Star.
London, England, 1831-09-15 00:00:00

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LITERATUR

The Entire Works of the lieu. Robert Ilan, 4.3 f. 001.3.
Trade. Po:allele! and Afiseeflatworm Hot.oswoeiiu
and BALL.

We hail with sincere pleasure the appearance
of a complete edition of the works of one of the
most eloquent preachers and profound thinkers tint
ever adorned the Christian pulpit.

The first tract in this valuable volume is the i
celebrated reply to the 11ev. John Clayton, entitled!
Christianity consistent with a Love of Freedom
This severe castigation was called forth by the
time serving and bigotted sentiments contained in
1 sermon preached by Mr. Clayton, at the Klub
Weigh-house, East Cheap, on the disgraceful riot
at Birmingham in 1791. Our readers will, we:
are confident, peruse with delight the following
splendid passage in defence of Dr. Priestley :
" The occasion of the sermon, and complexionl
of iii sentiments, concur in directing us to Doctor
Priestley—a person whom the author seems to
regard with a more than odium theologicsem, with
a rancour exceeding the measure even of his pro-
fession. The religious tenets of Dr. Priestley ap-
pear to me to be erroneous in the extreme ; but I
should be lorry to suffer any difference of senti-
ment to diminish my sensibility to virtue, or my
admiration of genius. From him the poisoned
arrow will fall pointless. His enlightened and ac-
tive mind, his unwearied assiduity, the extent of
his researches, the light he has poured into almost
every department of science, will bo the admira-
tion of that period, when the greater part of those
who have favoured, of those who have opposed
him, will be alike forgotten. Distinguished merit
will ever rise superior to oppression, and will
draw lustre from reproach. The vapours which
gather round the rising sun, and follow it in
its course, seldom fail at the close of it to form a
magnificent theatre for its reception, and to invest
with variegated tints, and with a softened efful-
gence, the luminary which they cannot bide."—
p. 28.
A reviewer in the Christian Guardian having
attacked Mr. Hall for this just praise of Doctor
Priestley, the liberal author defended himself as
follows :
" Another head of accusation is, that I have
censured the character of Bishop Horsley, whose
character the reviewer tells us, ' is far removed
beyond my attack, while I have eulogised
Doctor Price and Doctor Priestley, Socinians.'
—To this it is sufficient to reply, that Dr. Price
was not a Socinian, but an Arian ; he wrote pro-1
fessedly in confutation of Socinianism; and though
I disapprove of his religious principles, I feel no
hesitation in affirming, in spite of the frantic and
unprincipled obese of Burke, that a more ardent
and enlightened' friend of his country never lived,
than that venerable patriarch of freedom. Doctor
Priestley, it is acknowledged, was a Socinian ; but
it was not under that character that be was eulo-
gised. It was as the friend of liberty, the victim of
intolerance, and the author of some of the most bril-
liant philosophical discoveries of modern times, for
which he was celebrated throughout Europe,and his
name enrolled as a member of the most illustrious
institutions; so that my eulogy was but a mere
feeble echo of the applause which resounded from
every civilized portion of the globe. And are we
soddenly fallen back into the darkness and igno-
rance of the middle ages, during which the spell of
a stupid and unfeeling uniformity bound the na-
tions {when slumbers, that it has become a crime
to prelim a man for talents which the whole world
admired, and for virtoes which his enemies con-
fessed, merely because his religious creed was er-
roneous? If any thing could sink orthodoxy into
contempt, it would be its association with such
gothic barbarity of sentiment, such reptile mean-
ness."—p. 186.
This powerful defence of religious and political
freedom closes with the following animated pero-
ration; and which is certainly as applicable to
the existing state of things as to those which
more immediately occasioned it :
" Had he known to apply the remark with
which his address commences, on the utility
of accommodating instruction to the exigence of
the times, he would have been aware, that
this is not a season for drawing off the eyes
of mankind from political objects. They were,
in fact, never turned towards them with equal
ardour ; and we may venture to affirm, they
will long continue to take that direction.—
An attention to the political aspect of the world, is
not now the fruit of an idle curiosity, or the amuse-
ment of a dissipated and frivolous mind ; but is
awakened and kept alive by occ irrences as va-
rious as they are extraordinary. There are times
when the moral world seems to stand still ; there
are others when it seems impelled towards its
goal, with an accelerated force. The present is
a period more interesting, ' perhaps, than any
which has been known in the whole Hight of time.
The scenes of Providence thicken upon us so fast,
and are shifted e ith so strange a rapidity, as if the
great drama of the world were drawing to a close:
Evt;nts have taken phice, of late, and revolutions
have been effected, which had they been fore-
told a very few years ago, would have been
viewed as visionary and extravagant ; and
their influence is yet far fro e being spent..
Europe never presented such a spectacle before,
it is worthy of being contemplated, with the pro-
foundest attention, by all its inhabitants. The em!,
pire of darkness and despotism has been smitten
with a stroke which has sounded through the uni-: '
'Terse. When 'we see wto!e kingdoms, eller re:,
posing for centurion ort the lap of their riders, start
.froze their slumber, the dignity of man rising nit
from depression, and Tints trembling op theft.
thrones! ' who can repgii..entirely iptlifferent, of
fail 'to turn his eye'tbwards a theatre so august and
extraordinary! These are a kind of throes and

