Star.
London, England, 1831-06-22 00:00:00

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WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 22, 1831.

N°. 13,816.

PROM THE LONDON GAZETTE, Jane 21.
WHITEHALL, Juwx 16.
The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to be
passed under the Great Seal, granting the dignity of a Baron
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, unto
the Right Honourable Nathaniel Earl of Leitrim, and the
heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, by the name, stile,
and title of Baron Clements, of Kilmaerenan, in the county
of Donegal.
DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.
STATHAM, T. MD. Clanton, Shropshire, cattle and sheep.
dealer, June 20.
BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
SEAGOOD, J. J. Bread-street, Cheapside, table-linen-ma-
nufacturer.
BANKRUPTS.
Yewsits, W. Claremont-place, Pentonville, mine agent
and abarebroker, to surrender June 24, at three, July 8,
and August 2, at two, at the Court of Commissioners.
Solicitor, Holt, Tbnedneedle-street.
Ourin,*l. Chiswell-street, victualler, /HMI 28, at eleven,
July 12, and August 2, alone, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Attorney, Glyn(' America-square.Fume,Fx, J. Brewer-street, Somers-town, leather-Butter, June
28, at twelve, July 12, and August 2, at one, at the Court
of Commissioners. Attorneys, Messrs. Davies and Outb.
waite, Princes-street, Bank.
TISLAY, W. and JoxEs, W. Newtown, Montgomeryshire,
bankers, June 27, 28, and August 2, at the Bear's Head
Inn, Newtown. Attorneys, Messrs. Jones and Hughes,
Southampton-buildings, Chancery-lane ; and Drew,
Newtown.
MAAR, E. J. Sculeoates, Yorkshire, dealer, July 7,8, and
August 2, at two, at the Kingston Hotel, Kingston-upon-
Hull. Attorneys, Messrs. Rosser, Gray's Inn-place;
and Frost, Hull.
Moons, J. 11. Hanging Bridge, AiLbourne, Derbyshire,
innkeeper, July 5, at six, 6, and August 2, at eleven, at
the Office of Mr. Flint, Uttoseter, Staffordshire. Attor.
neys, Jeyes, Chancery-lane, and Flint, Uttozeter.
Osnoax' J. Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, ironmonger,
July 7, at seven, 8, and August 2, at eleven, at the Cross
Keys Inn, Kingston.upon.Hull. Messrs. Walmsley and
Co. Chancery-lane ; and Shepherd, Great Driffield,
Yorkshire.
DIVIDENDS.
At the Court, Basinghalistreet.
July 15 J. R. Le Cointe, St. Helen's-place, City, mer-
chant, at two.
July 15. F. Shackleford,4ndover, Hants, draper, at nine.
July 15. F. Naha], Shepton Mallet, Somersetshire, clo-
thier, at one.
July 12. P. Brown, Farnham, Surrey, uipholder, at ten.
July 12. P. Matthews, Copthall-court, City, merchant,
at ten.
CERTIFICATES, JULY 12.
J. Whitehead, Denshaw, Yorkshire, merchant—R. Delves.
Tonbridge Wells, lodging-housekeeper—R. Smith, William
street, New Kent-road, licensed victualler—C. G. Beet,
Stamford-street, Blackfriers, bill-)roker—J. Davis, King's
Head-yard, Russell-street, and Hart-street, Covent-garden,
orange-merchant— J. Hill, Red Lion-wharf, City Basin, and
Red Lion-street, Holborn, coal-merchant—R. Davies, Little
Pulteney-street, broker—J. Osborne, jun. Epperstone, Not.
tinghamshire. surgeon—W. Gerard, From', Somersetshire,
grocer—P. Woodpte, jun. Wading-street, warehouseman—
H. Hargan, St. John's-street, victualler—C. King, Ipswich.
Innkeeper—W. Chadburn,.. Sheffield, optician—J. Arm.
strong, Raskelf, Yorkshire, miller—J. White, Wakefield,
Yorkshire, carpenter.

