Star.
London, England, 1801-03-26 00:00:00

again me, I have the confolation to believe, that,
during the 17 years I have been in office, I have
done enough to wipe away all aas of inadvertency
or misfortune. Had I remained longer in power
after the oppofition to that degree of authority
which is requifite to the operations of Government,
I would have deferved much culpability. In my
political career, I have acted agreeably to your
willies, and confonant to your feelings ; and will
one day prove this all;:rtion fiti faaory to the pub.
lic, provided that the public cliuks at any time to
make inquiry concerning any thing connected with
my condua.—As to the quettion of Catholic
Emancipation—Extenfion of Tolerance I would
however term it—l am of opinion that the meafure
would have been highly falutary to the State ; and
that whenever it comes to be ferioutly difcutred, it
will not be found to be a naked propofition which
we ought to neglect or avoid. I with to recom-
mend its adoption, in order to ameliorate our fyf-
tern both in Church and State. I was zealous to
produce the dcfired elle& that all animofitiennight
ceafe, and that there might be no diftinaion, but
in a fPirit of trite emulation for the public good.
Does any man for a moment believe, that, although
his Majelly be advifed to a meafure, he is to be re-
(trained in the exercife of his own judgment ? The
name, the opinion of the Sovereign, is paramount
to every other confideration. I, who long conti-
nued to experience his partiality, could not —nn-
lels from pure motives of public good—bring for-
ward any plan of which there was the fmalletl ap-
pearance of oppofition from the Throne. This was
the public ground of my condult in the late diffe-
rence of opinion, and this is the only fault charged to
me. As to the line of c ond ua of the Noble Lora who
acted with us in Ireland, I beg leave to ftate, that
our fentiments were fomewhat fimilar. The Irith
Papers alluded to, which have been challenged this
evening as of a dangerous tendency, had not my pre-
vious fanaion, although to their general import I
had no objection whatever. With the fentiments of
the firth Paper I entirely coincide. As to the mea-
lure itfclf, I was, and am Ilia convinced, that it
would n ot only ameliorate our fy ftem both in Church
and State, but ftrengthen and confirm the general
peace and fafety of the empire. There was one
point to which I requcit the attention of the Houfe
—I pofitively deny that there was any pledge ever
given for Emancipation—l deny that there was
any pledge ever received by the Catholics.—l beg
again to ftate, in the moil unequivocal terms, that
as to the pledge about which there has been fo
much idle obfervation, there never was any.—As
to the condua oldie war, I (hall not now enter into
a detail of the various plans; but I with to con-
firm what I have fo frequently advanced, that at
no period did I make any other declaration than
that the re-eitablithment of Royalty would accele-,
rate the termination of the conceit; but I never af-
firmed that its failure would be dangerous to this,
country. We had only three grand objects in view:
—firth, the Reaoration of Royalty, as the bet
fyftem which could be adopted for the happinefs
of mankind ;—fccondly, the Peace of Europe, fo
far as conneCted with our own happinefs ;—third-
ly, our. own peace and fecurity, by preferving un-
impaired, amidtt the wreck of furrounding nations,
our conftitution, our honour, and glory—with the'
fame national fpirit and commendable manlinefs
which dillinguifhed the actions of oar renowned
anceftors. -As to our Finance fyftem, thanks to
the wifdom and energy of Parliament, we have
much confolation. The whole is now rendered fo
clear and obvious, as to fuit any dircuffion on fuch
a fubjea to the meaneft capacity; and the printed
refolutions of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan)
have added much to the facility of any refearch.
