Star.
London, England, 1812-09-14 00:00:00

Ijig of the Session, gate hope that an maimed out
enlightened system of defence, with prileiskin for le-
curity of our maritime rights, was aholtst en be com-
menced. A purpose, which wherever/40nd' they:
deemed it their duty to foster, by giving le any
tern of measures, thus comprehensive, as unob
ted a course as was consistent with their general
sense of public duty. After a course of policy, thus
liberal and conciliatory, it was cause of regret that a
communication should have been purchased by an
unprecedented expenditure of secret service money ;
and used, by the Chief Magistrate, to dissentinate.
suspicion and jealousy ; and to excite resentment.
among the citizens, by suggesting imputations against
a portion of them, as unmerited by their patriotism,
as unwarranted by evidence.
66 It has always been the opinion of the undersign- •
ed, that a system of peace was the policy, which most
comported with the character, condition, and interest
of the United States. That their remoteness front
,the theatre of contest, in Europe, was their peculiar
felicity, and nothing but a necessity, absolutely ins.
perious, should induce them to enter as parties into
wars, in which every consideration of virtue and pe.
licy seems to be forgotten, under the overbearing
sway of rapacity and ambition. There is a nee!
era in human affairs. The European world iscouvulsed.
The advantages of our own situation are peculiar.—
,g Why* quit our own to stand upon foreign ground!.
Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any
part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity
in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest,
humour, dr caprice ?"
44 'ln addition to the many moral aid prudential'
considerations which should der the

tojiwin that, before the ealatoias ormoi4 in windl
caootripf such a principle, be incurred,, all the tneans4
of `tegnciation shofild be exhausted,
„and that also
eviey practicable attempt -should be made to.regu•
lite the exercise of the right ; so that, the • acknow-
i,ledged injury, resuking to It tttg nations," should W.
r checked, if not prevented. They are clr.arly of opi-
ion that the peace of this 2.aed rising-cornrow- ..
eity should net be abandoned,li for the sae of airor-
leliag facilities to cover Frearaproperty; or so cm-.
play British seamen.
44 The claim of Grilak ,DelikitityWlho,llslAet ,tif
her seamen is neither novel AbipecOrreitt I Thy act
trine of allegianceileo.l iihtch'she 0004. is tone.'
mon to all the Governinents Of Europe.. Trance MO
well as England, has maintained it for centuries.—.,
Both nations claim, in time of War, the terTices or
their subjects. Both, by decreei; forbid diem enter'-
, ing into foreign employ. Boat ;wall them by pro.
clamatien. . .
I,- " 149 man can doubt that; in'ilse resent state 4
ow French marine, if Aixsericaq.merchaat vessel*
were met at sea, having French seamen on board,-that
France would take them. Will any man believe that
the United States would go to war against France,
Ott this-account r
" For very obvious reasons, this principle occa-
sions collision with France, or with any other
flatten, except England. With tl!e English naiion
the people of the United States are closely assimila.ii
ted in wood, language, intercourse, habiti, dressol
manners, and character. Whets Britain is at war
and the United States neutral, the merchant service •
of the United. States, holds out to British seamen,
.•..
- almost irresistible ; high • and

ter toug mat temptations wages
from hastening into the perils of such a war, there peaceful employ, instead of low wages and war see-
were some peculiar to the United States, resulting - vice ; safety, in lieu of hazard ; entire independence,
from the texture of the Government and the political in the place of qualified servitude.
relations of the people. A form of Government, in ' 64 That England, whine situation is insular, who
no small degree experimental, composed of powerful is engaged in a war, apparently for existence, whose
and independent Sovereignties associated in relations, seamen are her bulwark, should look upon the effect
some of which are critical, as well as novel, should of our principle upon her safety, with jealousy, is use-
not be hastily precipitated into situations, calculated vitable ; and that she will not hazard the practical
to put to trial the strength of the moral bond, by consequences of its unregulated exercise, is certain.