struggles of nature,
. llenness to refuse out
site break ing up ; newt
which have been long
most sublime refinement
policy which age hay'
which power bath supported,
conspired to embellish,
felling fast into deca;
lag on every side,
extent, as to stretch
most enlightened observt
" Some beneficial
place already, sufficient
osu
sanguine hope of benefit
The mischief and folly
stood, and that mild
adopted, which has ever
prayer to the humane
hitherto remained t
binets of princes. ' Ail
yields to the impression terbbjects which it con-
templates often, we need not wonder, if, amidst
events so extraordinary, the human character itself
should appear to be altering and improving apace.
That fond attachment to ancient institutions, and
blind submission to opinions already received,
which has ever checked the growth of improve-
ment, and drawn on the greatest benefactors of
mankind danger or neglect, is giving way to a spirit
of bold and fearless investigation. Man seems to be
becoming more erect and independent. He leans
more on himself, less on his fellow-creatures. He
'begins to feel a consciousness in a higher d g-et
of personal dignity, and is less enamoured of arti-
ficial distinctions. There is some hope of our be-
holding that simplicity and energy of character
which marks his natural state, blended with the
humanity, the elegance, and improvement of po-
lished society.
" The events which have already taken place, and
the further changes they forebode, will open t,
the contemplative of every character, innumerable
sources of reflection. To the philos tpher they pre-
sent many new and extraordinary fats, where his
tration will find ample scope in attempting t 3
ver their cause, and to predict their effects.
He will have an opportunity of viewing mankind
In an interesting situation, and of tracing the
progress of opinion through channels it has
rarely flowed in before. The politician will feel
his attention powerfully awakened, on seeing
new maxims of policy introduced, new in-
stitutions established, and such a total alteration
in the ideas of a great part of the world, as will
oblige him to study the art of government as it were
afresh. The devout mind will behold in these
momentous changes the finger of Goa, and, dis-
cerning in them the dawn of that glorious pe-
riod, in which wars will cease and anti-christian
tyranny shall fall, will adore that unerringWisiorn,
whose secret operation never fails to conduct all
human affairs to their proper issue, and impels the
great actors on that troubled theatre, to fulfil,
when they least intend it, the counsels of heaven,
and the predictions of its prophets."—p. 56.
2. An Apology for the Freedom of the Press.
This spirited production was originally published in
1793, and has been frequently reprinted. It merits a
place by the side of Milton's famous Arcvagitica ;
equally teeming with dignified eloquence, it is su-
perior to that noble piece of orate y in precision,
perspicuity, and closeness of reasoniag. The third
section, which treats of Parliamentary , Reform,
will be attentively read at this mom mrtoas crisis.
We make a few extracts, from which it will be
seen, that Mr. Hall was decidedly in favour of &u-
-sual parliaments.
" On the propriety of the several plans which have
been proposed to remedy these_ evils, it is nut for
me to decide ; I shall choose rat her to point
out two general principles which ought, in my
opinion, to pervade every plan of Parliamentary
reform; the first of which respects the male of
election, 'the second, the independence of the
elected. In order to give the people a true repre-
sentation, let its basis be enlarged, and the Jura •
tion of Parliaments shortened.
The first of these improvements would diminish
bribery and corruption, lesson the violence and
tumult of elections, and secure to 11.1 people a real
and unequivocal organ for the expression of their
sentiments.

Were every householder in town and country
permitted to vote, the number of electors would be
so great, that as no art or industry would be able
to bias their minds, so no sums of money would
be sufficieot to win their suffrages.
But besides this, another great improvement, in
my opinion, would be, to shorten the duration of
Parliaments, by bringing it back to one year.
p. 107.
Speaking of the Septennial Act, he says :
Without disputing the upright intentions of the
authors of this act, it is plain, they might, on
the same principle, have voted themselves per-
petual, and their conduct will ever rem in a
monument of that short-sightedness in politics,
which, in providing for the pressure of the
moment, puts to hazard the liberty and happiness
of future times. It is intolerable, th it in
so large a space of a man's life as seven years, he
should never be able to correct the error be any
have committed in the choice of a representative,
but be compelled to see him every year dipping
deeper into corruption, a helpless spectator of the
contempt of his interests, and the ruin of his
country. During the present period of Parlia-
ments a nation may sustain the greatest possible
'hinges f may descend by a succession of ill cows-
eels, from the highest pinnacle of its fortunes to
the' lowest point of depiession ; its treasure ex-
hausted, its credit sunk, and its weight almost com-
pletely annihilated in the scale of empire. Ruin
and felicity are seldom dispensed by the same
band, nor is it likely any succour in calamity
should flow from the wisdom and virtue of those
by whose folly and wickedness it was ineicted."—
p. 107.
Viurions other pieces Allow equally deserving
attentive perusal, but which our coufined limits
will not permit us to particularize. The publish-
ers are entitled to praise for the handsome style in
rinds the work is got up, and we hope they will
have no cause to regret their liberality. 1u the
'6th and last volume the subscribers are proimard
Nhniqir H all, , fig% .the pen, mils:49re, .
of Sir; Jame* Idaokigtosb. No wziter tiviug
bettor qualified for doing thll justice to the
(unionist tilepts aoa tekioTletigui vkr.tres of Mr.
Pat. 15/Me rd .to . its appeera ace with
more than common anxiety : we trust au 04.1
not be disappointed,

20 Per
•
ti •
4°l
re, to which o,nould 51'•I1t0
our eympatby, ip foundations
redificesaremarktg.lnstitutions
ong held in veneration,- as tl.e
ements of human wisdom anal
hath cemented and confirmed,
upported, which eloquence hula
ish, and opulence to enrich, are
ray. New prospects are open-
of such amazing variety and
a farther than the eye of the
'server can reach.
effects appear to have taken
Belem to nourish our most
aenefits much more extensive.
Aly of wars begin to he uglier-
and liberal system of policy
ever indeed been the objet of
ane and the devout, but has
utterly unknown to the ca-
. ) At the mind naturally

SPIRIT OF THIS DAY'S JOURNALS.

TI II ES.— Donets!** L true to the crisis. Public
meetirgs begin aheady to be held in all quarters of that
once Tory county. From the manly spirit and clear intel-
ligence which braids, through the adverdsements of reform
reseladens and requisitions, we can announce that all goes
right, and that the Dorsetshire patriots " answer the helm."
A specimen of " that public indifference to reform" which
:lie Tor;rs have made the burden of their daily and nightly
•ong, will be found in the advertisement of Tuesday's
meeting at Lyme Regis. The electors of Dorsewhire
have, nevertheless, no reason to be offended, if we re-
mind each of them individually what a stake his county
~as now wagered on the consistency and energy of his
rolitical virtue. It almost seems as if the borough demon,
• bo, like other fiends, delights to entrap his votaries and
:ten betray them, had suggested to the Tories this mad libel
on the nation ; and then made en the instant a fit oppor•
tunity for refuting it. The men of Dorset, sure we are. will
not draw upon themselves the reproaches of the whole body
of their countrymen by an act of treason to the empire. Had
they returned Mr. Ilankes at the last election, and on a si-
wilar vacancy to that, caused by the melancholy death of
Mr. Calmat, declared their readiness to choose another Tiny,
hey might have been charged with stupidity, with servility,
with want of +yutprtlty in the otherwise universal feeling of
:!le people, but nothing more—they would have been only
unripe for freedom : but if they now elect an anti-reformer,
they we downright renegadoes and traitors to the cause.
According to the issue of this election, we do not hesitate to
renounce that a " Dorsetshire freeholder" will be a title of
diary or of shame, from Caithness to Cornwall, and through.'
oat successive generations. But such an alternative is a
flute chimera. The patriot committees are already up—
have buckled on their armour, and are in full activity. No-
t ring need be done but to recomise the arrangements of five
months ago. bet every man be his own canvasser, and his
own conductor to the hustings—that is to say, if a Tory
candidate shall dare to approach the hosting. Right.and.
tarty hours will settle
and good government—of cheap elections, and of real reapon-
sibily the representatives—will have earned a long holy-
day for themselves, and have ensured 'a precious heritage to
their children.

