Star.
London, England, 1815-02-22 00:00:00

PAVING OF LONDON.

Mr. PUGII brought up the Returns of Paving
from St. Andrew's, Holborn, and'from St. George
the Mat tyr. •
Mr. TAYLOR said, that he rose on a subject kw
itreat•importance to the inhabitants of the mettopo4
lis. There bidAseen much said on the bid state tif!
Poring (.4 the bletrdpalis, yet th'e • grievance still!
existed. .He • coniplained particularly of the Wes,
deft ky the Water Cronipanles in the streets, which;
were productive Of much mischief. lfot two days
ago a Lad 's Carriiye. ha 4 'been avertinited by intl..
of these holes, and she was nearly beii% most seri.'
ouslr injured: This was in evil which calledlor the-
attention of the 14ouse. Sol ite said, that akhough.
this was a grievilice, there was no need of Pirlia-:
snentafy inteifererice in it. But as the evil existed to
so great an extent, without Fiarliainentary interfe..
3 env.. he thought the application cif parliamentary
interference was :necessary; and he should 'proceed)
to try tor. redress, though 'he were to be put into'
their holes by the water companies, Orinto.their fur.
paces litthe iron coriipanies. The city (f London
1V,43 certainly "ite;rfpted liy. cfraiter, 'from- paving;
but lit cinninpn Taw every street irriinsWerable tOT
any accident flit happened pit filickftgli the bad
state of its 'Pavement. The
,pater companies were
certainty cieWalalife by action to Mend or repair
any hreAchesxor holes thdyleft in -al.street., He men.
tinned the Cat iir•aiinal bridge in whiph.the 'Pre.
triteteri:thriuktit I,* wile norgattle fo repair iodine
Ilijuiies ihtil,,.it had Afeied. 'But when ihe ease-
, ;wax 'auk 4 into' Clinif, Are .Tuifice said,. that tis the
14iiite •it . a 7ig i!'bith-ivh;; 0.4 were certainty
vip%ed to .,'"itin *Fit!. Forineilt? the-iireeo of
4
nits ' oitiiiiiiizinink to the hideout, and
indeed to *eiStile coital:elk of Tordiift --llnt.now.
the CAA is pyrite reversed. The streets of Paris and

Edinb
uvg
.are
inibe
iaro4oce 1 i'
die bi,tter pvi
th9.tife it.;to
llistricts, iite

milom may h*'
election of tho:

-- - .
ballot, but by opt_
oath to 'Medd to the duties of their odic& They
should gibe notice to the Clerk of the Company by
illioMile streets were injured, and if the streets were
not repaired wi€hin one month after such notice was
given, they sboUld Jill empowereitto initiose a fine
on the Comiany,
.and also On the Para. The
Water Coinpanies should be,paibiied From taking
up the pavements at all times, at their own optically
and from laying Jan pipes, but at certain times of
the year; nor were they to lay dais what Wile
called a main, but during its Months of the year.
They should lay down no pipes lint iron, as gime
pipes were continually bursting. This he could
think no hardship on them, as the durability of the
iron pipes would more than compensate for, the
greater expence of them. He would be far from
doing any thin t to put an end to the rivalship 6e-
tween Conlin as, and he did not think the measure
he proposed would have the least tendency of that
nature. He n isv gave merely a general outline of
his measure. Whether hr was right or wrong in his
ideas on the subject, the House would be able to
judge when the measure would be brought forward.
If he were found to be wrong, the House would,i of ,
course, not agree to his measure ; but he had con.
versed with many sensible men on the subject, and
was strengthened by them in his View of 'thine.
While he was on his legs he could not help adverting
pat ticularly to the state of the pavement from Scot-
landorard to Parfiament-itreet, and under the Trea-
sixty. He
.cptild not indeed much compliment the
Chancellor of the Exchequer on the goodness of his ,
ways in this respect ; but he hoped he would mend
them. He knew that the waycof the Treasury were
often very rugged ; but the sweets generally com-
pensated for the difficulties of the journey. If any
Gentleman could point out any measure better than
his on the subject. he sliould have his most cordial
concurrence. Si quid noviiti redius lair, candidur int-
tierti. He concluded by moving for leave to bring
in a Bill to create a Board for the better paving of the
metropolis.
Mr. CALVERT said, that the Honourable Gen-
!
tleipan had mentioned the streets of Paris and Edin-
burgh as remarkable for the goodness of their pave-
ment; but he thought the streets of Southwark could
not well be complained of in this respect. He there-
fctre wished to ask the Honourable Gentleman
whether he meant to include the streets of South-
wark in his Bill ? .

Mr. TAYLOR. said, that if the streets of South-
wark were so very well paved, there WAS of Course no
necessity of incliding Omni in the Bill. He must
-mention, in addition to what he had already said on
this subject, that the present expence .f paving the
Metropolis atnounted altogether to 415.000 a-year,
while. that of bis plan would be but £2,300.
Leave was granted to bring in the Bill.
FOREION CORN.

A petition was presented froth the western district
of Naddington, against die importation of foreign
corn, and ordered to lie on the talAe.