The Committee, therefore, moved for, was as
unneceirary on this fubjeet as on the preceding.-1
I ;with alfo to have another Prong fait perfectly
underftood.—By the dedultion of the monies ari-
ling from the Income Tax, the Redemption ofl
the Land-Tax, &c. the incrcafe of the debt by the
war amounted to 160 millions only, inftead of 270
millions, as mentioned on the other fide of the
Houfe ; and, by a comparifon of the permanent
Revenue in the year 1784, with that of iBOO, therel
would be found an addition of nine millions, a
fum within one million of the inter& of all the'
Loans, including that of the 25 mat:rm.—lt
mutt naturally be expected, that I thould not pals
over a topic which has been fo ftrongly infifted on
in the courfe of the debate. The fubjeft has al-
ready been fufficiently difettfred, in anfwer to fome
lobfervations made by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Grey), on the frit day of the Seffion ; but as the
fame doubts have been renewed this day, it may
be proper to remark on the grounds they are
founded on, on the real nature of their value.
There are a variety of queftions branching out of
thefe confiderations. Is this country right in the
condua it has adopted , towards the Neutral
Powers ? During the. American War, this ref-
tion was agitated, in confequence of a Coalition
amongft the Northern Powers fimilar to that which
has lately been formed upon a fcale infinitely more
extenfive. The queftions to be examined, as they
prefcnt themfelves to my mind, are,—in, Do free
(hips make free bottoms? adly, How does that rub-
jea Eland. with refpea to the law of nations; the
particular treaties between us and other coun-
tries; and with regard to the policy which Eng-
land (hould not lofe fight of on fuch occafions
idly, Whether it is competent to a Belligerent
Power to refill the introduaion of goods, contra-
band of war, into the territories of adverfary.
And whether naval fibres ought not to be dared
amongft the contraband of war? 4thly, How this
queftion ftands in refpea to ports or (trips of coati
in a ftate of blockade ? sthly, Whether neutral
(hips (boutd be allowed to carry on that colonial
and coati trade of an enemy in time of war, which
they were not enabled to do in time of peace ?
Of all thefe I (hall treat generally, from the infor-
mation to be derived from the uniform decifions
of the Courts, and the authority of the moll ap-
proved writers upon public law. I have, there-
fore, in the firth place, to remark, tat two of thefe
Confederate Powers, with whom we are now at
ithie, have recognized the principie of feizing
contraband of war. Denmark, in a treaty en-
tered into in the year 178 o; and Sweden, in the
tisaty concluded fa fir back as the year Was.—
In this contraband ut aar, we !find (addles and

other horfe equipage, arms, &c. fpecifical::.• t- :
merated, as they tend to the equipment
mies ; and in fair conlirudion, pitch, tar, tin: .
and other requifites for the equipment of
Had gun powder been of very modern inve:.
tion, it furcly could not be argued that this de-
ftrudive compofition was not to be clalfcd among
the articles contraband of war : and by a fair de-
dudion it mull alfo be inferred, that the fupply of
colonial and other produce, as well as that car-
rying trade on the coati, which mull have afforded
material affiliance to an enemy, are equally pro.
hibited. Such has been the confirudion of the
Courts, fuch the import of the treaty of Aix la Cha-
pelle, fuch has been the pradice of the fever. years
war,and fuch the opinions delivered by thofe great
luminaries of the law, Lords Hardwicke and Manf-
field, and thofe Judges who fuccceded them.—
The fame authorities deny the claims of neutrals
to exemption from fearch fur neutral convoi:..
It would be the height of abfurdity to recq,-
nize fuch rights, fur it is impollible that Sovereigns
can always anfwcr for the ads of their fel-runt
or fubordinate officers ; and were it otherwife, di:
interefis of the Belligerent Powers would allv:t
be infecure, for, according to the doctrine nou
advanced, it would not be difficult to collect fuch
a number of privaters as would be fufficient
protc& the whole trade of France, Spaia,
Holland. But the claim does not ref[ here, f
thole Powers guarentee that the convoy of
one fhould be a protedion to another ; aad thus
we might fee the trade of Ruflia, however
tile to us, convoyed in fafcty by the (hips of Den-
mark. Sweden, in particular, has exprefsly
hated with us, that free bottoms thould not mai,
free goods ; and its engagement in the preien.