POST.—The repeated defeats 7which the Reform Bill
faction have received at popular Elections, since the real
nature of the Bill has become known through the discus-
sions in the House of Commtms, are so seriously felt by the
Ilinisterial party that they are at sheir wit's end lest Dor-
setshire should add another to the list. They have not even
the sagacity to disguise their trepidation, and, like fright-
' red children, cry aloud before they are hurt. No doubt
there is ample cause for vexation, as even the necessary pre-
liminary of a candidate, about whom they may rave and
hapsodise, is found to be exceedingly difficult to get over.
It wu thought that if Mr. Ponsonby's name were started
.n the Newspapers it might have the effect upon his
sanity of seducing him Into so imprudent a step as that
of starting for the County ; and accordingly the Times
announced the candidate, but Mr. Ponsonhy vim not to be
•u easily hooked into so unpromising an affair, and sheikhs
is employed to draw the candidate of the Times gently out
of the field. It Is pleasant to see the uproarious faction of
last May in such distress, and most gratifying to witness this
among many other evidences that the people of England ate
becomirg themselves again, and seeing through the frauds
by which they were beguiled. An immediatedeclaration on
the part of Mr. Bankcs will make his success certain, and
we look forward to seeing him within a very short time
once more in the seat which lie so long and so worthily oc-
cupied. The Globe. wi h its accustomed adroitness, seeks
to prevent the people of Dorsetshire from voting according
to the views which knowledge of the Reform Bill has
opened to them, by insinuating that they have been and
would be accused of " fickleness." This may be very eun-
ning ; but it is also very untrue. No one has accused the
people of fickleness, though there has been abundant reason
to accuse some Newspapers of that fault. The people of
England were misled by frauds and falsehoods industriously
ptopagattd respecting the Refonn Bill; they became en.
thusiastic in its favour because they did not know the base-
ness of those who told them lies about its nature and its
effects. Now they are much better informed ;it has
been proved to them that this Bill is full of the very
faults which they were told it was to eradicate, and they
plainly see that under the pretence of a grand national im-
provement a scheme has been brought forward dexterous in
nothing but its adaptation to the selfish interests of the party
in power. There is no " fickleness'" in a change founded
upon knowledge : this knowledge the freeholders of Dorset.
shire have obtained, and to them more especially it has been
fearfully illustrated. From what we know of the present
state of Dorsetshire, we look upon the return of Mr. Banks
as certain.

CH RONICLIL—Wbat if the Lords, Barbed with their
number., do throw out the bill at once, and disdain to
effect their object by indirect mean.? We know what the
Anti. Reformers think ;—they think, no doubt, that mi.
casters would be such arrant fools, having a Houseot Com.
mons and the people. to support them, as to shrink from
these doughty Peen, and resign the state carriage to them.
They are miserably put of their calculations. We know,
front what was intended before the last ministry quitted
office, what they would attempt were they again in power.
They would plunge Europe hi war, and attempt a reign of
terrorism and; coercion, at home. The immediate come.
quences of such an attempt would be disastrous to many
worthy and deserving men, whatever the final result might
be, and, therefore, we should view ministers in the light of
deserters, were they, from an absurd fastidiousness, to de.
prive the reformers in this great crisis of the support and
protection which they can derive from the powers of Go-
vernment being in honest hands. Who that thinks se.
riously for a moment would be discomposed by the deterwi.
nation of a few imbecile peers, who cannot read the signs of
the times ? Leuthem at their peril oppose themselves to
the representatives of the people and the nation. The
Constitution has provided a remedy—an easy remedy, for
such an opposition to the will of the nation. When a nation is
determined, there is no remedy but acquiescence, or the over.
throw of the Constitution ; but, thank Gon, the peers can he
managed without exceeding the limits of the Constitution.
The ranks of the people can supply any number of Peers
which the emergency may demand. The nation have,
therefore, a claim on Ministers to stand by them to the
Las . Merchants, bankers, and manufacturers, ehopkee.
pees, artisans, and faunas, the whole of the active part of
the community, have much to lose from such popular
agitation as would follow the return to power of the Anti-re.
farmers. So long as the powers of Government are wielded
by • Reform lllinis:ty, the Anti-Refermen are merely so
many individuals, s i bout following in the nation. But
give them the disposal of between fifty And sixty millions
a year, and they might have power enough, though not to
coerce the nation, yet to throw things into confusion and to
produce unspeakable calamity. No honest reformer of sar.e
nittid ought, therefore, to abandon any advantage he at pie.
sent possesses. In politics men cannot afford to be romantic.
It may be very well for a powerful man to tie up one hand
to show hie superiority to a feebler adversary ; but in
politics, the greater the auperiurity the less the mischief.
The Reformers are strong, but they are still stronger with
the powers of tiovernineut on their side and not against
theni.
Tllll ES.—The majority of the House of Lords, within
24 hours of their rejection of the bill, and more particularly,
we make. no doubt, the individual Peer who may propose
that motion, will feel about the same degree of comfort as
General Osacoyne and his Tory supporters enjoyed, after
their " victory" over the Mini.ters for we suppose it may
be assumed that no resignation of Lord Grey's Ministry
*red be looked for as the consequence of an adverse majority
on the second reading of the Reform Bill. What is there
to prevent an immediate prorogation of the Parliament ?
re prorogation, not until the Ist or 2d of February, as usual
—that would never do.; the country, heated as it is, would
be on tire and burned to ashes in such an interval : but we
can imagine a short prorogation, just long enough to termi-
ng e the present session, and to ensure that when next the
legislative body meets it commences another session. Very
well. A very few weeks, possibly a fortnight, would be
long enough for such a constitutional punctilio. And what
next ? Shall the King's prerogative lie idle in the cause of
English liberty ? Can the King's prerogative be by possi-
bility employed to an end more wholesome, honest, and ac-
ceptable, than io providing an antidote for the disease by a
fresh creation of Peers co.extenaive with the national emer-
gency—that is to say, large enough io secure the bill from
all future.danger ?--Of course, in quiet times, and in ordi-
nary eases, the people would look, as we should do, with
jealousy and no small repugnance at a sudden multipli.
catkin of the Peerage ; but the motive is every thing.—
If trimmed for any vulgar object of Court patron.
age, um often the instrument of a coospincy against
the .people, the Minister who cheapens the Upper House
ot Parliament by a simultaneous admission of many Peers
deserves impeachment for the abuse ofwer. But let us
ask, is there • single county in England that would suffer
is representatives to censure Lord Grey for calling up or 11