!bleb A thong hilutoitroitt to conekial.
occasion was,volitntary attendance I for
in would draw On himeeif,much anger
superiors in office for giving inforniation in
-multi, not he at all blamed, if Iris giving
/ere compulsory. This was a question
common sense, 11 it was necessary to give
3issioners such powers, as the Bill required,
..otain information, how could the House refuse
them f He, tor his part, thought the powers were
indispensably necessary, and he would, therefore, vote
for.the Bill.

Sir JOHN SIMEON lose in defence of the Mas.
ten in Chancery, and asked the lion. &wallet, did
he know one instance in their taking unjust fees ? He
said no false delicacy should prevent him from doing
them that justice to which they were so eminently en-
titletl. He would declare on his honour, must so-
lemnly, that he never knew any one instance in which
the Master in Chancery was complained to of unjust
fees, where immediate redress was not granted. But
though lie saw no necessity whatever fur the Bill,
still it should meet no impediment from him, as it
would only tend to relieve from aspersion characters,
which he knew, deserved no suspicion.
•Mr. HORNELL said, that the }l9use having re-
solved that enquiry was necessary, would act very
inconsistently, if it relused to grant the powers neces-
sary to make the enquiry of any use►. The persons
chosen for the Commission were the heads of the
Office into the fees of which the enquiry was to take
place, and certainly this could not diminish the ini.
preuinn on the public mind that the enquiry was
meant to be converted into a mere job, to provide
salaries for the Commissioners.

The ATTORNEY GENERAL opposed the mo-
tion, on the grounds ti the Bill's being perfectly un-
necessary. Was it to be thought that persons of
such respectability would forfeit their characters by
not proceeding in the best way for the object of the
enquiry ? He had already said that persons refusing
to attend, and to give evidence, were punishable by
an action for misdemeanor. This was a full answer
to any necessity for the Bill. It was a principle of
legislation not to legislate unnecessarily, and this
Bill would be a most unnecessary piece of legislation ;
for there was no need of any further powers than the
Commission already, to give perfect vitality and effect
to the enquiry. He, therefore, conch:led in the
mo-
tion for the previous question.
Mr. ABRCROMBIE thought the powers of the
Bill indispensably necessary, as the inquiry would be
worse than useless without them, for it would be only
putting the country to a great expense without being
productive of the least benefit. The Commissioners
should be armed with summary powers to punish in
case of refusal to attend, if it were intended to give
any effect to the measure. The action for fnisdentea.
flour was so slow in its operation, that it was of little
or no use. He therefore thought the BM indispen-
sably necessary. The Right Honourable Gentleman
urged many arguments to shear that the Commission
had not the necessary powers, and added, that it their,
WAS to be no method of compelling wit!.esses to i,ive
evidence, the business of the Commission would pro-
bably be IS rather than tight years before it was
completed. So far ilain their being any harm in giv-
ing lull powers to the Commissioners. ht insisted that
this was the only means of preventing abuses, and
effecting the eu.ts of justice.
Mr. STEPHEN, though he had voted against the
question when it was first brollytilt turward,did so
because he thought that no case had been made out ;
but he had since seen mason to alter his opinion, and
should now vote for it, because he thought souse good
might arise from. it.
Much desultory argument, and several explanations
ensued, between Str JOHN SIMEON, LORI MusoN,
Mr. BATIWILST, Mr. Route Suusen, and the Cu AN•
cau.ou of the Excueouett, in the course of which
the last-mentioned Gentleman contended, that as the
matter at pres lit stood, the Commissioners had the
power to compel people to come before them,
though not in so solemn a manner as the Gentlemen
opposite would wish ; and that if the motion were
carried, the prerogative given by the Crown would
merge in the powers granted by the House of Com-
mons; and if the confidence that ought to be placed
in the Commissioners were diminished, their feelings
would be hurt, and the public business injured.
The House then divided—For the motion 76
Against it 88.

TRANSFER OF GENOA.

Mr. LA MBTON said 1w rose to move for certain
Papers relative to the late transactions at Genoa.
He did not intend to apologise for bringing forward
a subject which had.already attracted the attention
of the House. When the good faith, the justice and
honour ut the country stood impeached, and the ac-
cusations against Ministers so prominent and strong,
were met with taciturnity, or pleas of ignorance, all
who did not wish to partake of the blame which at-
tached to them, had a sufficient excuse for veiseve-
rance. Ile wished to know how Ministers would
shelter thtinselves under these serious accusations ?
Were not the acts of the Secretary for Foreign Af-
fairs the acts of the whole Government ? Or was it
for the Noble Lord alone to decide on the most im-
portant affairs, without their advice or authority ?
Their silence on this subject would not much longer
avail them ; for he trusted the important day would
shortly come when the most disgraceful acts of Mi-
nisters would be exposed, and no longer be shielded
by darkness.—(Near).--if in private lite any charge
was made against an individual, of the niost oppro-
brious nature ; it he was accused of being engap,ed
in the most infamous transactions—crimes involving
his honour, integrity, and all that can implicate his
character ; and if, instead of answering; such (barges,
he were perpetually to evade the attack, and say
•6 the time is not yet come for me to defend myself,"
what Would be the feelings of every honourable
mind ? Would he not be deservedly treated with
the utmost scorn and contempt? Similar to such
conduct is that of the Minister s. Charges are al-
leged againit them of the most disgraceful and dis-
honourable nature transactions which are not
merely in contemplation, but which have actually
been accomplished, but against which they refuse to
defend themselves. Had not the people of Genoa,
'While relying on the good faith of Great Britain for
protection, been tran►ferred over to an imbecile and
petty Sovereign, like so many droves of cattle ?
AO, what talismanip lyord was that which was
brought forward to excuse such a flagrant and infa-
mous transaction ? It was urged that the alteration