BOARD OF HBALTH.
A Supplement to the Gazette of-hot night con-
tains a Royal Proclamation, enforcing the observ-
ance of strict quarantine by all vessels coming from
the Baltic, or any ports where the Cholera prevails,
to this country, and concludes thus ;--
" And we do further strictly exhort, enjoin, and
command all Magistrates and persons in authority,
and all other our loving subjects, without loss of
time, to give information to us, through our princi-
pal Secretary of State for the Home Department,
or to our Privy Council, of any person that they
may know or believe to have offended against any
I of the said laws or orders ; and we do hereby warn
' all persons whom it may concern, that we have given
the strictest orders for enforcing, with the utmost
rigour, the most punctual observance of the laws of
quarantine, and all the orders, rules, and regula-
tions relating thereto, it being our firm determina-
tion, upon serious consideration of the great extent
of misery and calamity which a single instance of
improvidently neglecting any of these regulations
may bring upon our loving subjects, to cause the
severest penalties which the law has provided, or
may provide, to be inflicted upon all those who may
be guilty of any offence against the same ; and
whereas it is also necessary to take the utmost pre-
caution to prevent the spreading of infection, in
case the said malignant disease (which GOD in his
mercy avert,) should unhappily manifest itself in
any part of our United Kingdom, notwithstanding
the precautions taken to guard against the intro-
duction thereof, We have thought fit, by and with
the advice of Our said Council, to take measures
for the establishment of a Board of Health, to con-
sist of men able, learned, eminent, and experienced
in the study and practice of medicine, together with
persons most capable, from their knowledge of the
ports of our Kingdom, to afford assistance in the
forming of regulations respectively applicable to the
llocal circumstances of the said ports, such Board
to be authorised and directed to prepare and digest
the best rules and regulations for the speedy and
effectual adoption of the most approved methods of
guarding against the introduction and spreading of
infection, and for purifying any ship, or house, or
any place, in which any contageous disorder may
have manifested itself, and to communicate the
same to all magistrates, medical persons, and others
of our loving subjects, who may be desirous and
may apply to be made acquainted therewith. And
We most strictly enjoin and command all Magis-
trates and persons in authority, all medical persons,
and others our loving subjects, especially those
within the maritime counties, to give immediate no-
tice to us, through our principal Secretary of State
for the Home Department, or our Privy Council,
in case any person or persons should be attacked
with any disease attended with new and sncommon
symptoms, such as to afford ground for apprehen-
sion that such diseaae is of the same nature as the
disease called cholera morbus, prevailing in several
parts of Russia, and elsewhere, in order that the
most immediate and effectual measures may be
taken, as well for affording due and necessary as-
sistance and relief to those afflicted with the same,
II as for preventing the contagion from spreading
amongst our loving subjects.
" Given at our Court at St. James's, the 20th day of Jun!,
1831, and in the first year of our Reign.
" tlop save the King."

SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS.
OPIXIOWS OP THE razes OX THE /IWO., SPEECH.
TIMES.—The highest praise that can possibly
be bestowed upon the Speech is, that with the ene-
mies of Ministry in both Houses, sensitively alive
to the chief subject on which it touches, none ven-
tured to attack it, or propose an amendment. This
is prudent on the one side, and coneiliatory on the
other. " Sufficient unto the day is" the good or
1" the evil thereof." We are to have the measure
of Reform brought forward next Friday ; so that
impatience has not long to controul its yearnings.
There is a general assurance of pet** in the Speech
throughout Europe : this is gratiOing. We are
sure the Belgians are not worth fithting for ;,
and it is more easy to wish for nevem to the gal s
lant Poles than to assist them in the attiliument of
it. The affairs of finance are slightly, but not
unsatisfactorily, touched. Abolition of taxes has
not materially affected revenue ; and there is a
pledge of frugality. This is always necessary.
The subsiding turbulence of Ireland will probably
relieve Ministers from the pain of either practising
" a vigour beyond the law," or of fettering the
freedom of well-intentioned subjects by new laws.
As to cholera, or cholera morbus,—an appel-
lation something like Falstaff s of " an He-
brew Jew,"—we must leave that to the doc-
tors, with this consolatory information, how-
ever, of which they must be aware,—that con-
tagious disorders are ahvays least dangerous
in the heats of summer and the cold of winter.
The Speech is a well-written document, unassail-
able by criticism, and too much for the flimsy ca-
pacity of ultra-Toryism to combat with. The pro-
ceedings of this new Parliament possess undoubted
interest. There are menaces of changes in party
principles, but of no moment whatever. Lord Win-
chilsea announces that he goes back to his old
friends the Tories. We always foresaw and fore-
told this ; but we cannot help remembering that he
last year praised Lord Grey as the only consistent
politician. But if Lord Grey be consistent, and
still continues consistent,—of which there is no
doubt—what is Lord Winchilsea, who is first opposed
to him, then joins him, and then again quits him ?
The course pursued by Lord Wharncliffe with res-
pect to the reform bill seems proper, and will, no
I doubt, be adopted by others: his Lordship would
throw no premature impediment in the way of the
bill by an amendment to the address, or otherwise,
but would discuss its merits when it came before
the house. That is, in fact, the proper time. In
the long debate which took place in both Houses a
good deal of animated, not to say angry, discussion
occurred, and a variety of extraneous topics were
handled. It was gratifying, but not unexpected,
to hear the cordial shouts with which his Majesty
was greeted in his passage to and from Par-
liament.

POST.—The Session of Parliament was yester-
day opened by his Majesty in person. In the speech
delivered from the throne on this occasion, our gra-
cious Sovereign, in recommending the question of
reform to the earliest consideration of Parliament,
declares his conviction that the measures to be
proposed for its adjustment " will carefully
adhere to the acknowledged principles of the
Constitution, by which the prerogatives of
the Crown, the authority of both Houses of
Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the
people, are equally secured." Either the goiscl
sense and patriotic feelings of the Monarch have
been artfully imposed upon, or we must partake the
doubt of Sir It. Peel, that the bill intended to be
introduced into the present Parliament is the same
that was submitted to the last. Unquestionably
the old bill in no way answers to the character
given of it in the sentence above quoted. That mea-
sure cannot be said to be framed " in adherence to
the principles of the Constitution," which provides
such effectual means for overthrowing it in all its
most vital and essential parts ; as little can it be said
to maintain the prerogative of the Crown, or secure
those chartered rights of the people which it tends
directly to destroy. As Lord Mahon justly ob-
served, the Radical reformers, who are the main
supporters of the bill, desire and hope to effeot,
through its means, nothing less than the dethrone-
ment of the King, the pillage of the church, and
the destruction of all our existing institutions.
Nor are they deceived ; the bill bas that direct ten-
dency, and is rightly viewed as the stepping-atone
by which the revolutionists, infidels, republicans,
and levellers, would ultimately attain their openly-
avowed objects. The wording of the Royal Speech
was so cautious that no opposition was offered to the I
address in either house, but the forcible speeches
of the Constitutional party will be ihund well worthy
of attention.
ADV ERTI S ER- --Of the speech there is little to
be said, except that it presents a masterly contrast
zo the vapid and inane productions of the late Ca-
binet. It does not, indeed, enter into discussion
respecting any points, either of foreign or domestic
policy—for that would have been foreign to the
speech—but i: states with clearness and brevity the
present condition of the country, and also the state
of its foreign relations. With regard to the for-
mer, his Majesty laments the distress which has
occurred in some parts of the country, particularly
in the West of Ireland, to relieve which his Ma-
jesty states, that he has not hesitated to autho-
rize the application of such means as were imme-
diately available for that purpose. This is, per-
haps, the only matter of news in the whole Speech
—for hitherto, we were not aware that the King's
Government had interfered in relieving the distress
of the people of Ireland ; but the appropriation of
the public money for such a cause is highly credit-
able to them, and cannot fail to be approved by the
Collective Wisdom. The disturbances which have,
taken place, both in this part of the United King-
dom, and in Ireland, are next adverted to. and af-
fqrd his Majesty the opportunity of congratulat-
ing the Country on the successful exertion of the