treating Peers enough, where the manifest purpose is to
carry that measure, whereby elope the people can be made
independent, and whet no other means exist for mom-
plishing so vast a benefit but by such a use of the. King's
constitutional preroptive ? That is the way t• try dB,
merits of the propoeitiou. Would the country approve of
it or not ? If the Tory faction say no, let them move an
impeachment, and see what they can make of it. Never-
theless, we do not wish to see any Government driven to so
bold a measure. It is better—incomparably better—that

the anti-reform portion of the House'of LOrds should be
persuaded beforehand, than overpowered afterwards, even
by a newly generated majority of their own illustrious order.
Better for them to be admonished by the people, than over-
borne by the Crown.
HERALD.—Toe steady, consistent, and zealous' sup-
porters of Reform, from the opening of that great question
to the present hour, we cannot but regret to see so good a
cause injured by pretended friends employing the language
of violence and revolution. Our Reform, to be truly Re.
form, must be constitutional, and brought about by consti-
tutional means ; and it is not by exciting the worst
of the multitude, by reviling and menacing a branctar tins:
Legislature. or by addressing appeals to the soldiery, that
any patriot can expect to accomplish a healing and beneficial
measure. On the contrary, such means are abhorrent to
R form, and •he latter in an especial degree directly revo-
lutionsry. wint no allies of this kind : the solid force
of public opinion, the sense of a nation calmly expressed,
are irresistible ; and to attempt to enlist on the same side
with these the principles of anarchyand blood is a monstrous
abuse of the English press, and a gross outrage upon the
understanding and character of the English people. TM
Reform trip has gone thmugh its ordeal in the House of
Commons, and will in a few days be sent up to the Peers,
whose bounden duty it is to afford it the most immediate
consideration and the gravest discussion. All that we have
to require of that elevated body is, that it will permit no
parry intrigues to delay, improperly, the consummation of
the measure ; but to speak of so important a part of our
mixed Government as having no right to exercise its delibe-
rative functions upon one of the most momentous questions
ever propounded to it, is equally foolish and mischievous.
We trust the Lords will deal honestly by the bill; and, in-
deed, if we may .depend on information derived from high
authority, we would anticipate that, except on two or dome
of the clauses, there will be no determined stand made, even
by these who are adverse to the general proposition. It is
probable that an effort will be made to raise the ten-pound
qualification ; and a still stronger attempt to remove the'
qualification obtained by rent paid weekly, or at very short
periods, entirely from the bill. Now, with the sentiments
we have all along expressed upon these points. and to which
we inflexibly adhere, we can see neither harm nor danger in
the Lords debating them to their hearts' content, and, if,
their wisdom enable them, amending any part ; and far less ,1
grounds for the inflammatory course which some of our con-
temporaries seem so eager to pursue. And one of our rea-
sons for acquiescing in this matter is that, in fact, no time
will be lost by it. The Scotch and Irish Bills have yet to
pass through the Lower House; and it is estimated that they
will occupy at least five weeks. If we are rightly informed,
the Irish Bill will not need nor proeoke any long discussions;
—the election machinery in that country being so tecent as
to involve no complicated interests. But the very reverse is
the case with Scotland, and we understand that the bare
business of simplifying end adjusting the franchise of that
country will of necessity require considerable attention.
While, therefore these adjuncts to the main bill are going
through the Con:mons, the main bill itself will be debated
by the Lords ; and we presume that the whole may he ma-
tured and completed, without clamour or confusion, as
speedily as the real end rational reformers of the country
have anticipated. But, above all, we would set our face
against the perilous and desperate doctrines which have
within these few days been so odiously disseminated; they
are nu well-wishers to Reform who endeavour to enlist vio-
lence and rebellion in its sacred cause.

IMPERIAL PA RIAAM ENT.
HOUSE OF WRDS, SEPT. 14.
E W

Lord Howoix, LoidKZNLZI;H, Lord OAKLEY, Oaf
Earl Cadogan), and Baron SHEWWORTH, (late Berl Meath)
were introduced upon their new titles.

BILLS.

Mr. BCIIWAL, Mr. F. E.iiwTs, and other members from
the Commons, brought up the Coal Trade Regulation Bill,
and a private Bill, which were read a first time.

