Star.
London, England, 1830-09-03 00:00:00

TO lIIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

Mr Loan DIJIM—Not having the honour of personal acquaintance
with you, and having no motive to seek that honour, the only adequate
mode in which I can address you is through the public papers. Be-
sides, the subject on which I write is a public one, and it is important
that others besides you should be acquainted with it.
It is this:—Every mail of common sense feels that nothing can be
more preposterous than the hours which are given to public business by
the British House of Commons. It is actually monstrous, to imagine
that business could really be done at such hours. The House sat last
Session almost constantly 'until near four o'clock in the mbrning.—No-
thing could be more destructive to the health of those who desire to
watch over all the interests of the people.
Accordingly some of the most honest men that House contained have
declined a re-election, in consequence of inability to endure this per-
version of time and season. I may mention Mr. Marshall, of York.
shire, and Mr. 3lonek, of Reading, as two instances of the fatal effects
of the existing system.
Your Grate having commenced, it is said, though rather tardily,
your political education, may, in the course of your reading, have met
with a book called " The Mirror of Magistrates ;" if so, you will find
it there laid down as a maxim for the unpaid wisdom f the nation—
", that bad houses keep late hours." I will not say that the late House
of Commons was a " bad house ;" but it certainly did keep " bad
hours."

Besides the destruction of health, by the bad practice of devoting
the night to that business which should be done by day, there is
this more important objection to the present practice.—namely, that
it is calculated to make the House, as much as possible, the mere
registry of the will of the Minister for the time being. It is im.
possible to discuss with calm deliberation, the measures that are sub-
mitted to the House at a late period of the night. It is also im-
possible to have any adequate abstract of the proceedings appear
before the public. The present system has all these vices :—First,
it tends to diminish the number of men of experience who would
belong to the Legislature : secondly, it prevents discussion and deli.
beration on matters the most interesting in their details to the people
at large : and, thirdly, it prevents the public front becoming ac-
quainted with the real state of the public business.
It is true that the gnat party questions are debated and reported;
but the matters of detail, the business which relates to internal regula-
tion, affecting the public much more than the " great questions," are
slurred over with the most shameful negligence, and at length aban-
doned to that worst of all possible guides, the discretion of the Treasury
Bench.

There is no other public assembly in the world which holds its sit-
tings at night—all the business of the world is transacted in the day,
with the single exception of British legislation. He who, like me, bas
seen the workings of this system, must feel ineffable disgust at its abo-
minations. I will not attempt to give details—the deciding without
hearing is only one of thegt. There were in the last Parliament many
youthful, and some aged Tybarites, who flocked in, loaded with wine
and victuals, when the division is about to take place, but who attended
to their sensual gratihcations whilst the discussion was going on.
This system should be reformed—it should be reformed altogether.
Fortunately it is in the power of any one member to produce this re-
form. We need not wait for popular sentiment to awaken in England,
where the love of rational liberty has either long slumbered or been con.
verted into a prostitute for private and individual advantage,—we need
not wait for aid from abroad; this power of correction the honest men
in the House have in their own hands.

I have therefore pledged myself to the men of Waterford, who have,
by unanimous assent, chosen me for their Representative--I have pledged
myself to them to move an adjournment at nine o'clock every night.
This pledge I will redeem. The Treasury members may defeat me on
each division upon the quettion of adjournment ; but, as I am bound
to persevere in repeating the motion to adjourn, resistance will be vain,
and it will become absolutely necessary to make new arrangements.
An arrangement consistent with common sense would be this :—Let
the Speaker attend the House at half-after ten, and prayers being said,
let the Chair be taken as soon as forty Nlembers appear. Ir, at eleven,
there be not forty Members, let the House stand adjourned ; but let
every such adjournment be followed, at the next sitting, by a call of the
House, and a peremptory order of committal against every absent and
unexcused Member. This would secure attendance.

It may be said that there would then be no provision made for the
sittings of Committees. That, too, could be provided for without difli.
culty. The House, at present, sits usually but four days (or rather
nights) in the week. Let the House, in future, lit but three days._
Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday. Let the Committees sit the other
days, and let them sit at halt'-after nine, or at latest at ten, in the morn.
ing. Thus five times the present quantity of business could be done
by the Committees.
The regulation of " orders" and " motions" may also be preserved by
a slight change. Let there be two order days and one motion day, and
two motion days and one order day, in alternate weeks.
The public business may thus be effectually done—as effectually at
least as the present machinery of misrepresentation will permit. I'he
gross absurdity of consuming the nights in doing that which ought, for
every reason, to meet the day.light, will be terminated, and one step will
be taken to afford a radical remedy to a grievance which appears to me
to savour of folly. almost as much as of vice.
Do you, my Lord Duke, prepare in time for this change. Let the
Session, if necessary, commence sooner—let it last longer—but let the
public business be done, as all business should be done, at reasonable
hours, and with the full knowledge of those interested.
Having been the first person to propose to the British I.egfilature the
mode of voting by ballot—the only rational and honest mode of voting,
where undue influence, intimidation, or corruption, may prevail ; hav-
ing had this honour, 1 feel it my duty to make another effort in favour
of common sense--an effort wnith, with my determination, must suc-
ceed, and, therefore being, my Lord Duke, warned in time, it is your
ditty to take your measurei accordingly.
Perhaps your minions to the House of Commons may tell you of
the little support I received in the last Session. Perhaps they may
tell you bow l was deserted by " the Whigs"—avoided by the " Tories'