would be found necessary to regulate the balai.c.,
of power. But the true balance of power wa.,
to be found in the steady affections of the !Keg,:
to their Government : such were the only mem.,
of restoring the power in question. Genoa, hoe..
ever, had seen her liberty annihilated ; and to re
spoliation had England ever been a party so detente.
ble and infamous as that of this territory. In April,
1814, these people were told in the most poiratd
terms, by a British Officers that their best security
was in resistance to lot eign oppression, and that by
such resistance their liberties would be rest .red with
more resplendency than ever. L-,rd W. lientinek,
in the same I'rnclamation, makes an appeal to their
national feelings, and bids them come forward and
assert the rights of a free Was there a ,ii,ad
so apathetic as not to exult in the blessed %roil: of Ts,
storing to their. rights and independence a I.t.tte aed
oppressed people ? But, in eight mantis aftcra.artk.
when these people had been thus tantalised and ee.
luded, a mandate arrives from the degraded and de.
testable Congress of Vienna, annulling at once the
designs in their form., and conaig, mg the whole
country at once over to the Most Wreak aiid iniffecile
Government in existence. Where was Lord W.
Bentieck at this time ? lie was very properly .absent
from this sceneof atrocity; for if he had been pre-
sent, lie ( Mr. Lambton) was convinced that lie never
would have suffered his name wise couples with so
infamous a transaction. But a British officer, Gene-
. ral Dalrymple, informed the people of Genoa t' !t
they were delivered up to Sardini', and that he 1...1
it in command from the -Prince Regent Of Eogl net
to inform them of what had taken place in their re-
gard. Now lie would ask, Who. is responsible for this
'communication ? lt the Pt ince Regent is not respon-
sible, the House niu.t conic to h.s Ministers; if they
do not avow the advice they have given, then Gene.
ral Dalrymple is answeiable for the proceeding : if
they do avow it, let them come forward Aid answer
for their conduct. They stand suspected, in the eyes
of the nation, of having prostituted the good faith
and honour of England, and they pretend to btlieve
that they stand acquitted. Ile was confident that
there was not a ratan in the country who would not
deeply regret that the hitherto unsullisd character of
this country shaulel be so disgraced and tarnished,
country which had so lately sunfmoiled the Nations
of the Continent to resist oppression, and whose grated
exertions had, under Puovioesta:, been so emieently
successful. That this odious transaction migia be
thoroughly investigated, be should move that :et
humble Address be presented to the Plinice kie:ei.t.
praying that he would be graci.!usly pleased ;o order
to be laid before the Howe, copies of ail the pap eis
relative to proceedings of the British Governinen:
with regard to Genoa. (These were separately tnnved
for ; they were copies of the Proclamations of Lord
W. Bentinck and G...neral Dalrymple; of the ininuc.
tions given to his Lordship as th grounds for his
conduct, and of the instructiens to the Italian pris,•-
neri of war, at the time of ;heir liberation.) On this
last topic, the Honourable tl;ntlenian observed, that
his object in moving for copies nt such instruction..
WAS to slicer, that this GOVerilm:nt not only gintran.
teed the independence of Genoa against the French,
but also against any other Power whatever.
Ott the qtiestion beie.g put, a loud e ill was made
for the chaoceifor of. the Exchequer, loom several
voices on the Opposition bider .The . Right Hon.
Gentleman, however, did not rise.