TATE IS.
Earl GRET informed the house that the papers
to Portugal were not in a formal state ; but no tintertitt
be lost in laying those documents before the house. With
to the production of the opinion given by the King's
respect
on the ships seised in the Tagus, the noble Earl
had understood that it was not usual to lay before Podia.
sent the opinions of law ofilcers ; but having consulted the
King's Advocate, that learned person did not object to his
opinion being produced provided a cast was made out to
render it necessary. Under those circumstances he (Earl
Grey) was willing to lay the opinion on the table.
The Earl of ELDON said, the noble Earl had °mealy
stated the rule which had been observed. It was invariably
the opinion of former governments, that the opinion of the
Attorney-general should not go forth. Sir Fletcher Norte..
who was a little self-willed when his opinion had been pro.
mulgated, said he would never give an opinion again.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt ninth gratitude,
to the noble Earl for consenting to produce the opinion, W-
I cause it would throw some light on a ptoceedlog which he
considered disgraceful to this country, inasmuch as &French
fleet had been allowed to carry of as prise the whole of
the Portuguese fleet, which being in the port of Brest,l
would, doubtless be manned and sent back with enemies to
the existing government of Portugal. When the papers
were produced, he should enter upon a full discussion of
all those transactions. The noble Marquis had served in
the Peninsula, and he could not forget that the Miguelite
party rallied round the English and forced the French from
Portugal. He was anxious to defend that party, and contend
that it had a right to the support of England. He wished to
ask the noble Earl whether two line-of battleships had been
sent to the Tagus, and whether there was any fresh grievance
or complaint against the Portuguese government. The noble
Marquis understood that a serjeant Veto, who bad excited
a regiment to revolt in Portugal, had been allowed to reach'
this country in the packet. As no one could sail in the
packet without the passport of the British Consul at Lis.
bon, he should ask his Majesty's Government whether the
Consul had done his duty in allowing such a person to have
• British passport ? The noble marquis then adverted to
the letter he had received from Sir John Campbell, contain.
ing chargesagainst Mr. Hoppner. the Corral at Lisboa. That
letter he had sent to the Secretary of State foe the Colonies,
and received for answer that he (the/Marquis of Loodundeery)
was mistaken, in suppoaing that any charge had been made
against M• r Hoppner. He should contend, notwithstanding
that answer that the charge was made in a letter from Gen.
Sir John Campbell to Sir Herbert Taylor, who communi-
cated the same to the noble earl. It was, therefore, cleat.
that the other members of his Majesty's Government knew
of the charge, although it might not have reached the Seam
tary for the Colonies.
Earl GREY said, it was possible some mistake might
have occurred with respect to the letter alluded to by the
?guide Marquis. They were all liable to mistakes, except
the Noble I%larqui., who appeared to believe himself ex-
empt from the common lot of human nature.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—That is personal.
Earl GREY continued.—He had no objection to answer
the Noble Marquis's question. It was true a letter was
communicated to hint by Sir Herbert Taylor, but he had
not received the letter at the time the subject was men-
tioned iu that house. Tits Noble Earl added, that if he
had seen the le ter it would have made no diffesence with
respect to his opinion of Mr. Hammer. The letter from Sir II
John Campbell did Dot weaken the good opinion be eotertain.l
ed of Mr. Hoppner. He considered it a letter founded upon
hearsay, and did not transmit it to the Secretary of Sate
for the Colonies. It contained general charges against Mr.
Hoppner, mixed with eulogy on the private virtues of Don
Miguel, and the excellent acts of his government. In the
panegyric upon the public and private qualities of Don Mi-
guel, the writer said there might be 0,000 persons confined
in state prisons for political offences, but that circumstance
constituted no charge against the Portuguese gownsman.
Had they not, in France, prince Polignac, catfloed in the
forum of Ham ? (Laughter) With respect to the question
about the ships sailing to the Tagus, it was not usual when
ships were ordered to sail for the government to give any in.
formation, and though die noble Marquis might ask from
day to day, he wadi glee Iden so informations but when
the noblejlilarquis denisaded whether new eseepiebis bd
been made against the Peeingeme gemming. hoshosiM so•
ewer yes—many complaints beg besa wade, net rely from the
British Consul but from Edda merchants sad einem et
ships in the Tagus. There were complaints. The aside
earl pointed out to the noble marquis the uncertainty of the
rumours and the insonsistency of fitting upon lowie informs.

;ion. A few days since it was stated that French ships of
war had been sent into the Tagus, to procure for France
commercial advantage. Inquiry had been made upon the
subject, and the French Minister returned for answer, that it
was with the greatest surprise he heard of it, for no each
attempt had been made. (Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY complained of
personal attacks on himself, but was disposed to pass over
the same in sikoce. The papers would show that be bad
not taken a mistaken view of the political state of Europa
The views taken by himself, and other noble Lords on the
Opposition side, had produced an effect in the policy of
Ministers, and changed the tone of the negotiation with
Belgium. He would ask whether the statement of opinions
on his side the House had not induced the noble Earl to
come down with new intentions respecting France. His
hope was, they would take his council with respect to Por-
tugaL Until ill" followed his council Portugal would be
subject to French intrigue.
Earl GREY was not aware of any thing the noble earl
had to complain of. He bad made no allusion usparlia.
mewl. but the noble martial( should recollect that lie bad
used strong terms. It bad been said, that the conduct of
his Majesty's Government with respect to the seizure of the
ships In the Tagus was dishonourable to this country. (Hear.)
The noble marquis appeared to feel that great advantage
had been obtained by his interlocutory debates, and that Go-
vernment had followed his council. The noble marquis
might be an able and discreet councillor; (laughter) but
judging from the council usually given, he should say it
was only calculated to involve the country in war. (Hear.)
In every allusion made by the noble marquis, he con-
tinually taunted the tiovemment with language offensive to
the honour of the French Government. (Hear.) In silo
ewer to these taunts he would say, the Governments of
France and England were more united than ever. That
union bad been strengthened, not in consequence of one atom
of any thing the noble marquis had raid. He had no ob-
jection to the noble marquis flattering himself that he was
the dictator of foreign pulley from the opposite benches; but
he certainly did not act upon any thing the noble marquis
said. There was something in the tone and manner of the
opinions expressed by the noble marquis, that if be (Lord
Ore)) should be tempted at any time to concur with the
noble marquis, reflection would induce him to re-consider
his opinion. He Mauled the noble marquis that what he
had said had no effect upon his mind. Things had gone on
Just as they would have done if the noble marquis had not
said one word.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, from the moment
he came into that house up to the 14th of September in the
present year, he had formed but one opinion of the noble
marquis. The noble and learned lord defended the conduct
I of Mr. Hoppner, whom the noble marquis—misguided and
deluded—had censured in the tone and manner of a minister
under Don Miguel. Sir John Campbell, whom he believed
was an Mien in the Portuguese service, had written under
strong prejudice. That officer appeared opposed to Mr.
Hoppner, because that consul had resisted tyranny, and
protected British subjects. General Campbell supposed that
Prince l'olignac and others found guilty of a crime, and con-
demned after trial, stood on the same footing as 0000 unfortu-
nate persons torn from their homes in the dead of night, upon
suspicion of opposing Don Miguel, and confined in prisons
without trial. There was something like aberration of mind
in those who could express love for the system of Don Ali-
gueL The noble and learned lord could not account fur the
sensitiveness of some to the virtues of Don Miguel. He
himself had been a party man ; he had given suck to party—
(laughter)—and knew hoe tenderly the bantlinp of party
might be loved, yet he would tear the nipple from its boo.-
less gums, and see it die in agonies rather than give it for
its rattle—the praise of Don Miguel. Praise him or any of
his class he would not in the most ardent feeling of the
most factious times. It was too much for the noble mar-
quis
to suppose he was promoting foreign policies by abusing
fr rance. The consequences of the line pursued by the noble
marquis might be perilous. All his attacks had been founded
on a supposed crime. The government of England, in the opi-
nion of the noble marquis, was too favourable to the King
of France. The object was to produce an opinion abroad
that there was a necessity for warwith France; but the minis-
ter who would plunge his country into an unncessary war,
would deserve to lose his head. In England the principle:
of the noble marquis were not dangerous, but in France
they knew the noble marquis was a prophet in his own
country, the brother of a celebrated Minister, and a leading
Member of Opposition, and when they heard of his
they said, " Oh, there is a great war party in
d. The high Tales, with the noble marquis at their
are prepared to break the peace of Europe ; " and the
fact was, that many were trembling on the Continent with
dread of a disturbance in the repose of Europe. Their toed.
ships would have no reason to complain of what be was
about to add. " I solemnly believe," said the Lord Chan-
cellor, " that a breach of the peace of Europe, all over Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland, would be met with hatred of the
Government, and that it would draw down on it, unswing
execration, which it would merit by so unwise and criminal,
& course.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY complained of the
severity of the stud made by the noble and learned lord.—
He was not so learned as the noble and learned lord, but he
would apply to him the words of Sbakspeare--
" Why, man, he doth bestride
This narrow world like a Colossus,
And we, petty men, crawl
Under his legs."
(Laughter) He believed the .noble and learned Lord had
been brought into the house es s champion to enter the lists
of argument, and bear down all comers.
Lord HOLLAND rose to order, and observed that the
noble Marquis should check his desire to prolong an irregu-
lar conversation.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained, and the
subject was dropped.
After some routine business, the LORD CHANCEL.
LOR proceeded with an appeal muse, and the House ad.
jounle

