Star.
London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

N°• 13,402.

POIIITUGAL.
Viscount MELBOURNE moved that that parr of his Majesty's
speech which referred to Poetugal, should be read.
The clerk of the house read it to the following effect :
" His Majesty laments that he is not able to announce to you the
prospect of a teconriliation between the Princes of the house of
am'
64 His Majesty has not yet deemed it expedient to reestablish'
his Majesty's diplomatic relations with the kingdom of Portugal ;
but the embarrassments arising from the continued interruption of
those relations increases his Majesty's desire to effect the termination
of so serious an evil."

Viscount MELBOURNE--Your lordships having heard that
portion of the speech ; perceiving from it what little hopes his ma-
jesty entertained of bringing those negocistions to a close on the 6th
of Feb. 1829, and that he even appeared still less sanguine at, the
close of the last session of Parliament—knowing the great inelige-
nieace which arises to this cottony front the discontM-uanoe et our
connection with Portugal—and my noble friend, the Secretary fer Fe-
reign Affairs, having stated on the first night of the session that he
looped upon the question of the recognition of that country al one of
time, and as such it was not his intention to give any information on
the subject until the recognition should take place ; I have felt it to be
my duty (seeing that it is a question which compromises the good
faith and honour of this country) to try and induce your lordships
to consent to call for such information as shall throw the fullest light
upon the whole ease, and shall enable you fully to judge, whether
the interests of the country have had that attention shown to them
which they so eminently require ; and whether every thing has been
done to maintain that honour and fidelity which ought to be held
most sacred. The short statement of the case is this :—The Emperor
of Brazil, wishing to separate that country from Portugal, chose to
accompany that separation with the establishment of a constitu-
tion in the latter. For this purpose he took the advice of Sir C.
Stuart, now Lord Stuart de Rothesay, who was then at the court of
Brasil as ambassador from this country; and of that constitution
Sir C. Stuart was the bearer to Europe. The adoption of this con-
stitution was recommended—cautiously and with certain limitations
recommended—by Mr. Canning, who at that time filled the office
now held by my noble friend (the Earl of Aberdeen), and a &PM
interference of Sir C. Stuart took place at Lisbon for the el
inducing the acceptance of the constitution. Under these
stances it was accepted, and it became the constitution of Pamstpi,
which Don Miguel again and again pledged himself to supra 111
the presence of our ambassador—(Hear, hear.) The result of the
whole has been, that the constitution has ban entirely overturnedniel
Don Miguel hat usurped the throne in the teeth of all his promises,
and in direct violation of all his engagements. (Hear.) Nor is this
all ; these acts have been made worse by driving large bodies of the
inhabitants from their homes—depriving them of their
exposing them to the hardships of pestilential climates, ena2.
the death or some other personal mean of all those who had ghth
their support to a constitution recommended, sanctioned, eaCcurled
thither by Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) This, m latheole the
short state of the case ; and I now ask your winder
we have not a right to ask the ministry for a full agdanalion
of the circumstances that have led to this conclusion; and
whether we ought not to makes rigorous and entire inquiry
into all the facts connected with it? (Hear, bear.) These men
have suffered in this way for their adherence to that constitution
, which was so brought by Sir C. Stuart, which was so received by the
government of this country, which was so adopted in Lisbon by the
actual interference of his majesty's representative, and which was
supported by the continuance of a British army in that country long
after the expiration of the occasion for which it had first been sent
there. It is admitted in the speech that this state of things has
given rise to embarrassments which have become serious; but
then are nothing to the embarrassments which arise out of our
i peculiar relations in this instance. Do your lordships think that
we can ever again stand in the same situation with Portugal that
we have heretofore done ? (hear, hear, bear.) I know not-whether
the emerge that we adopted in the first instates ealati;e to the
Constitution be right or wrong; but this I know, that what we
then did ought Dot to have been broken through. To what party
in Portugal are we hereafter to look 1 Is it to the party of Don
Miguel, whom you have offended in the most active degree, or to
the other party, whose confidence you have abused and whom
you have left to suffer every evil and hardship ? It is evident