which they are united. Of all states, that of war is The question, therefore, presented directly, for the
most likely to call into activity the passions which decision of the thoughtful and virtuous mind, in this
are hostile and dangerous to such a form of Govern- country, is—whether war, for such an abstract right
ment. Time is yet important to our country to be justifiable, before attempting to guard against its
settle and mature its recent institutions. Above all, injurious tendency by legislative regulation, in failure
it appeared to the undersigned, from signs'not to be of treaty,
mistaken, chat if we entered upon this war, we did " A dubious right should be advanced • with liesi-
it as a divided people; not only from a sense of the tation. An extreme right should be asserted with
inadequacy of our means to success, but from moral discretion. Moral duty requires that a nation before
and political objections of great weight and very ge- it appeals to arms, should have been not only true to
neral influence. itself, but that it should have failed in no duty to
" It appears to the undersigned, that the wrongs, others. If the exercise of a right in an unregulated
of which the United States have to complain, al- manner be in effect a standing invitation to the sub-
though in some aspects very grievous to our ince- jects of a foreign power to become deserters and trai-
rests, and, in many, humiliating to our pride, were tors, is it no injury to that power?
yet of a nature, 'which, in the present state of the " Certainly moral- obligation demands that the
world, either would not justify war, or which war right of flag, like all otherhuman rights, should be so
would not remedy. Thus, for instance, the hovering used, as that, while it protects what is our own, it
of British vessels upon our coasts, and the occasional should not injure what is another's. -- In a practical
insults to our ports, imperiously demanded such a view, and so long as the right of flag is restrained,
systematic application of harbour and seacoast de- by no regard to the undeniable interests of others, a
fence, as would repeal such aggressions, but, in no we; on account of inspressrnentsis only a war for the
light, can they be considered as making a resort to right of employing British seamen oa board Ameri-
war, at the present time, on the part of the United can merchant vesssls. . 1
States, either necessary or expedient. So also, with a The claim of Great Britain pretends to no fur-
respect to the Indian war, of the origin of which, but ther extent than to take British seamen from private
very imperfect information has as yet been given to merchant vessels% In the exercise of this claim her
the public. Without any express Act of Congress, officers take American seamen, and foreign seamen
,an expedition was, last year, set on foot and prosecu- in the American service; and although she disclaims
ted into Indian territory, which had been relinquished such abuses and proffers redress, when known, yet un-
by treaty, on the part of the United States. And now doubtedly grievous injuries have resulted to the sea,
we are told about the agency of British traders, as men of the United States. But the questioreis, can
Ito Indian hostilities. it deserves consideration, whe- war be proper for such cause, before all hope of yeas-
Cher there has been such provident attention as onable accommodation has failed? Even after the ex-
would have been proper to remove any cause of com- tinguishment of such hope can it be proper, until our
plaint, either real or imaginary, which the Indians own practice be so regulated as to remove in such fo.
might alledge, and to secure their friendship, With reign nation any reasonable apprehension of injury ?
all the sympathy and anxiety excited by the state of i "1 he undersigned are clearly of opinion that the
that frontier : important as it may be, to apply ade- i employment of British seamen in the merchant set.-
quate means of protection) against the Indians, how 1 vice dthe United States is as little reconcilable with the
is its safety ensured by a declaration of war, which permanent, as the present interest of the United States,
adds the British to the number of enemies 1 The encouragement of foreign seamen is the discou,
66 AS 6 decent respect to the opinions of mankind'
rigement of the wtive seaman.
has not induced the two Houses of Congress to con, 44 The duty
of Government towards this valnable
cur in declaring the reasons or motives, for their class of men is not only to protect, but to patronize
enacting a declaration of war, the undersigned and, them, And this cannot be done more effectually
. the public are left to search elsewhere, for causes than by securing.to American citizens the privilege;
either real or ostensible. If are to consider the • I
of American navigation.