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Mr. BRISCOE preowned a petition from Battersea, for
the liberation of the Her. Robert Taylor.
Mr. CHAPMAN presented a petition from Meath, for
the establishment of poor laws is Ireland.

COIN LAWS.

Mr. HUNT gave notice that he should, to.morrow,
bring forward his motion for the repeal of the Corn Laws.
Mr. HUMS presented a petition from Nottingham, com-
plaining of the conduct of the Magistrates of Hampshire
towards the Dead* family.
Mr. HU 31E presented a petition from certain traders in
London, praying that trading on Sundays might be pre.
vented.

Mr. O'CONNELL ptesented a petition, from a parish in
Galway, against arming the yeomanry ; and a petition from
a parts' b in the county of Tipperary, for the application of
church property to public purposes.
Sir K. VIVIAN asked what the petitioners meant by
church property?
Dlr. O'CONNELL said be had no doubt they meant
what be meant, all the property given by act of parliament
to the established church.

salty It stated in newspapers that the
bon. number fur Kerry bad said that two-thirds of the bene-
ficed clergy of Ireland wereannuesidents rthe fact was they
were as much residenk.as the English clergy. The este.
Wished church in 'Mend mu weak, and therefore It was
attacked. Church property was as sacred as any private
PruPcTIJ:
Mr. al U&IE said he was neither a Catholic nor an Irish.
man:; but he thought all people should pay their own
clergy, end that the people of Ireland ought not to be eon.
tent while they were paying the clergy of another church.
Sir J. SEA BRIGHT said, like the honourable member
for Middlesex, he was neither a Catholic nor Irishman, but
he knew that if there were a few Catholics in a parish in
England, and that if the Protestants were taxed for the
support of their clergy, they would not be content, and they
ought not; and why should the people of Ireland ? He
bad been in many countries in Europe where Catholics and
Protestants agreed cordially together, and he was ashamed
of the bigotry he at often witnessed in that house. (Hear )
He tWtqht the people of all religious persuasions should
support duir own clergy. (Hear, hoar.)
Mr. o'CONNELL said he would oppose the establish-
ment of the Catholic church in Ireland more, if possible,
than any Protestant, as be knew it would render them
less efficacious. He did not wish to have the church pro.
party taken from the present possessors during their lives.—
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. O'CONNELL moved, thatratuttonisted.rned debate on
the petition of Richard (hussy be
ldr. O'CONNELL argued that the petition, which com.
&Owl that cons had been given against the potishooor for
Wei prissourd a frivolous election petition, and that he
was preelaied4ey the conduct of the from recovering
a moiety of the cans Sun hie oe.petitiona, sad praying
I that the matter might be referred to a Select Committee,

deserved the attention of the House, and moved that the
petition do lie on the table.
The SPEAKER enteral into an explanation of the case
se k was affected by the Grenville Act, which took juris.
diction is demise petitions from the whole house, andgave
it to a Committee. •
Mr. O'CONNELL said, after the explanation of the right
bon. Speaker, he thought he should ask leave to withdraw
the petidoo.
The petition was withdrawn.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that tO-11101101/ he should
move that the house be called over on Monday.

SUGAR RETINZIT.
Mr:BURGE asked when the Chancellor of the Ruche-
qua meant to bring forward the report on the Sugar Re.
finery Committee. He meant on that occasion to move for
a Select Committee, and hoped the noble lord would ap-
point a time for bringing up the report, when there would
be a full atttendance of Members.
Lord ALTHORP said due notice should be given, but
he could not yet name the day.

IZIVIIK.

Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the day for taking
the report of the committee on the reform of Parliament bill
into further considcration.—Agreed to.
The clerk proceeded to read the report, beginning with
the 31st clause.

Lord A LTHORP, as the different clauses were read,
moved several verbal amendments, which were agreed to.
A long conversation ensued on the clause relating to the
voting in counties, but the verbal amendments were all
agreed to, and the clause admitted part of the bill.
All the clauses having been gone through,
The SPEAKER inquired if any hon. member had any
additional clauses to propose.
Alt. Alderman WOOD roue, and proposed a clause.
making it imperative on the; clerks of the different compa-
nies of the City of London to make out a list of the livery-
men entitled to vote.