Colonel WOOD said, that being fleetly connected
with the Nubie Lord whose conduct has been so se-
verely aniniedverted upon, perhaps the House wou/st
permit him to ask their indulgence for nuking a law
obeavatious. He would veutere. to suggest to Oa
Honourable Member who had made the motion, th..t
on mature consideration. he would see the unfairness
and even the injustice of prematutely discussiue a
subject of so serious a nature in the ebsence of au in-
dividual who could not possibly be hew to answer
for 'Mused. Bet the whole event must slimily come
under discussion ; and be tetitild an:it:ewe, tht
when his N.ible Friead returned, led wonld meet the
char es, and repel them with as mech credit to bites-
self as he had acquired by all the numerous and iin.
pet tant trensactions iu which he head been engaged.
It had always been his preetice to mcct his accitset;
face to lace, and uniformly to answer them, w4lit ut
subterfuge or evasion ; and he was sure dis Noble
Friend would not depart from his invariable line of
conduct. But in the mean time he would put it to
the Honourable Gentlemen to consider, whether this
question ought to be deemed tine of an isolated er
single nature, or whether the measure was uncoil.
netted with the other great events which had en-
gaged the attention of the Congress? Nomitlistar.d.
ing the epithets which heti been heaped upon 11;..
great assmibly, when it was considered what 'Lie
had to do, he thought that the House and the cow.-
try must not expect too much hum i: ! (Loa a::d
cootinued shouts of hear, hear, hear, from the Onotitits
side.) • The object of the Congress was the pecifica-
tion of the world ; and though ;his trust be admitted
to be beyond the reach of all human agency what.
ever, every man must be hilly aware that the jarriee
and contending interests which cl oil) at the Congress,
have created infinite difficulty in tee match al their
operations. Lut their thject is to ;;ive a respite et
the world from the scenes of blond and horror whir
which it had so long been afflicted: this he r; A 6 firmly
convinced would he accomplished ; hot mote ought
not to be expected than (fluid hr performed by mete
(Hear, hear.) He was rime the Noble Lord would
not shrink from the respensibiley arteehed to hii"'n*
duct, however gym it might be ; but all l''' 3""
ought to he considered us the acts of the t;esen-
ment ; yt-t- a certain latitude ne discretion tette hAri?
been entrl:s4cd to him. He had, however, tei feeia-
tion in acknowledging, that the Neble L 7.: leee'.l
considered bit appointment to be Mee ee :cost 'el':l
iespenibility- He was in the house et the to tte'
Lord's lather in Irelend, *hen a note was riKei".l
ruin Wm, which stated that his friends **veld 1).
surprised to hear that he bed been erpoiceel t" ("1
the Conexess, and that he vier. on the point of sediog
he the Cu ntinent : that he was Wily aware of U
awful respnesifelity et the task imrcsed en him, het
that he should not shrink front his duty. F 1: (ell^m4
!'feud) rejoiced as much as th H M e en. eneicr, that
the day would soim arrive when he wuule be here to
defend himself, and he did sincerely
hope and belicv
that the whole vt his conduct, whee " b:
i: came I
examined, would prove to have been die: cted as mite .
for the interests of the country as it would be sae
factory to. that country cited to the House. lit' 11,0

. ,
are went ed te those; .1' ~ • ,ac:
misk e n. He '''.7...iis :ttigif-tfn slis o
v+ Nl' Xir iltAiii* sitO create a B---. !son, whc
r
vi 14 of the totk Ofigndon, and to* • frornihis super
s) Lthri,4e thi pbeitolv into four or li , snel) is cue, co
id to `ateerifise fUsspectors, each. • . iforniation w•
have a italdry of • aloof !; 11114 : *a
Mere
,ceran
those inspectors should not be by secret the Commissio
by open vote, and they alai be bound by to obtain infoi
6,0.2 -• • 111 1