PRICE SEVEN PENCE.

law in repressing them, and the absence of any
necessity to apply to Parliament for the delegation
of higher powers than those with which the Go-,
vernment is already invested. The Revenue is also
I adverted to, and it must be highly satiafactory to
the country to leant, as well as encouraging to the
government in the further reduction of taxes, that
it has not suffered in the proportion which was
anticipated by many persons. No evil, in fact,
can ever occur from a reduction of taxation ; for
while the reduction, on the one hand, enables the
people to consume taxed articles to a much greater
extent than under a high system of taxation,
and thus at once to benefit both the Revenue
and themselves, any deficiency arising from mis-
ulation, can always be easily made up, either
by an increase of taxation, or by a loan. With
regard to our Foreign relations, the speech is
not, and could not have been expected to be, very
positive. The affairs of Belgium are not yet settled,
as every one is aware,—in those of Poland the Go-
vernment appears—most unjustly in ouropinion—to
adhere to the principle of non-intervention,—and
" assurances of a friendly disposition" are stated
to be received from all foreign Powers, and to
encourage the hope that peace will be preserved.
It will be observed, however, with respect to the
war in Poland, that the Seconder of the Ad-
dress characterized it in the language which
is familiar to every man's bosom, as well as to
every man's tongue, namely, as a " just
war;" and that it was stated in a speech of the
same character in the Lords, that " the sympathy
of every one could not fail to be engaged in behalf
of the Poles." We trust these plain intimations
of the spirit of the whole country upon the subject,
are a prelude to a better and more magnanimous
policy than that which has hitherto been pursued
on the subject. With regard to reform—the first
question adverted to by the King in his Speech—
it will be seen that his Majesty recommends an
early attention to the subject, and thereby proves
his adhesion to, and stedfastness in, the cause.
The bill will be again' brought before the House
of Commons on Friday next. We hive not
much to say on the debate, without an object
but that of annoying his Majesty's Minis-
ters, which took place last night in the two
Houses of Parliament. In the Commons, it was
dull beyond all precedent; and had not Sir C. We-
therell got up at the latter end of it to enliven the
house in his own peculiar and inimitable mode of
dissertation, de omnibus rebus et guibusdant (this,
there would not have been even an approach to fun
in the whole matter. In the Lords, flippancy was
the order of the day; and if our readers will but
peruse the brief report of the speeches which we give
elsewhere, we think they will be satisfied that such
is a true statement of the case. Lords Grey and
Brougham made admirable speeches ; but they
formed the exceptions to the above character.
HERALD.—Though the King's Speech to the
new Parliament was not read, according to the
ancient custom, in the Cockpit, previously to being
delivered from the Throne, it was, after a new
fashion, rehearsed in another place, for the pur-
pose of finding its way into the columns of a news-
paper before his Majesty had the opportunity of
expressing the sentiments, thus forestalled, to the
Houses of the assembled legislature. This is
something like printing a debate in Parliament be-
fore it has taken place, and seems like a practical
hint to get rid of the ceremony of delivering any
Speech from the Throne on such occasions,by trans-
ferring that duty to the " fourth estate." Looking to
the Speech, however, on its own merits, without
any reference to the way in which it first came
under the public eye, we shall find that it differs
from many royal speeches that have gone before it,
in not being merely an exemplification of the great
end of language, as defined by the shrewd French-
man who said that " speech was bestowed upon
man to enable him to conceal his thoughts." The
King's Speech of yesterday does actually say
something—and therefore an attempt to cri-
ticise it is not, as such a task with re-
gard to royal elocution too often has been, a
vain effort to dissect a shadow. It was a matter of
course that an allusion to the great question of the
reform should be the first ,and most prominent
feature of the Speech. The King having avowedly
dissolved the last Parliament for the purpose of
ascertaining authentically and constitutionally the
sentiments of the people on the subject of Re-
, form, it was most natural that he should at the
outset direct the attention of the new Parliament
to that measure of transcendent interest, with the
view to a final arrangement of which it had been
called into existence. The allusion is, however,
less distinct and definite than the public, who have
so earnestly responded to the Royal call, could
have anticipated. When his Majesty expresses
his " confidence that, in any measures which
Parliament may prepare for its adjustment, they
will carefully adhere to the acknowledged prin-
ciples of the Constitution, by which the prero-
gatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses
of Parliameqt, and the rights and liberties of
the people are equally secured," he recommends
nothing more than what the opponents of the bill
may easily reconcile with their notions of reform ;
for they stigmatise the bill as " revolutionary ;"
and if they admit of any measure of Reform, it is
only one that will inflict the rotten boroughs for
ever upon the country, as indissolubly connected
with the " acknowledged principles of the Consti-
tution." It was to collect the people's sentiments
emphatically on the bill that the parliament was die-
solved, the ministers conceiving that the success of
Gen. Gascoyne's motion was a declaration of the
House of Commons against it. Perhaps the studied
coldness of the allusion to reform may be only a
dignified way of repressing the excitement upon
this subject, which, now that the elections are
over, it may be thought expedient to alley. Be-
ing ourselves friendly to dispassionate discussion,