Lord ALTHORP agreed to the proposition.
Mr. OOULBURN objected to it, u being a deviation
from the provisions of the bill.
The clause was brought and agreed to.
Col. SI BTHORP then moved that all freeholders
whose freeholds In the county of the city of Lincoln are si-
tuated on the northern side of the river Witham. shall vote
in future for the representatives in parliament for the diet.
Ilion of Lindsey, in the county of Lincoln ; and all freehold.
era, whose freeholds are situated on the southern side of the
aforesaid river Whitton, in the said city, Including the four
parishes minxes, by charter to the said county of the city of
Lincoln, shall vote in future u freeholders for the represen.
tatives of Kesteven and Holland, and that the same rights
and powers of exercising the elective franchise, inasmach as
applies by the present bill to leaseholders and copyholdess in
counties generally, be extended to and exercised in future by
leaseholders and copyhelders within the city sad county of
the city of Lincoln, with regard to the proposed respective
divisions.

Lord A LTHORP opposed the proposidon on the ground
that the city of Lincoln was a county of itself.
Mr. WILKES opposed the motion of the gallant Colonel
as it would entail inconvenience on the voters.

- -- - -- -----
Mr. CROKER supported the motion.
Lord J. RUSSELL had meson to believe that the inha.
blunts of Lincolnshire, whom the motion affected, were ea.
tisSed with the present man t.
Colonel SIBTHORP said he should postpone Isis motion
till the third reading—Motion withdrawn.

Colonel SI BTH ORP said be bad another motion to make.
He had heard with astonishment the Secretary for Ireland,
who pretended to be the enemy of corruption and of sub-
serviency at elections, assert on a former occasion, that the
Government had a right to insist on sup pon from its depen-
dents. He now saw ♦hy Ministers had given the elective
franchise to such Placores ljeptfad•and iVoolwich t it was
because they contained numerous dependents on Oovernmenk
over whom Ministers intended to exercise a control. He
`contended that such control was unconstitutional. He would
move the insertion of a clause, disqualifying front the elective
franchise all persons holding situations during the pleasure
of Government.

The clause having been put,
Lard J. RUSSELL said the question involved in the
motion of the Gallant Colonel was one of great importance,
but it had no connection with the lietorm bill. He should
not, therefore, enter into It at present. Whenever the
Gallant Colonel brought forward his clause as a clause of a
separate bill, be should be ready to consider it with that
attention which it deserved.

After a few words from Sir C. WIITHERELL, Mr.
SHAW. and other Hon. Members,
Colonel 131111'HORP said, be should withdraw his
modes, and bring it forward as part of a separate bill on
future =Woo.

Motion withdrawn accordingly.
Mr. CHOKER moved, that the Inc clause the words
That the boroughs enumerated in schedule A shall cease
to return Members" should be omitted. He should not
press his motion to a division. (Heir, bear.) His object
was merely that his motion should be rmedsd on the jour-
nals of the house, and that their successors might see that
up to the last moment, sad in rem stage of the bill, oppo.
sides had Leen oared to the &tram:hi/sin of boroughs.
Motion neptind without &division.
Mr. CHOKER moved, that in the snood clause, the
weeds 64 That the boroughs numerated in schedule B shall
return only one Member each," be omitted.
Motion negatived without a division.
Lord ALTHORP moved the insertion of mina words
in the 13th clause, making the mathsuse, of Cannerdwm and
Denbigh return two members eneb.
The motion woe to, a shalt cenvenatien
Mr. KNIGHT, dense 14, whkh severs the
Isle of Wight from owl mikes the Sherilrof the
blend the returning Aar, said he doubted whether the Isle
of Wight, which bed never been a separate county, had a
I Shea:

Lied ALTHORP said he believed the Gomm of the
bleed wee the &era

firm covenants ensued, in which the Atteeney.Genersl,
Mr. Goulburn, Zile. Cuter, and 111. Cuter, took a pert.
Lord ALTHORP moved verbal amendments in clauses
16 sod 33, which were agreed to.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved fa clause 42, the insertion of
words empowering the Committee of the House of Com-
, moos to amend the registers of voters.
The motion was agreed to.
The clause containing schedule A being read,
Mr. T. DUNCOBIBE said he should not persevere in
the notice he had given of moving to restore the borough of
Aldborougb to schedule A, if he thought It would damage
the great measure of Reform, of whieb the most popular
part was schedule A.—(Hear.) When the Bill was first
introduced, schedule A bad the borough of Aldborough first
on its list; it was since removed to schedule B, but by
what doctor's prescription he was unable to determine....
The way be understood it was done, was by bringing 80.
roughbridge in addition to Aldborough, though there was
no necessary cosmetics between them ; and be believed the
greater past of the inhabitants of Boroughbridge had neva
seen Aldborough. He did not wish to deprive the county
of York of one of its lumbers—the house might give a
member to Deocaster, to which it was entitled ; but if they
persevered in giving a member to Aldborough, he would
defy the Parliamentary Comaikwienees to find &constituency
for Aldborough. The borough of Aldbarough bad been too
bog a polemics in the repressmaties of the country. He did
not know on what prindple it was to.be continued, unless on
that by which a number of houses of Mamie were allowed to
remain in Vienna while other was erecting in the suburbs.
If that were the case certainly Aldberough was as likely as
any other rotten borough could be to disseminate its poison
over the constituency of the country. He did not wish to
allude to the Duke of Newcastle, the patron of the borough,
more than to say that he could not adorn his station by sup-
porting the rottenness of Aldborough. (Hear.) ,He did
not know what support be was to receive on the present
question ; he knew of course that all and-reformers, and
sham reformers must oppose it; but be hoped his Majesty's
Ministers would nor oppose it—tbu they would at lust act
on their foreign policy. and observe a strict neutrality.—
(Hear.) As a reformer be would do his duty, and move
that the borough of Aldborough be added to schedule A.
Sir W. INOLEBY seconded the motion. While MEM.
nation boroughs were continued Aldborough might be al-
lowed; but it would become a nuisance in the neighbour.
hood, if it were to be continued when nomination WOO to be
done away with.
Lord J. RUSSELL said be put the mos simply on the
rule laid down that boroughs having 2,000 inhabitacts should
be allowed to return me Member. On lea being found that
Aldborough came within that rule, it was taken from acne.
dole A and placed in schedule B, and from the result of in.
quids made en the subject, it was not doubted that a eon-
wdhimsy of 30Q could be found.Mr. CLINTON must oppose the motion, merely because
the borough came within the rule laid dews, the perish coo.
'going upwaide of 2,000 inhabitants. • He had no interestl
is the question, as opening the borough would entirely take