guarantee and confederacy, can be viewed is 1.0
other light but that of adding infult to ininry and
bad faith. If the right of fearch has not Urea
formly infilled on by this country, yet it will be
confelled that thole neutral claims have never li,•en
recognized nor admitted by any decifion of our
Courts. I will not argue now whether the Adn.i-
niftration of this Kingdom, towards the chile of
the American war, acted with wifdom or true
policy in not aliening this right, or whether they
were or were not jullified in doing Cu, in confide-
ration of our naval inferiority at 'that time ? but
I have no hefitation in Paying, that they never
committed themfelves by any recognition of the
claim. The fad is, that all and each of thole
Powers have bound themfelves formally not to
maintain that claim againft us. Ruffia, in the
convention by which the became our ally again(([
France, had flipulated to refill it.—l have al-
ready fpoken of our Treaty with Sweden ; as to
Denmark,when, in the courfe of IA year, her capi-
tal, her fleet, andher arfenals were at our mercy, the
Ripulated that the claim fhould be fufpended dur-
ing the prefent war. In each particular inftance,
therefore,the Northern Powers have evidently been
the aggrefihrs. As to thofe flipulations which have
been made for particular purpofes, with particular
States, they argue nothing againft the original ex-
iftence of the right. Of the fame nature was the
precedence in the American War, and during the
Adminiftration of which the Hon. Gentleman op-
pofite me (Mr. Fox) was a confpicuous part. The
time when we had to ftruggle for naval fuperiori-
ty with France, Spain, and Holland, is not ap-
plicable to the preterit period, when our navy is to
the full as equal to the combined force of thefe and
the Northern Confederates, as it was to that of there
three Powers at the time alluded to. Now that we
have a favourable opportunity, the confideration of
the Houfe will be, (hall we ellen the right, or that/
we furrender it for ever? The Hon. Gent. I (poke
of had all the privilege of genius to add magnifi-
cence to concellion, and when he propofed to wave
this claim in favour of the Emprcfs of Ruftla and
her fubjeas, he conceded it as a matter of high fa•
your, and in confederation of the equivalent lie ex-
pelled in a treaty with that Power, out in which
he was difappointed. Let me alk him, however,
if he would, under all the circumftances, content
to make the fame conceffion now ? Let him tell
me, whether, if this right had been conceded, we
could fo fully have iticceeded in deftroying the
marine force as well as the commerce of
France, which, previoufly to this war, ufcd
to export twelve millions of its manufactures
annually to its colonies, to the great benefit
of the revenue, as well as advantage to the for-
tunes and wealth of individuals ? I maintain, that
were this principle given up, France would be en-
abled to purfue with fuccefs, what has for fume time
been her favourite obled, the revival of her crn-
merce, and the rcttoration of her marine, defiroyed
'by the valour and energy of the Britifh Navy. /
' cannot conceive the policy of making fuch a gra-
tuitous coaceffion of giving to neutral nations more
advantages of trade in time of war than they pa-
ters in time of peace, and of enabling them and
the enemy to divide the rights as well as the pro-
fits of fuch a commerce between them. If we
poffefs the right, furely no policy could be fo
weak as thus to furrender it for nothing, and refigrs
to weak navies, interefts which are contrary to
thole of fuch as arc mere powerful. The effea
of fuch a condo.% would be, that in any future war
with fiance, we thould make it an evident advert•
tage to all the finaller States either to remain neu-
tral, or make a lommon caufe with our enemy.
This would be ailing upon that Jacobinical prin-
ciple of the Rights of Man, which would leave
our rights to be decided at the arbitrary will of
four Powers, and which would fuperfede all thofe
advantages for which the prowcfs and energies of
Englifhmen have been Co long fuccefsfully exerted."
[The latenefs of the hour prevents us from Rating
more than the divilion which took place at five
o'clock—For the Enquiry us—Againft it 209.]

The A secy.° fire fhip returned to Leith on Mon-
day morning, in confequence of havinz fprung a
leak, left the fleet under Sir HYDE PARKER, on
Sunday the tsth MIL all well off the Scaw. The
Lieutenant of the ALscro gives it as his opinion,
that the whole of the fleet mould be before Copen-
hagen on the following Tuefday or Wednefday.

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