we cannot object to this. Though we advocate
the principle of " the Bill," we have, from time
to time, pointed out several defects in its details,
and we trust that, however those details may be
modified, Parliament will adhere to the great twin.
ciples of utterly cutting away the supremacyt
of the boroughmongers, and introducing the mid.
dle classes—the strength and virtue of the State
—into the enjoyment of the elective franchise.
The allusion to Poland is not such as to allow the
slightest hope to that country that our Cabinet
will Interfere in its behalf. Poland is alluded to
in the speech much in the same way as a testator
alludes to a person whom he intends shall take no
benefit from his will, just to shoe• that his bequeath.
ing him nothing has not been an act of forgetful-
ness. If it be expedient not to interfere on behalf
of Poland, why should the Ministry advise the King
to allude to the subject at all, unless it was thought
proper, at least, that the Government of this coup•
try should expressly mark its sense of the grois
violation of the law of nations; notoriously and shame-
lessly committed by the Governments of Prussia
and Austria, for the injury and depression of the
sacred cause of Poland, while engaged single.
handed with her gigantic adversary ? If an
anxious and timid love of peace have prevented
us from interfering on behalf of Poland, to the
support of whose independence we are bound by
treaty, why do we officiously intermeddle in the
affairs of Be!gium, where our inference is not wet
come ? It is said, indeed, in the King's Speech.
that " the principle on which those conferences
have been conducted, has been that of not in-
terfering with the right of the people of Belgium
to regulate their internal affairs." Whoever put
these words in the King's mouth attempted to
impose on common sense. Never was there in
terference with the right of a nation to regullt(
its internal affairs, if that of our Foreign See-e
tary and his dictatorial protocols, in conjunc-
tion with the Plenipotentiaries of the " /lo:y
Alliance," be not of such a nature. Nl'llat
are wo to tell a people whose independence
we have recognised that they shall not have this
person or that person for a Sovereign—that the:
shall not have this or that boundary to their terii
tories—that they shall not even adjust their final'•
cial relations with another country,without guiding
themselves according to our peremptory decree
Are we to commit ail these acts of despotic inter-
ference, and then to be believed when we assert that
we leave such a people free and independent in the
management of their own affairs. Let us suppose
that the other " great Powers" met together, and
dictated similar protocols to England, would she be
" factious" in disclaiming such interference, or,
submitting to it, would she either enjoy or deserve
freedom ? The allusion to additional means to
supply deficiencies in the revenue sounds ominous.
It is true, it is accompanied with a hope that those
deficiencies may be supplied without " any mate-
rial abridgment of the comforts of the people."—
Alas ! the people have so few comforts to abridge,
that we fear further abridgment of comfort would be
equivalent to total deprivation. The reference to the
distress in Ireland is judiciously connec►ed with
a recommendation to Parliament to adopt mea-
sures which, by assisting the improvement of the
natural resources of the country may prevent the
recurrence of such evils. We have repeatedly
stated that, unless there is a permanent r
for tbe poor in Ireland, that country will bit
to the periodical irritations of starvation ;
Irish Landlords would rather see their tenantry beg
from all the world, than have a legitimate subsis-
tence at home. We would not have the present
system of English Poor Laws introduced into
Ireland, though we would have the great prin-
ciple of charity recognised as part and parcel
of the social system. It is also necessary
that Irish Absenteeism should be checked, be-
fore the poverty of that country can be really
alleviated or its resources developed. We
like not the indirect allusion to the possibility of
requiring the enactment of new laws to strengthen
the executive government. The laws are strong
enough if the government does its duty— too
strong if it does not. Nothing is said of lau•
reform, in the speech—what we wish to see is a
government rejecting the support of harsh and cruel
laws, but strong in the affections of the people.

