Star.
London, England, 1830-02-26 00:00:00

know where that part of the country was in which no distress was to
be found. He contended that the distress was nearly universal, and
that its tendency, unless it should be checked, was continually to
increase. He conceived that there was no hope se fallacious as the
supposition that the great and intolerable distress under which this
country at present suffers could be remedied by being left to itself,
and that it would not go on progressively increasing, and becoming
more and more intolerable every day, if scene means were not
adopted to arrest its course. The preient situation of things in
this country was the most alarming, he would say, that had ever
been witnessed:leant/ period of our history. He would not except
times
that had by, and which he was himself old enough, in
WOW degree, to remember ; not even the period of the French re.
volution; and, if called upon to do so, he was quite confident be
should be able to prove, to the perfect satisfaction of their lordships,
that the state of the country was more perilous at present than it
had been then, or at any former period. The times to which he
alluded were those when extensive conspiracies were formed
throughout the country—when a rebellion was actually
telt
nnti i
in Ireland—when a mutiny had broken out in our flee
when revolutionary doctrines were industriously circulated througous
the country. The great majority of the inhabitants of this courtly
were then prosperous, happy, and contented (hear, bear); and not,
as they now are, afflicted with intolerable distress, which had
naturally excited general discontent ; which discontent might
unhappily hereafter, should no means be adopted to remove
the cause of it, be converted into actual disaffection. Never he
would say, was there a period of our history in which such cense-
queues were more likely to arise than the present. It there.
fans materially behoved their 'Miltss to endeavour to ascertain
the ceases of the prevailing distress, with a view to its removal.
,(Hear, hear.) In the speech from the throne, to which be
'ad ?Arcady referred—in that clear and luminous document,
they had been infbnned that this distress was attributable
tv unfavourable seasons, and to other causes over which parlia-
ment bed no control. Now, he would contend, on the contrary,
that it was their bounden duty to endeavour to ascertain what
the real causes of the distress were, in cedes that they might
be enabled to judge how far it was possible for them to apply a re-
medy to it. It was their duty to institute an inquiry into the causes
of the distress with which the people of this country were afflicted.
Such an inquiry was called for in order to satisfy the people of Eng-
land:—(hear,)—and this he would tell them, that the people
of this country would not, and ought not to be patient under such
intolerable sufferings as they now experienced, if no inquiry would
take place, and if no attempt should •be made to grant then
relief.—(bar.) It was also necessary for them to enter upon
the inquiry which he proposed, in order to ascertain what re-
medies were applicable to the present appalling state of things.
As to the nature of those remedies he should abstain from giving'
se opinion at present. All he eked for was an inquiry, for
the pupae of ascertaining them ; and that appeared to him
the more called for now, as, from the speech from the timely
it was clear that there existed no Intention on the part
of his Majesty's Government to propose any remedy what.
our for the consideration of Parliament. In that speech,
not in words, at all events in effect, there was an admission
itlist part of his Bfajesty's ministers that they had no remedy to
=iirHe knew he might be asked, what good would result
uch an inquiry ? To that he would answer, that the good
N result from it must depend upon the mode and spirit in which
such an Inquiry would be conducted; and he would ask, in return,
whether the evils which at present existed might not be increased if
such an inquiry should be refused ?—whether it might not appear
to the people of this country that, in refusing such an inquiry,
their Lordships were deserting their duty, and neglecting their
interests ?—and whether by such a refusal they would not be likely
to incur the well merited reproach and even hatred of the people of
England ? He was not about to propose the appointment of a
Select Committee for the purpose of making this inquiry. What.
ever advantages might result front the appointment of Select Com-
mittees upon other subjects, in the present instance the case was of
,too pressing urgency and paramount Importance to admit of the de-
lays incidental to such a mode of inquiry, and that great minuteness
of investigation,:such as was now carried on before the select com-
mittee upon the East India trade, he conceived would be totally im-
practicable, and was besides quite unnecessary in this instance,where
sons mode of affording Immediate relief was indispensably required,
and where a minute and detailed inquiry was by no means the thing
that was wanted. If a select committee was appointed, what would
be the consequence ? (Hear, bear.) The noble duke opposite would
of course take the selection of that committee into his own hands,
and he would take are who should and who should not be named
upon it. (Hear, hear, bear.) Many of the noble lords ap-
pointed upon such a committee might never attend its sittings,
while the noble and official lords opposite, who would be care-
fully included amongst the members of that committee, and
who would not fail to be punctual in their attendance, would no
doubt, by the weight and authority attached to their situations, con.
troul the opinion and guide the decisions of such a committee. The
result would be, that, after a minute and uselessly protracted inves.