oily to trod that the House would • be, of opinion,
chit it was not right to go abstractedly into this 10-1
leery question, and so thinking, he would move, as.
ane ndmetu, that the House should now proceed.
to the other Orders of the Day.
'l'lte CHANCELLOR. at the EXCHEQUER
rose amidst the loudest acclamations from the oppo-
sition benches. lie said he fully agreed with the
Honourable Gentleman who moved the question,.
that no apology was necessary for the very able and
honourable and manly manner in which he had stood
forward as the champion of what he supposed to be
the sullied fame and injured honour of the country.—
All, however, which he (the Right Hon. Gentleman)
must contend for was, that this is not the prep: r time
to come to a discussion of the subject. He was sure
it was the wish of Ministers to have an opportunity
of exculpating themselves from such serious charges,
es much as it could be that of the Honourable Gen-
:leman that they should do so. Dut it would be :m-
--possible to enter upon such a discussion without
slicking a variety of particulars which ought not to
be disclosed. One circumstance, however, required
;erne notice. Notwithstanding the apprehensions of
the Honourable Member, all the allegations that the
national ho:wur had been compromised, the national
character stained, and the public faith violated, he
atuld take upon himself positively to deny. He
would be able to stew when the time arrived, that
3othing whatever had occurred to degrade the high
character and dignity of this country. He could have
wished, however, that his Honourable Friend (Colo.
Teo Wood) had not moved the amendment for pas•
.:ng to the orders of the day, because he thought it a
erode not sufficiently respectful to meet the motion of
lee Honourable Gentleman opposite:
i he would there-
we beg of him to withdraw it, n order that he (the
Right Hon. Gentleman) might move the 'previous
question.
Colonel Worm accordingly withdrew his motion,
and the CHANCELLOiI of the EXCIIIQUEft moved the
previous question.
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said, be would
give his hearty support to the motion of his Horaour-
Able Friend (Mr. Lambton), who had in his elo.
• quent speech a second time so ably redeemed his he-
redttery reputation. If he ever had any doubt whe.
ther there ever was a case which so loudly called for
the interposition of Parliament to rescue the national
honour from the foulest aspersions, he was convinced
of it completely, by the manner in which Ministers
had resisted the motion. They said that flwy were
more anxious for being brought to trial than their
accusers were : yet they sought anxiously to protract
the fatal day, and on this preliminary question for
delay the House must meet them. The charge
against Ministers was not that they have done one
impolitic act, but that all their impolitic acts must
sink into insignificance, when compared with that
which relates to the polluted honour of the country.
This charge was the most serious that ever was made
against any Ministers of this kingdom—it was not
passible to imagine any one more grave, except it
was for an act that militated against the liberties of
the couetry. The charge consists in their having been
guilty of a gross act. of injustice, in transferring a
mazy for whose security they bad given a pledge. ;
end they had made England a principal actor to
committing the perfidious transaction. And he be.
Leven, from the bottom of his heart, and in the sin-
ecr:ty of his soul, that nothing equal to it had oc-
curred since the infamous partition and plunder of
Mond had given-an example which had been inhe-
teed by the notch Revolutionists, whose atrocities
stem only to havechanged their seat, without chang-
ig their nature. The question of their perfidy to-
eat& Genoa would not admit of any defence, and
Ministers must either deny that their faith was ever
,pledged, or they must deny that it had been vio-
•lated. . The House must inquire into and know their
motives for this violation of faith, and learn whether
.auy circumstances ran justify such a breach of the
ennaion principles of justice. He would challenge
teem to produce a single example, whertin such Ito
tolcreuce on the part of any rover to destroy the It.
bertha of another had been justified. Ministers were
involved in a dilemma, from which it was impossible
they could escape. ould they find an excuse in pre-
Tate papers for. a breach of public faith ; or did they
mean to contend there was something of more impor-
tance than public faith ? He wished to know on
which point they meant to make their stand—one of
:them they must take, for there existed no third alter-
and than the first, nothing could be more ab-
urd; than the second, nothing more abominable.—
No good reason could be assigned for not giving the
i.apers called for on this subject—no public inconveo
oience could arise from their production. If any
partiorlar paper were objected to, let the motion be
germ:el.—all that was required was, that certain
rapers should be laid before the House, explanatory
ul the cession of Genoa; to she w on what foundation
that change in the European system had taken place.
He was not sorry to observe the manner in which
what he had offered on this subject was received by
the Gentleman opposite. From their looks it should
seem they anticipated a triumph. He wished such
.m.ight beam event—but, once for all, he gave it as
1", opinion, that they had it not in their power satis-
factorily to answer what lied this night been urged.
. Tie had now disposed of the plea urged. to delay pro-
ceeding to trial. To trial Ministers had admitted they
um go on this subject, and this he could tell them
I.!it.d been anticipated by the greater part of Europe.
• Abe national honour and due regard for public jos.
tti.k lice required that an immediate investigation should
". Ile preferred a substantive charge against
nesters for the cession of Genoa. In support of
11
"5 he would :cad to the House a passage from the
, l'Oarks of a public writer uf great authority, on the
'Etta of nations, which applied to the case of Genoa
4,!. closely as if it had been written with foresight
2. the arrangement now under consideratien.—
he lion—Ind Learned Gentleman then read from
lintel a passage against 44 taking for either of the
li',a•ers which may have been engaged in a war, the
t aories continued front the enemy, of which a
ti,ird party may have been unjustly dt prived. The
r"Ole thus despoiled of their liberty would never de-
, i?)aly of recovering it. Victory ought to be used not
!„ Change their masters, bet to break their chains.”—
i :le people of Genoa had been victims to the corn-
k..." enemy, not efllnders against the other powers
v;_3 i
cup)pe. The treatment they had experienced, he
d say, was mijust and immotel, and an abuse
'1
the rights of conquest, which ought to be univer-

'sally ctintieftined. Had Portugal not risen AO* fight,
for het rights as she had done, he would ask, would
'she ton have been disposed of to the highest bidder t
Would this principle have been adopted with respect:
to Sicily and Holland, and the powers which formed
the Confederation of the Rhine ? Would it be bide
the Great Allied Powers did n‘t consider the Princes
of Germany entitled of right to their territories ?
Were they new to learn, that they were held by the.
precarious tenure of the generosity of their neigh-
bours ? Beside these considerations of • generouty,l
and policy which ought to have interposed in favour;
of the Genoese, they had pledges in the former con.
duct of the Allies that their republic would be respec-
ted. In September, 1805, the Austrian Government
had published a note, complaining of the annexation;
of Genoa to France as a substantive cause of war
and on the 16th of .Tune, in the same year, the Rus.
sian Minister, M. Novulitzow, who had been sent by
his master to mediate betwet:n Great Britain and

