Star.
London, England, 1823-04-25 00:00:00

THE LATE NEGOCIATIONS.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH rose in pursuance of
notice. His Lordship expressed the great anxiety '
which lie felt in coming to the discussion of this
most important subject, a feeling also attended with
considerable pain, when he looked to the comments
which he found himself compelled to make upon the
conduct of the late negociations, as detailed in the
Papers laid befote 'the House; and more especially
with regard to the part taken in these negociations
by a Noble Duke (Wellington), whose fame and cha-
rater he most anxiously wished had remained pure
ad spotless as they were on the day of Waterloo. In
-intimating, however, the conduct of that Noble Duke
is the course of these negcciations, he could not as-
Sat to any doctrine that errors ought to be set off
against services. Let services be duly appreciated
and rewarded as services, but let subsequent errors
he censured as they deserved. On entering into the
consideration of these Papers, it was of the utmost
importance to refer back to what was said by the
Noble Earl (Liverpool) in 1821. That Noble Earl,
inspeaking, at the period alluded to, of the conduct
of the Allied Powers toward Naples and Piedmont,
whilst lie qpndemned the conduct of the Neapolitans
and Piedmontue, expressly stated, that the Spanish
Revolution was provoked. It was material, with re-
paid to the Spanish question, to look back a little fur-
ther. When King Ferdinand returned to Spain, in 1814.,
be had determined to march upon Madrid with
whatever troops he could collect, and destroy the
Constitution of the Ccetes. When subsequently he
retched Madrid, he put an end to the Constitution,
ad ordered the arrest of those individuals who ha.;
lees the chief advocates of freedom, and the chief
means of bringing that Constitution into operation,
ad many of whom were prosecuted and severely
ymished. In 1815, King Ferdinand finding that
thirty-two individuals of those he had alluded to still
moaned unsentenced, himself sent to the Tribunal
a command to hasten their proceedings; they re-
amed for answer that they could do nothing against
the individuals pointed out. A Special Commission
was resorted to, which came to the same conclusion.
King Ferdinand then, of his own despotic authority,
*bough no Tribunal could find anything against
them, sentenced these individuals to various punish-
ments. Amongst others, Arguelles, who had been
eminently distinguished for his eloquence and his
patriotism, was sentenced to serve for eight years as
a common soldier in the garrison of Ceuta. It was
here that King Ferdinand, on suppressing the Con-
ititetion of the Cortes, issued a Declaration, stating
his intention of summoning the ancient Cortes, and
promising that there should be limited Liberty of
the Press, and that Taxes should not in justice
be levied without the common consent of the
Xing and the Representatives of the People.—
It was a matter of notoriety that none of these pro-
mises were fulfilled, and the circumstances were also
matter of notoriety, which at length led to the Re-
solution—restoring the Constitution of the Cortes,
and which, as the Noble Earl justly said, provoked
that Revolution. The only Power which at the time
at all complained of the Spanish Revolution, was
itassia, and that complaint not being considered by
*I of the other Powers, led to nothing. He now
tune to the meeting of the Sovereigns at Troppau, in
December, 1820; here the affairs of Spain were men-
tiMmds but the protest of the late Marquis of Lon-
merry effectually prevented any interference in the
atonal affairs of Spain ; and it appeared that the Spa-
GoYernment, alarmed by foreign intervention in
the affairs of Naples and Piedmont, requested a dis-
Aiact disavowal of any intention to intense in the af-
411'0 Spain. An express assurance was given that no
inch intention existed. This appeared floral the speech
4°4 King of Spain to the Cortes, in Match, 1821,
id the answer of the President to the Cortes ; as
also by similar documents when the Cones again as-
Moiled in July, the Allied Sovereigns having in the
alaantime had another meeting in May, at which it
'did not seem that there was any question of interfer-
ence in the internal affairs of Spain. From this pe-
tiod nothing was heard of interference by the Allied
r°i'ore in the internal affairs of Spain until the 21st
,
September, 1822, when the Noble Duke (Welling.