Option, the committee would terminate their labours with the pro-
duction of a voluminous report, establishing the fact of which all
persons had been previously aware, of the universality of the distress
under which the country suffered, and concluding with the statement,
that the committee had no remedy to propose for its relief. It was
necessary that this inquiry should be =ducted fairly, openly, and
publicly ; and it was with that view that be would propose that it
should be conducted before a committee of the whole house, who
might consider the resolutions which would be proposed—discuss
their various details—have evidence laid before them as to any facts
that admitted of doubt, and have any practical question, with
regard to which it might be desirable to obtain additional infor-
mation, elucidated by the evidence of Forms practically acquainted
with it. In that way he conceived that great advantages would be
derived from the discussion of the various resolutions which might
be laid before them. All the various causes of the distress would be
investigated and ascertained, and in that way they were more likely
than by any other mode of proceeding to arrive at the real source of
the distress, and at the proper remedy for its removal. If he were
asked what specific remedy he had to propose, be would reply that his
first object was to have the inquiry instituted, and in that case the
suggestion of the remedy should emanate from the committee it-
self. But if his proposition should be unsuccessful, and if no in.
quiry should take place, then it would be his duty, as well es that
of other noble lords, to lay such suggestions as should appear
to them best adapted for the present state of effigies before
their Lordships, in the present shape of a series of resolutions. If
he should, however, succeed in his present motion, he trusted that
the noble duke opposite would not object to the discussion of such
resolutions, where they could be most conveniently and advan-
tageously discussed, in a committee of the whole house. If his ma-
jesty's ministers should oppose this motion, such opposition would
manifest a desire on the part of government to object to a full amid
fair investigation of this important subject. He knew it would
be said by many who spoke without thinking, and who appeared
to be totally unconscious of the meaning of what they said, that
a proceeding of this kind would only encourage false hopes
amen the people of this country. He would ask if it were du-
Vim to encourage false hopes, would it not be still more danger.
ens to tell the people of this country that no hopes whatever ex-
isted, and that his majesty's government had no intention to pro-
pose a measure for their relief, or for the redress of the grievances
under which they suffered so severely ? Though It gave him much
sorrow to make the remark, he could riot avoid observing that, in
his opinion, the country did not entertain **strong dWeeol respect
for his majesty's present government, and that it did not build
ghope on any thing which that administration was likely to
fieig.
But be would ask if it was not wise to encourage fallen
and tell the country that all power was not lost within it....
ow would net say that it wee useless to look to any quarter'
fie relief; and though the disease was in the body politic, still Ii
th
t the body would endure, and he believed that sooner or
later
would work out its own cure. That cure which twould be
'what was called a radical one. (Hear, hear.) A cure which must
be radical in order to avert the progress of the evU, which
would :be terminated by bringing to a common ruin all
existing institutions. It was said that this country was in an ad:
venom! state ; but the question was to what kind of state was it ad.
vancing. They were edvancing from distress to terror, and from the
decline of revenue to perhaps a national bankruptcy. lie cond.
deed that by the course the legislature was pursuing ft was adding
to the general disorganisation, and bringing on an almost total dia..
solution of the body politic. He begged leave, before he concluded,
to state to their lordships what was the actual question before them
at that moment. It was not what were the causes of the distress, or
what were the real legislative remedies which should be applied. He
did not say that his remedies would be successfuloun did he pretend
to discover what the actual cause of the sufferings of the people were
but the question was shortly and simply, whether or not it was the
' duty of parliament, in tote present state of the country, to institute'
an inquiry. (Hear.) That question was not one difficult to be an.
owned, but when he saw it stated in the speech from the
*rue that distress did not exist generally, he kit it due to their
lordships and to the country to call on them to decide that no din.
erase existed, and if they admitted that it did, to institute an inquiry
into its causes. He thought he had stated briefly, be could wish
hi had done so more impressively, the several causes which induced
him to pleas upon their lordship for an inquiry Into the interval
state of the country. He would not occupy more of their lordships
time at present, but be would reserve to himself the privilege of re.'
plying to any observations which might be made. lie had done his
duty, and he left it to their lordships' to do theirs, and he • *led
upon' them to do so, as they would answer to their consciences, and,
perhaps, to their country. The noble lord coocladgd by moving,
"That the house should resolve. itself into a committee of the
whole house to take Into consideration the Internal state of the
country."
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