France, had protested against this measure in the
strongest manner. This, he wished it to be observed,
was atter
.Napoleon had attained the imperial dig-
nity. After he had subjugated Switzerland, by en-
tering it as a mediator; alter he had annexed Lom-
bardy to France, to pave his way to the crown of,
Italy. It had been preceded by the deaths of d'En.
ghien, Pichegru, and Toussaint, and many others.
It was after all these things were known that the
Russian Minister had attempted to mediate between
the two countries; but when the course pursued wish
respect to Geneva was published, he informed the'
French Government, that his master had, in his pre-
vious conduct, proved how desirous he was of rests
ring peace to Europe; but this last act WAS so sub-
versive of every principle of justice, that it was im-
possible to continue his mediation any longer. 'rids
conduct on the part of the Emperor of Russia lied
not been adopted at the suggestion of England ; but
it was the spontaneous movement of his own breast.
After this, could the Genoese have been prepared
for such an arrangement as had now keen made
The
The preamble to the Treaty of Chaumont described
the object of the Allies to be, a peace which would
secure the rights and liberties of all the Continen-
tal States. It was not their avowed object to secure
the independence of the generality of them ; but that
of all was guaranteed by the assembled Majesties of
Europe. Where were the Ambassadors who had
concluded that Treaty ? Hew had they looked to
the observance of it, when an infraction of it had al-
ready taken place with respect to Genoa? Other
pledges had been given besides those to which lie
had before referred, that the republic of Genoa
should be respected. England, in 1302, had refused
to recognize the Ligurian Republic, and had requi-
red that she should resume her ancient name and
form of Government. The arrival of Lord William
Bentinck in their vicinity, towards the close of the
late war, they had hailed with much satisfaction,
and had then agreed to that which England required
of them in 180'2. No compact could be more deli.
berately made, and the pledge given that the inde-
pendence of the States of Europe should be secured,
applied in a peculiar manner to the Republic of
Lord William Bentinck was a man who un-
derstood the force of language, and, after the procla-
mation lie had issued, could it have been expected
that Genoa was to be outlawed ? Yet after his pro-
clamation came that of General Dalrymple, and this
was followed by that of the King of Sardinia, who
tells the Genoese lie comes to take possession of their
country—not in compliance with their ancient laws;
not in consequence of the wishes of the people, not
by right of conquest, but in conformity with the
wishes of the principal Sovereigns of Europe." In
other words, lie came in conformity with that spirit
which had directed the partition of Poland. A case
like this being established, he could see no advantage
could he derived from delay. If the sittings of the
Coonress were closed, it might not be of great im-
portance whether Ministers were convicted of that
laid to their charge a few months sooner or later;
but, charged in the face of all Europe with an act of
the most flagrant injustice and faithlessness (he spoke
advisedly). that had ever occurred in the civilized
world, he thought it the duty cf. the Commons of
England to interfere, and he called upon the House
to express their sense of it with a voice that must be
heard, and which might possibly yet withdraw the
assent of Ministers from it. He had been absent
from the country during the sittings of the House,
and his pride bad been flattered by the admiration
felt for this country as the guardian of liberty. How-
ever the minority in that House might be despised
by the Right Honourable Gentleman with his majo-
rities, all Europe felt gratitude for its exertions. lie
then recapitulated the principal arguments which he
had urged in the course of his speech, lied concluded
strongly insisting on the propriety and -necessity of
an immediate inqury into the merits of the case.
Mr. %V. POLE thought, if any doubt before exis-
ted as to the object of this discussion, the speech of
the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down
must have proved that it was only meant to be the
vehicle of censure on the whole proceedings of the
Congress at Vienna, without having a single docu-
ment before them, or any thing to go upon but the
mere conjectures of-the Gentlemen opposite—(liter.:
hear.) Yet, under these circumstances, they did not
hesitate to arraign all that might have been done, was
now doing, and hereafter to be done, and to bestow
on it the most opprobrious terms. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer had said what lie (Mr. W. Pole)
nor repeated, that when the proper papers could be
laid before Parliament, which was at present imprac-
ticable, no one would he more anxious than he would
be to bring the whole businessunderthe consideration
of the House. He characterioci the conduct of the
Gentlemen opposite, on this occasion, as a party ma-
noeuvre. With this he did not quarrel—he considered
it to be fair; but it was not to be expected that Mi-
nisters would give in to it, and play their opponents'
game. Because they did not do this, it was not
bur to assume that they knew themselves to be
guilty. To assert this was unfair ; Ministers wished
for no protection from Parliament —all they desired
was justice. They only desired to postpone the ie.
quiry, because it was at present impossible a fair state-
ment of the case could be Lid before the House.—
Whenever it could be brought fully under their con-
sideration, his Right Hon. Friend stood pledged to.
count discussion, nit only on the affairs of Genoa,.
but also on those of Saxon, and Poland. He denied
that Ministers had differed on any of the great
. clues.
tions which had come under *lir WM14441011 WWII

their Noble Colleague (Lori •Catttereagh). Tire
Noble Lords it war true, hod more merit than his
colleagues—they had thrown more of the- but then
on him; but when he came home, he Was confilent
he would be foremost to lay eves; informatiiin 6:f we
them, and anxious to take the sense of the House on
all the proceedings. The Honourable and Learned
Gentleman had set out with declaring it to be Lis in-
tention to argue on the injustice of the case, leaving
the policy of it out of the question. He, however,
before he sat down, had given the House a tolerably
good dissertation OR its policy. MIS proVekt that
the two questions were inseparable; and Oiettfote
he hoped the HontturahleGentlemari (Mr.Landnon)
would consent to postpone the discusst.in. Tiw Ho-
nourable and L•mrned Geode:lran had said, it was
admitted by Ministers that this case must go to trial.
lie admitted that they were sensible enquiry would;
be necessary, but he denied that a case had been'
made out against them. He had said that they
could have done nothing worse than that which they.
had done, unless they had entered into a conspiracy
against the liberties of their country. This also he.
would deny, and he did not hesitate to express the'
fullest confidence that they would stand acquitted,
not perhaps by the Hon. and Learned Gnitlernan
_ _

