Star.
London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

on
--Peaii*Out of Spain could not have it in their power to
judge of, or the degree of support which the Constitu-
tion' system should receive from the Affections and
'Habits ottlie people. This was the very principle.. on.
Which weabstained from-interfering in the war. I d.
not desire, now, to point out the.facts which led us to
entertain' doubts which events have shewn to be well
founded, whether the Constitutional system would meet
with zealous support from the people; the obvious un-
fitness of many parts of it for the nation for whom it
was constructed, the impossibility of many parts of it
'ever, by any 'practicable. alteration, being adapted to
Monarchical and Catholic Spain. That system has failed,
and Spain has CCMe back to another system, which it is
not for me to characterize, but of which it is, at least,
gratifying lot me to Say this much—That, in re-esta-
blishing it, no British blood has been shed, no British
treasure has been expended (Hear!). The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman (Mr. Brougham), however, tells us,
that we should have given to the Spaniards not armsoilly,
but unaninsity, and zeal, and a strong spirit of adherence
to their cause, qualities which strangers are, every
where, the. least capable of infusing. And 'does the
Hon. and Learned' Gentleman think, if that radical
evil existed in Spain—if the people mere not attached'
to the Constitutional system, that any external aid could
hare done more than stemmed the tide of war ?—any
thing but protracted that issue -which sooner or later
WAS inevitable? But the Honourable and Learned Gen-
tleman connects the question of Spain with another
question not yet practically before us,. in relation to- the
colonies of Spain; and with all his powers of disc: imina•
tinn,_he professes, that he can find no such distinction
between the two casesohat .we, who would set up no,
barriers againit the invasion of Spain, should ,be enabled
to set up a barrier against the subjugation of those
'colonies. Why, Sir, precisely on the very same prin-
ciple on which we strenuously deprecated a war in be-
half of Spain, because the case was not one in which a
regard for our interests called for our interference, so
shall we act between. the mother country and .the colo-
" There never has been a case of difterences, be•
tween colonies and the mother country, -where other
Powers have not claimed a right to exercise a discre-
tion in' recognising those colonies: Undoubtedly,
colonies have no. right to call on other Powers to re-
cognise them ; undoubtedly no State in amity with a
mother country is justified, by the law of nations, and
the rules of good faith, in giving to a colony,
which is breaking its connexion, that premature
recognition which may be considered, not an ac-
knowledgment, but an encouragement; undoubtedly,
it is a nice point to declare at what time, or in what
particular state oT things, this recognition can take
place without injustice, but it is a question which is not
to be determined by the state 'uf Spain. It is a ques-
tion nor between the arbitrary power which now exists
in the l'eniusola, and the mitigated democracy, for such
was the system which existed under the Constitution;
but whether the time has come, or when it may come,
for the recognition of their independence, • must be
jedged of withuut reference to the internal concerns
of Spain, or the condition of the Colonies themselves.
If we .siere prone to deal with others as others have
dealt with us, we should not be so extremely nice—
(flear !) We may look back to the hiss rif our own
Americas, and see that other Powers were' less seru-
vuloirs in recognising the independence of our Colonies, ,
and in follua mg ircogni' ion with alliance. But instead
of doing as we have• been done nab, we have followed
the better rule of morality and politics, in aging as We
would be done unto; and if we have kept behind others
in an act to which events and the course of nature seem
tolead us, our delay has served to shew, under varied
circurnstiinces, the consistency and honour of our na-
tional
poliCy. The Honourable and _Learned Gentle,
man . has adverted in terms of praise to a document
which has made its appearance on the other side of
tire Atlantic. With some parts of that document I
entirely agree; with others, I unequivocally differ.—
I agree with it, and long before that Message appeared
I expressed the same principle, in the assertion that no
foreign State should be suffered to interfere in the con-
test between Spain and its Colonies; but I cannot agree
ill the assertion that the parent State has not a right to
recover by (trice those Colonies—Elt was here suggested,
we believe, to Mr. Canning, that there was no such as-
sertion in the President's Message].—l understand that
on a passage of the Message, which is in itself rather
equivocal, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman puts
this construction, and praises it on that very ground. I
am clear, fur my own part, that foreign nations have
no tight to interfere; I am clear also that the mother
country has a right to regain them, if she can, by force;
and, however it may be physically iMpossible or morally
improbable that she should do so, we should act unfairly,
unjustly, and ungenerously (if I may use the term in
reference to politics) by rashly acting on this conviction.
While Spain was overrun by a foreign enemy, or ra-
ther while a civil war raged, one of the parties to which
had called in a foreign invader to its aid, it would have
been ungenerous to make an inroad on her Colonial
possessions. Even if the time and opportunity had been
lost by a delay, I should not regret it, for I hold it to
be a debt to justice and good faith to see Spain in as
full possession of her powers as after her internal dis-
traztions she can be expected to be, before this country
should decide whether her Colonies were separated from
her-for ever. Ten months ago it was stated, in a paper
that was laid on your table, that time and the course
of events appeared to have substantially decided the
separation of the Colonies fr. m the mother country,
although the formal tectgnition f those provinces
as Independent States might be hastened or retarded by various
!sternal circumstances, as well as ley the more or less satis-
factory progress in each State towards a settled Government.—
Jitter the lapse of ten mantle, in which Spain La, been restored
to as full a possession of her powers as she can be expected to enjoy,
comes the speech from the throne, telling you that his Majesty has
reserved to himself an unfettered discretion to be exercised as the
circianstasms of those Colonies and the interests of his own people
rosy require. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman knows as
well as I do that his Majesty has rejected propositions for the joint
.consideration with other Powers of the Cutiftel to be pursued as to
SllOOO Colonies, reserving it to himself, according to the interests of
his asses people, and t his own sense of his rights and his dudes.
What snore can the country require than this? I will appeal to
any man here, the most eager in the wish that those Colonies should
be recognised, and I will ail him whether, in his conscience, he
does not believe that we have acted wisely, as well as generously,
lor gds time to Spain, during which she may have the grace as
wan as ime advantage of setting the example of that recognition to
whisk in nations must come at last? In the one of the ca
nies a
ses to
to the Colo
Visfolititch a course may lead, we shall carry
beck onsgltureater than our separate recognition ; on the oiler
baud thou Spain not follow the line which wisdom may dictate)
we lay nuke .car recognition more valuable, more effectual, be-
tame more deldracatt auk spore juatifsable. A prorositiou ((ma

11111'-

biedly, tints•-always a..atickg Aircum-
ataultt•in determining the poliCy which bis Majesty's
Blioisters thought it.their duty to adopt; that it was
aiwiejs felt by them that the success of the Constitu-
*kVA cage would depend' op circumstances, which