President of the United States, and the Committee 44 The question of impressment like every other
of the House. of Representatives, on foreign relations, , question relative to commerce, has been treated in
,as speaking on this solemn occasion, for Congress, I such a manner that what was possessed is lost with,
'the United States have three principal topics of com. out obtaining what was sought. Pretensions, right
• plaint against Great Britain—lmpressments—bloc- in theoiy, and important in interest, urged without
I
kades—and Orders in Council. due consideration of our relative power, have eventu-
' 66 Concerning the subject of impressments, the un- ated in a practical abandonment both of what we,
dersigned sympathize with our unfortunate seamen, I hoped and what We enjoyed. In attempting to spread
the victims of this abuse of power, and participate our flag over foreigners its distinctive character has
in the national sensibility, on their account. They been lost to our own citizens.
do not conceal from themselves, both its importance 1 " The American seaman, whose interest it is to
and its difficulty ; and they are well aware how stub-' have no competitors in his employment, is sacrificed
born is the will, and how blind the vision of power. that British seamen may have equal privileges with
fill nations, whengteat interestsgrow into controversy. himself.
~ But, before a resort to war for such interests, a I " Ever since the United States have been a nation
moral nation will consider what is just, and a wise this subject has been a matter of complaint and new.
-nation what is expedient. If the exercise of any right ciation ; and every former administration have treat-
to the full extent of its abstract nature, be inconsis. ed it according to its obvious nature, as a subject re-
sent with the safety of another nationmorality seems ther for arrangement than for .war. It existed in she
to require that, in practice, its exercise should, in time of Washington, yet this father of his country re-,
this respect., be modified. If it be proposed to vindi. commended no :etch resort. It existed in the time of 'f
tate any right by war, wisdom demands that it Adams, yet, notwithstanding the zeal in support of
should be of a nature, by war to be obtained. The our maritime rights which distinguished his admini-
interests conuected with the subjects 9f immuments stratiop, war was never suggested by him as the re-
tare unquestionably great to both nations. And in Imo. During the eight years Mr. Jefferson stood
at the helm of affairs it still continuedsa subject• of
the full extent of abstract right as asserted by each!
perhaps irreconcilable. • 1
: controversy and negotiation:- but 4 ~w,ts never made
44 The Government of the United States asserts a cause for war: It was reserved,for the present ad.
ministration to press (h
the to the extreme and
the broad principle that the flag 4 f their merchant
most dreadful resort of nations • al bough England
vessels shall protect the mariners. This privilege is
claimed, although every person onboard, except the
artai may be an alien.
" The British Government asserts that the elk.
giance of their subjects is tenable,
find that their seamen, has 015ciajly disavoiest the, rigli.t..otimpressment as
. it respects native citizens, and an arrangement might
well be made, consistent with the fair pretensions of
in time of war, such as.are naturalited.
fonid on the sea, the common r
ighway of maim!" shall not be protected,
ag ot.pris4ate merchant vessels.
t
t "'That •
the real state of this question may be-under-
by * . stood, the .undersigned recur to the folloWing facts as
• 1 supportia.itoff.tal documents. Mr; Kin when
„.._ 4...
.. The upderaigned deem it unnecessary
.nera no micittbet.' M-. 464407ti0 obtained a dia4sowai
of
'discuss the quest len- of the' AMericin claihr;faUbea, thelk4 toveniment ciele 1.44 in impress "Amt.
bumunity of theirliag. But they cantiai.
[
ric:in ,seimerr."-naturarrxed:stassee4 as native,, qo the,
om viewing.it.as• a priocipls, of a nature very btbia high seas. 4,arraogemeto94klvance4 neagiy to
the a conclusion upot} thisbssis„..,Ankiras isrokeig off only
;
end composhensilie ; to the abuse of which,
karptatidniaiv strong and numetotbk And they do because Great BritinklitsistedA tetaiut uk gijib; oR
•• • AVESISIAIWIS. • - • a • • -