and his friends, but by the House, whenever the day
of enquiry should arrive.
Sir J. MACKINTOSH explained.
Mr.W Hint READ could not yield to the request
of the Honourable Colonel, to postpone this discus.
sion in the absence of the Noble Lord, and felt it his
slaty to animadvert as freely on the facts which had
come out, as if he were present. He wished to know
it the Right Hon. Gentlern in could deny the Pro:l4-
m ttioas of Lord Bentinck and General Da!rymple ?
If they could not, was it to be said that they took up
these matters on mere conjecture, as if they it id t tken
their information from letters, like close sent through
the north of Irelane, setting forth the iustneese re.
sponsibili,y thrown on the Noble Lord, or like those
private letters from Vienna, which spoke el silence
as desirable on the part of Ministe: s for the present,
as Lord Castlereagh had sent special instructions
home that they should not, by answering questions,
expose th-mselves as they d d before Christmas
(4 laugh.)—He begged the House to bear in mind
the pledges which the Right Hon. Gentleman who
seoke last, and, as he said, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer had given, that all the Papers necessary
to the discussion of the affairs of Genoa, Saxony and
Poland, should be produced. The Right Hon. Gm-
demon had said they ought to wait till the whole
proceedings of the Congress could be laid behtre
them ; but this the Congress itself, by the acts
which had preceded its breaking up, had made it
impossible. He was above wishing for a triumph
over Ministers, and would rather have to applaud
them, as be had done last ye:tr.—(llear, hear.)
He wished he might be able to praise them, though
be feared he should feel it his duty to condemn them
for one of the foulest acts of injustice ever committed.
Convinced that policy and justice were inseparable,
he felt the conduct pursued with respect to Genoa, as
it was one of the worst clinics that hadever been per.
petrated, was also one of the greatest instances of po-
litical folly that hal ever occurred. The Right
Hon. Gentleman did not take the line adopted before
Christmas, that of endeavouring to shake the audio-
rity of the documents produced or referred to by
Gentlemen on that side of the House. Ile did not
attempt to throw a doubt on the proclametions of
Lord William Betitinck and Genera Dalrymple, nor
on that by which they had been followed from Vic.
tor Emanuel, in which he proclaimed that he tools
possession of their country in conformity with the
wishes of the principal Sovereigns of Europe ;
though he had not yet been able to take possession of
it, and he for one fervently hoped this never would be
in his power. He proceeded to contrast the conduct
formerly pursued with respect to Italy when Lord
Bentinck was sent out by the Marquis of Wellesley
to effect a Revolution, when the Italian prisoners
were liberated to forward that object, and a cor-
respondence opened with Secret Societies, and
the Societies of Free Masons in that country...—.
Then the man was named whom England proposed
to place at the head of the Italians—their deputies
were received here, and they were promised liberty.
They had now, however, been treated worse by the
Allies than they formerly were by Bonaparte. Would
to Goo he could speak of the Sovereigns of Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, as he could some time ago,
when they were at Paris! But they had now des-
cended Irons the eminence on which they then stood
to become hucksters and tricksters for territory. The
Geneese had been prriaised dick liberty by the
Agents of England ; they had been promised that the
Constitution of 1576 should be restored with such mo-
difications as time had made necessary. It was pro-
posed that an English Officer should hold the Go-
vernment of Genoa till the Ist of January, 1815. At
that time he was to lay it down, and England, by.
putting them in possession of their ancient rights, was
to prove that her professions were sincere—that she
had fought for the liberties of Europe. But before
this period arrived, the protocol of the Congress at
Vienna was produced, dated December 12, 1814,
which disposed of Genoa to the King of Sardinia.—.
He contended, that this injustice had been done to
give Victor Emanuel weakness rather than streng.th. •
He had announced that he came to take possession
of the country, but General Dalrymple had said,
" Don't send your soldiers there, or they will getl
their throats cut." The Kirg of Sardinia premised
the Genoese a Constitution, commerce, and that they
should pay no taxes which were not imposed on them
by a representative government—provided they were
made by his direct authority equ deo those paid by'
the Piedniontese. So, in the first instance, the King
of Sardinia, by his own direct authority, was to raise
their taxes higher than ever they had been before,
and then to give diem a body of representatives, and
a Chancellor of the Exchequer, to find the ways and
means for heaping new leitlens on them. He thins
noticed the dependent Mite in which the King of
Sardinia must stand with respect to A ustria, who had
already attempted to get possession of 'l'urin. They
were desired to.wait the return: of the Noble Lord
before they discussed the proceedings if the Con-
gress. It they might judge of ugliness by his
toot, what a whole must they shortly expect to behold !
After animadverting on the proposition for placing
the King of Saxony over Catholic subjects on the
left bank of the Rhine, rather than let him reign over
Protestants that loved him on tbr Elbe, be again,

'filled the necezitty of interference nit depart of that
House. %yid, respect to Poland, die view was u. t
eitistactxy. It had been said, he hoped falsely, that
when this subject had been mentioned, the Cmprrt►r
of Russia ha i given this laconic answer, 66 that he If id
five hundred thousand men to support his claim ;"
this answer was stmilar to the cold-hearted speech,
said to have been made with respect t Genoa
66 Les republiques nc soot plus x 1.1 mode--Repitb-
lics are no longer the fashion." The House, how-
ever, w►.ts told to wait till Lord Castlereagb came
aid) the l'Apets, wliich were promised. While wait-
ing lot his ieturii, it was t b t0.41:,d the (nisch', f
would be clone, and the views (It Au,:ria, Russia and
prus.i.l c:+•ried into (deer with respect to Italy, Pi,.
land and S ►army. The t i 'use would desert its duty,
if it did not inlibt on the proluction of the papers.
He then alluded to the anecdote which the Chancel•
for of the Exchequer had related yesterday respecting
Air. Burke. Abe war to which it referred, had been

conducted by those at the head of atf..os at the time,
in a very different manner Irom tl:at latrly concluded.
there was any sincerity in th:! splendid

