject of the State. In general, and for a long
time, it will be iqdispensible to reject all measures
against which there is likely to be any opposition in
public opinion.
The bands of the South, and of the revived La
Vendee, cannot be suffered to subsist; they must be
no longer considered but as individuals and fellow.
citizens. The. Vendenn corps haie principles int-
concilable with the tranquillity of France, an inveto
raw doctrine of absokuk- power, of the spoliation
national property, aid of the re-establishment of the
ancient regime.
The public force, therefore, cannot be suffered
be in their hands. it would be an armed factiter
the State. which would prevent the granting of ia•
yours and places to those who would be des-rving
them. The Gov...mamas might summon to its 3,
some of the Chiets, and employ them with succe,i,
restoring the countries of the West to their 4CCili•
tomed order.

The organization of the moral force 'demands that
your Majesty should adopt a firm and unalterahiets
soiutinn. The princiele must be acte..l upon,
public ppinion ue received as a new element in ;:t
art of governing, and that it must enter into all 3
comtinations. France can no longer be governii
but by a constitutional regime ; tpe question is no
longer the extent of power—the great quip.g..., ~ •
preserve and to regulate power.
After this first resolution, a second must be corn:
tn. There are two constitutional regimes very diis
rent from each other ; in the cne the King grants d
least that he can do—then every thing becoi,:es
obstacle, because every thing toecomee on one side
tht: other an object of dispute. Several ages were oc•
copied in England in obtaining, one after the odic
its political laws, and this contest very often overthrew
the Stare. Wien the space given to the liberty
the people.is restra;ned, theit- first care is to tort&
immediately what they have iibiained ;
it with new works at every aew danger. and finish t
making A strong citadel. It would iJe better to col
cede the principle at once.

In the second state of Constitutional regime, there
is a homogeneous and responsible Ministry; the MI
mrch, who is the depositat y of all the power and
all the national majesty, is placed as it were by means
of such a Ministry in an enclosure impenettsble
the shock of all political agitations ; the law is equall}
proposed by the Chambers and the Government, and
the three branches of the legislature defend with the
same care the riglits of Ow people and the Roy '
prey( viers.

. -
The Constitutional law is famed in the same
manner as the ordinary laws, and the basis of the
edifice is a constitution in which is scrupulously in-
cluded all the guarantees of liberty.
Under these different points of view, I cannot dis•
semble, that the new Chamber which is about to
formed May cause disquietude. There remain: no
lumina of safety it it is not constitutional, and if the
opinions of the ultra Royalists 'should prevail.
'Under the relations of internal union and pacific:.
tion'your Majesty will have great measures to take
all union will be utterly impossible with plans of re.
action. There has been ordonnances of exile; ycur
Majesty owed those' acts of repression to your Ow
dignity, and every one felt that other circumstanc;
rendered that punishment necessary. It is cut la
however, that the Constitutional party were Air t.,
they saw in those first acts of authority the coiner
the whole reign, as they might have fancied they'
its ptinciples in the ordonnances relative to the 41c,
coral Colleges.

The different idea; which / have had the howl
of submitting to your Majesty differ little from th
which might have been more easily a.topted in P.:,
and the whole world can judge of the change
such a system would have wrought in ~or
and in that of all Eurupe what evils would have t'
prevented. The same career is now to sun,
same councils are before us. IfEavot se,nis to
reserved to your Majesty the greatest of all g,oiriA'
that of patting an end to all our revolatiorw.
In 1814 she men who now agitate us wished AICO
to strike the past, dreaming neither of the ptcsenr nor
the future; Let us dare to say that the past h. nf""
been of any consideration amongst grr rf;11C"!,
great statesmen, escept to afford lessons. 'Cur Pie'
sent and the future are the only cares ot Gr.verement.
It is not what has been (tine, but what theie is 50 ~*
It is not what has been said, but what is to be 'lot
with which we ought to be.principallpioecupied• Re.
ictionn wino longer in our numers# al4d it cue 411