it out of its present influence, and he should never again it
pest to be its representative.
After a protracted discvssion between Sir C. Wethertll,
Sir J. Johnson, Mr. Croker, and Sir 0. Warrendcr, the
house divided, when there appeared—
For the motion ..
Against it
Majority for Ministers 85
The Marquis of CHANDOS then moved that the borough
of Evesham be transferred from schedule B to schedule A.
Lord J. RUSSELL could not accede to the propointim
of the noble marquis.
After some further observations, the original propoiltiv.
au carried.

••• ... 149

Mr. CHOICER then moved that the borough of Down.
ton should be expunged from schedule A.
Lord A LTHORP opposed the motion.
After a few other observation., strangers were ordered to
withdraw, and the house divided, when there appeared,
For the motion
Against 1t.......96„

—.
Majority for Ministers .. ... 53
The further consideration of the report was then postponed
till to morrow (this day.)
The Orders of the Day were then disposed of ; and
the House adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'Clock.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRANCE.

SIPT. 13, 1831.
SlR,—Tbe news of Poland, which arrives by
different wave, throws but little light upon what
has really passed near Warsaw ; but all of them
speak of some check which the Russians have ex.
perienced, and of a retrograde movement of their
army. If the Poles by their energy alone have
succeeded in removing the enemy from their
capital, the bad season will be a most powerful
auxiliary to them. Tbe rains, if they have not
already commenced, will soon set in, and the over-
flowings of the rivers, which often cause such
frightful disasters in that flat country, will, by
rendering the roads impracticable, be severely
felt by the Russians, and render the position of
their army not tenable. The plan of Pukewitsch,
who flattered himself, that by daily confining the
Poles in narrower limits, he should bring them to
submission, will then be completely abortive.
The terrible exasperation which has been mani-
fested by the population of Warsaw, will exclude
all idea of a voluntary submission. A people like
the Poles, thus pushed to despair, may be extermi-
nated, but they never will surrender. If the events
which have stained the streets of Warsaw with
blood, afflict the friends of liberty, they reveal at
the same time to what a point is pushed the impla-
cable hatred of Russia, and the resolution of not
submitting again to its yoke. Too many causes
tended to bring about that catastrophe. The in-
action of General Skrzynecki who, placed at the
bead of an army full of ardour, allowed the Rus-
sians to complete the investment of Warsaw, is
inexplicable ; for could worse have happened if
even a battle had been lost

It may be convenient for those who were luke-
warm in the Polish cause to exclaim against the
popular effervescence at Warsaw ; but there is
something better to be done; it is to profit by the
lessons which they contain.
The Berlin Gazettes which are famed for sup-
pressing every thing which is favourable to the
Poles, and magnifying all the advantages of the
Russians, begin to alter their style, and, indeed,
every thing gives reason to suppose, and it is the
general opinion here, that the bravery and perseve-
rance of the Poles, joined to the justice of their
cause, will enable them to weather the storm, and
set at defiance the barbarous manifestos of the
Emperor Nicholas.
The Gazette de Prusse makes mention of some
brilliant advantages obtained in a sortie of the
garrison of Lamosc ; in which they took
from the Russians a great number of can-
non, and committed great havoc amongst their
troops. It adds also, after a letter from Lem
berg, that General Kaisaroff, who invested that
place, had taken refuge with the wreck of his
army upon else territory of Gallicia, when he
had been disarmed. Should this information be
confirmed—should the reported victory over Ho-
diger, which obtains credence in several quarters,
be confirmed—there is every reason to hope that
the cause of Poland will triumph unaided.
As to negotiations, no reliance is placed in
' them. Paskewitsh would never treat with the
Poles, unless his situation,was desperate ; and the
Poles ate too keen-sighted not to be aware of his
position, which by the most recent accounts ap-
peared to be critical.
The question of the evacuation or non-evacu•
mints of the French troops from Belgium, is at
this moment the theme of all conversation in
Paris. Various reports are afloat upon the sub-
ject, and it was even said yesterday, that a tele-
graphic despatch had been forwarded to arrest
the retrograde march of the troops. I have made
every it quiry upon till' point, and cannot trace
it to any respectable source; and, therelore, have
every reason to believe it to be without foonda-
tion. The Journal de Paris, the organ of Casi-
mir ?trier, ridicules the idea of the Belgian ques-
tion involving the seeds of war, and speaks posi-
tively of every thing being adjusted. The ge-
neral opinion, however, is, that it is a MN ques-
tion of the Grey or Perier ministry; that the least
concession on the question of evacuation on ei-
ther side, will be the means t f overthrowing the
party making it ; that in fact the see-saw remains
poised, and that nothing is determined epos.
It is stated that King Leopold his expressed a
desire of having a certain number of young Bel-
gians, admitted into the Polytechnique school:
and that it Is the intention of the French go-
vernment to grant to Belgium the same privi-
lege which is granted to the Swiss—the admission
of pupils without the participation of the advan-
tages which arise to French Youth from their
admission into the Polytechnique School.
Paris is once more perfectly tranquil, after the
tumults which have occurred with loss of life, end
much personal injury, during several days of last
week; but the Departments in many places all-
pear still to be in a very unsettled state. A let-
ter trom Narbonne relates, that on the 6th of the
month, serious troubles burst out there, in conse-
quence of a proclamation relative to the collec-
tion of the united taxes. The people assailed the
house of the Mayor, and that of the under Pie-
feet, with showers of stones; the drums beat to
aims in the streets, and charges of bayonets sere
directed; but the troops of chalice behaved wall
such extreme moderation, that tranquillity was
established entirely through their conduct.
The peasants had armed themselves will'
muskets, bludgeons, and forks, and ex-
claimed that nothing would satisfy them but the
entire abolition of the united imposts. 1-ett"