. .
which be had heard that Gentl..inal utter in that
House, he would now, were he living, units.; fe
should belie hi, own professions, himself' tell Ministers
that their proceeding towards Genoa WAS a com-
pound of folly and iniquity.
Mr. B. BATHURS 1' contended, that the A mend.
ment which had been moved did not in any manner
negative the general question; it merely went to sub-
stitute another time, which would be more convenient
tor the discussion than die present one. When that
time should come, lie had no donht that the Honor-
able Meniba's (Mr. Whitbread's) information, uprn
which he so contidentiy relied, would be found with.
out any foundation, as it mo,tiy was. (Hear, hear,
from Mr. Whitbread).—Much had ben said about
the presence of the Noble Lord ; but were it possible,
Iby any pincer, th.it the Noble Lord could transport
himself from Vienna to London one day, and Irons
London to Vienna another, it would not make one
iota of difference as to the course hat ought to be
pursued. While such momentous questions were in
agitation at the Congress, the good sense of .hat House
would stop the Noble Lord, supposing it possible that
he could be present and willing to camniunicate what
the Emperor of Russia said one day, what the King
of Prussia might say on another, and what Prince
Harelenberg on a third. Yet a similar course was
what the Honourable Member wished stiould be pur-
sued, in order that the minority of that House might
decide the matters which were pending, and, to use his
own lingu.ip,e, interrupt the march of the Congress.
(Hear, hear, from Mr. Whitbread and Mr. 'ileum)).
He w.ts cheered by the iionoinal.;:e Member and the
Honourable Mover of the question ; and perhaps such
proceedings might suit the ardour of their minds.
With regard to the distinguished individual to whom
the management of those important concerns was
confided, it would not be easy to fiad a person more
peculiarly qualified for the arduous post—a character
so mixed up of firmness in principle, and yet of con-
ciliation in atantier, that it was equally impossible to
subdue the one or to ruffle the other. He believed

his Noble Friend would be found to have supported
the character and honour of this country in those ne-
geciations to as high a pitch as they had ever at-
tained. The Honourable Gentleman had admitted,
himself, that it would he impossible to discuss the
queition of Genoa without undoing or retarding the
proceedings of the Congress ; and that very admission
was an argument for not going into the matter now.
It was not, indeed, proper to discuss such questions
imperfectly. The linn. Gentleman had said, that he
should look to his Right Hon. Friend (W. Pole)
for the production of certain papers, if there should
be any attempt to withhold them manifested by the
Noble Lord on his return ; now he would venture to
affirm, that not a word was said by his Right Hon.
Friend of any papers respecting Saxony and Poland
—(L9nd and reiteiatd eh.•:rs fi Lin the Oftluaitirt.)
he certainly would affirm it—(Hear, hear, from Mr.
‘Vhitbread.)—Did the Honourable Genii/min mean
to imply that he was utaling an untruth
Whitbread certainly not.")—With regard to the
motion then before them, its only object was to ob-
tain two Proclamations issued by two British Officers
—(Hear, hear, from the Oppeeitioa.)—He was aware
that certain instructions were added; but they were
not before the public; and it was only the documents
that were before the public on which the discussion
then turned. It had been aserted that the honour
of the country was comproinised ; but in reply to
that it was affirmed that no such compromise had
taken place; and in commin justice therefore the
judgment of the House 0u.:,.,ht to he suspended till
the time should an we when a full and complete ex-
planation night be given with propriety. For these
reasons he should susport the amenthoent.
Mr. W. POLE explained. What he stated, or
meant to state, was, that when his Noble Friend came
home, he had no doubt he would take the earliest
opportunity of commuiiioting ample information,
not only with rsspect to Genes, but of Poland, Sax-
ony, and {every other put where Great Britain was
at all concerned in the transactions. He repeated
again, therefore, that it was his opinion no informa-
tion would be withheld, but the Hon. Gentleman

would not talteihirn nu filed de knee, and suppose that
every secret and confidential dispatch would be laid
before the House.

Mr. WHITBREAD explained. With respect to
the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bathurst) he had
cheered him, not because l e doubted what he heard,
but because he knew what he (Mr. Whitbread) heard.
As to the explanation of the other Right Honourable
Gentleman he was not at all disappointed ; and he
knew too much of Ministers to take any thing which
they said u /tied d /eon.
Mr. HORNER took a view of the conairet of the
British Government towards Gen:i.t. He began by
stating, that if the House rightly telt the question
then before them, they would be aware that it de-
pended in no manner whatever upon any information
with respect to the proceedings of Congress. He
certainly did not underttand the doctrine of the
Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. l'athurst), that
the House of Commons had no right to interfere in
any acts resulting from Negotiations still in progress.
Would it be said that it was not the duty el tbat
House, when a measure had been adopted which in-
volved the honour and good faith of the country, to
raise its voice, and, if possible, stop the course of
those proceedings which tended to degrade the Bri-
tish natac 3—(Hew, hear)--He would boldly tiaras