topifirared first to have understood that the affairs
of were to be discussed at the Congress of Ve-
nue. From these facts and circumstances, from the
'of liberty
of the Allied Powers in crushing every effort
liberty in Germany, in Piedmont, and Naples, and
!man the determination now acted upon with regard
" Spain, he thought himself entitled to draw two
"thoione ; first, that the influence of the late Mar-

quis of Londonderry had, up to the period of his
death, prevented any interference in the affairsof Spain;
and, secondly, that the contest now embarked in in
Spain, was a contest between the principle of despotism
and the spirit of liberty. The conduct of the Allied
Powers in Ger'many, in Naples, and Piedmont, left
indeed no doubt of their desire to extinguish every
remnant of freedom; but the now unprincipled inter-
ference in the affairs of Spain, put an end to all pos-
sibility of doubt as to their real object and intentions.
Nothing short of the utter extinction of all freedom
would satisfy them, and should they succeed in their
unprincipled. designs in Spain, should despotism,
througli their means, again triumph in that State,
could there be a doubt that their next efforts would
be directed against this country. against that Parlia-
ment which was the tribunal of Europe, against that
press which was the refuge of the oppressed, and the
shield of freedom ? The whole conduct of the Al-
lied Powers, since 1814, clearly shewed that nothing
short of the utter. extinction of liberty, and the u.
preme triumph of despotism would satisfy them,
or be commensurate with the designs they now
entertained. This conclusion he was entitled to
draw from all that had taken place, from the
conduct of the Allied Powers, coupled with their
declarations, from all their acts up to the present
period, explained as these acts were by their own
'Notes and by their own admissions.—lt might
have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers,
upon learning from the Noble DiAe that it was
the intention of France to urge interference in the
affairs of Spain at the Congress of Verona, that
in fact she had resolved upon commencing war
against her—it might have been suppOsed that a
question involving so many important considerations
—involving the possible occupation by the French of
the ports of Spain, by means of which they might
menace Ireland, and strike a ileadly blow at our
dearest interests, commercial and political, it might
have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers
would have taken some time to deliberate upon so
portentous an aspect of affairs—some time to consi-
der what measures would be necessary to counteract
so alarming an evil. It appeared, however, that they
received the dispatch of the Duke of Wellington on
the 21th of September, stating the intention of bring-
ing forward the affairs of Spain at the Congress
of Verona, and that on the '27th, only three days
afterwards, an answer was returned. What was the
nature of the answer of Mr. Secretary Canning to
the Duke of Wellington ? " If there be a determined
project to interfere by force or by menace in the pre-
sent struggle in Spain, so convinced are his Ma-
jesty's Government of the uselessness and danger of
any such interference, so objectionable does it appear
to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable
in execution, that when the necessity, or (I could
rather say) when the opportunity offers, I am to in-
struct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily
to declare that to any such interference, come what
may,"—what ? that his Majesty would be ready to
oppose all his forces, or that his Majesty would place
himself in an attitude ready to resist any such un-
justifiable principle of interference, should it be at-
tempted to be acted upon? No; but merely this,
His Majesty will not be a party." So tame a con-1
clusion had put him in mind of a play he had lately
read, in which two men, after a long discussion as
to what was best to be done in an important conjunc-1
tare, agreed, that it would be best to do nothing ;1
but not only his Majesty's Ministers had done no-
thing, but they had said nothing, or at least so little,
that it was nothing to the purpose. With regard to
the questions put by France to the Allied Powers, it
appeared by a dispatch of the Duke of Wellington,
dated Verona, October 29, furnished in the addi-
tional Papers, that the Noble Duke intended to call
upon the Allies, to require an explanation on the
part of France, but it did not appear from the dis-
patch of the Noble Duke, dated the next day, that
he had carried that intention into effect—( Hear, hear).