POST.—Yeetaday the King weot in state to the House
of Lords to open the Sassion cf Parliament with a speech
from the throne—a session upon the decisions of which wil
depend the preservation or subversion of our happy Consti-
tution, under the fostering winds of which Great Britain has
attained that summit of glory and prosperity, which renders
her alike the envy and the admiration of the universe. On
this fearful occasion, in this momentous crisis of our coun.
try's fate, the experience of past times affords sufficient
and safe lights for our guidance. Parliament must sternly
do its duty; and uncompromisingly resist to the last the
atrocious design of our Revolutionary Ministers to subvert
all those wise institutions which have stood the test of ages.
and the unimpaired preservation of which is the first wish
that animates every uncorrupted British heart. Nothing is
to be gained by yielding a single point in debate; whilst by
a worthy firmness of determination every thing most dear to
us as a nation may be preserved, and our venerable conati, u-
don saved from ruin. We observe with infinite satisfaction,
that in the Commons the benches to the left of the Speaker
are manned with a formidable Constitutional Opposition._
They did their duty in the last Parliament, nor will th. y
be found wanting now. We turn, however, with n.ore
anxiety to the Peers, for upon them the fate of the
country may eventually depend. Should the outrageous
measure of Reform be ever submitted to their House,
we trust they will act with the energy which such a
orisis requires, and refuse their sanction to a bill which
would eventually determine their existence as a separate
blanch of the Legislature. A rumour is current among
die enemies of our institutions that some of the Spiritual
LEA are wavering in their allegiance. We know that
the iniuence of Government is ever active, and that men,
she most conspicuous in the public eye, from birth or
station, and consequently the most accessible to public an •
tote, are often led from the obvious path of duty by the strong
temptations which the Treasury holds out. But we do not, we
esseei, we will not, believe, that men who, in their several sta.
disk have fulfilled their various duties with exemplaty meal,
whew mend calling invests their characters with somewhat
of. tamed feeling—we will not believe that mush men will
be terrified into acquiescence or cajoled into dishonour.
They are considered by the religious world :as the defenders
of our endangered religion ; they sit in the Upper House as
the representatives of that' established church, which, cosi.
blued with the educated laity, has unequivocally pfloounaid
its opinion on the present bill at the University. eleetions.—
.
Shall they alone remain unicilueneed ' - -
miens of their virtual constituents ?
Church, the leas'hallowed but "

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