to me, that by this conduct we have thrown Portugal into the
arms of some foreign power, and this observation has been
already made in the thorns—l forget whether by the noble
duke (the Duke of Wellington) ; at all events, we have thrown
'that country away, and broken the connection which has so long
existed between the two kingdoms. Our commercial relations cer-
tainly may continue, but those more intimate relations—that mutual
friendship, are dissolved for ever.—(Hear, bear.) But, if this ques-
tion aims the interests of the country, still more gravely does
it affect its honour • and on this subject I must confess that I
feel more than usually sensitive • for in looking back to history
I do not think that it appears ;hat fidelity, or good faith to fo-
reign kingdoms, has been the distinguishing virtue of this coun-
try—ner that it is that portion of our annals to which we can
look back with the greatest satisfaction. On this head the whole
course of our history presents a series of abandonments ; witness the
abandonment of the French protestant. by Charles I.—the abandon-
ment of Holland by Charles ll.—the abandonment of the great
alliance of Europe by the treaty of Utrecht the abandonment of
the emperor, when Alsace and Lorraine were wrested from him
—and the abandonment of Prussia in the peace of 1763. All
these were circumstances which should make us anxious to
preserve our good faith now, without the possibility of con-
travention. (Hear, hear.) I know that it may be said, that
what I am saying Lads to an adoption of that meddling policy
which my noble friend (Earl of Aberdeen) has always con-
demned. But he must be well aware that such a course cannot
be strictly adopted with respect to a country that has relations,
conoections, and colonies, in all parts of the globe. England is
the first commercial and manufacturing country in the world;
and my noble friend does not need to be told that non-inter-
ference is a policy which, under these circumstances, we are
unable to pursue. For myself lam the last man to make any
obeervationi on the part which has been taken in public affairs by
so humble an individual as myself; nor should I do so now, but
that it is necessary for the purpose of strengthening my present argu-
ment. We well know, that since the epticitnion of the great war
with Frame, disposition has appeared among many nations
of Europe to get rid of the abuses under which they had heretofore
laboured, and to obtain a share in the administration of •their own
affairs. This disposition sufficiently showed itself in the revolutions
of Spain, Portugal, and Naples, allot which were crushed by the
interference of foreign powers. At that time there were individuals
who felt strongly for the situation of those countries; and who
by speeches, meetings, and subscriptions—and even by the levying of
troops and ships, did their best towards assisting the exertions that
were making Of this conduct I disapproved, for I looked upon it is
compromising the honourof this eountry,basides giving notions( whidt I
would not be fulfilled) to other nations that they would be misted by
England under similar circumstances. On that acesunt I separated
myself nom those whose integrity I highly honoured, and whose
sentiments I strongly appreciated, because I thought that such
conduct wee dangerous. How, then, we. Ito feel when I found
that the government itself was acting in this very way—(hear,
hear, bear.) You must not talk to me of technicalities and•sub.
deice, and distinctions, for we well know, that men ace ohs
triimpressions alone; and I bold that sufficient has been
by the government of this country to make men of
other kingdoms believe that they would support a constitution.
At all events, I think that we moo far compromised, as to impose
upon your lordships the duty et demanding from government an
explanation of the whole MISS that has been taken--of the whole
line that has been purrell—and et the whole measures that have
bees =OO4 It it Inn, this pipers ea this subject have already
bees at the table at this bean, In emesseenee of the same
having been laid on the table of the ether se of liament,
punwant to the motion of an henewnehle end leerssi Maid of
mime there. That motion was bath spitille and pascal, ea an
unesesisading with the minister that every sot reladag to
te, end an ezietleikulaterrots,
elsramttee= How ter that hew (filled I
shall leave for your lordships' but I do think that a
more partial or a mere unmtislimasey minds* of a series of cleats
eras never pethemed pdthatam The in pert ofthese lepers
relates to the Ishtidag othe et the semellthellth !eV* MI"
Stuart—the Mond to the preerthele et Vlems--thit to the re-_,
turn of Des 1111 to Parasol; adamants two Woe beano(
the binged. of &rhesus& and she Mae hod width to the ims
themes to be aththled to the queen; to • shish tree IMMO
the correspondence betwen the noble dpke and the mat/
(Bear.) With respect to the thee
ores of the CeDitlaatioa, it aware to mm I