The Noble Duke having returned from Verona, it
appeared to have been determined to send Lord Fitz-
roy Somerset to Madrid, and he now came to the
Memorandum of the Noble Duke, written upon that
occasion for Lord Fitzroy Somerset. Of this Memo-
' raaclum he really could siy little, for to him it was
unintelligible. The Noble Duke hinted that it Spain
would make some concessions, France, finding it ex-
pensive to keep up an Army of Observation, would
withdraw it ; but it did not appear on the face'of the
Papers before the House that the Noble Duke had
the smallest authority to make those offers. It was
possible that he was not perfectly aware of the prin-
ciples of the British Constitution; for if he had been,
he certainly would never have consented to become
a party to such a transaction as to propose to Spain
to alter her Constitution at the desire of. France, and
when the alternative was war. It also appeared that
the Noble Duke must have been as unacquainted
with the Constitution of Spain as with that of his
own country ; for he had demanded alterations in
that Constitution, whereas no alteration could be
made in it by law, until a certain time should arrive.
What he had demanded amounted therefore to the
destruction of that Constitution, and he had asked it
of men who had sworn not to do it. He had asked
of them first to violate the fundamental principle of
their Constitution, next- to violate their oaths, and
then every principle of international law, and to do
this in compliance with the desires of an enemy who
demanded it at the point of the bayonet. Fortu-
nately, the Spaniards knew their Constitution better
than the Noble Duke, and with the spirit and dig-
nity of their national character, absolutely refused to
take into consideration the alterations proposed. Thus
the views of those wbo wished insidiously to destroy
their Constitution had failed. It was extraordinasy
that this intrigue bad been carried on at the very
time when M. de Villele declared, in his letter to 51.
de Lagarde, that France would not cease her precau-
tionary measures as lung as Spain was torn by dissen-
sions. What was more likely to make the whole cows-
try of Spain a scene of anarchy and discord than an

' attempt to change her Constitution in the face of a should recommend was this ; The war was justifiable,
threatening enemy ? Mr. Canning admitted, in one ! and when forced into it we must go to
war. He
of his Notes, the right of Fiance to use precautionary 1 could not close -without expressing a belief that
measures to guard against the moral infection of p - in the conflict in which Spain was engaged, the ge-
. litical doctrines. He also seemee. to feel the import- j neral feeling of the British People was involved.—
ante of this admission; for the day after it was made The Spanish Nation had acted with a dignity and
he had written to Sir Williau Atourt that the Army forbearance which might have done honout to elder
of Observation formed the chief obstacle to negocia- States. His hope was, that in this contest the Spa-
tion. He would not notice the absurdity of suppos- niards would consider that the war involved every
ing that an Army of Observation could stop moral thing dear to man, and that they would oppose that
infection of any kind,. as if principles could be barred resistance which had formerly triumphed.. The cause •
our by crossed baionets: he would only say, that was independence. They wanted •no wild and vi-
after France had declared that she would not with- sionary object, but a free and constitutionallio Monarchy.
y The Noble Lord concluded by moving—
draw her Army as long as
.Spain should be torn b
civil dissensions', and alter the triumphs of Mina, by a That an Address be presented to his Majesty to return the
putting an end ..o those dissensions, had afforded her bumble thanks of that House for the communication graciously
, dons
se
that
to
Verona,aAddressn
pa
tfios,r certain the means of dissolving her army with honour, Mr.
eillisPedriPr: co relating to negdeancptiae:
Canning's admission had suggested to her a ground
Bret
neand
tdhesd;sirein haTitinifented by his Ma.jestat yt for
gam peacehe acme ibetwtheen
of which she had not originally thought, for main- Vran
taming her line of observation. Their Lordships were obliged to declare that the course pursued by histlaej'esty7s
of the British Nation, and avert the war: that the French King,
might observe in the Papers with what unexpected Ministers was not the true course to support the independence
delight M. de Chateaubriand seized upon that forgetfulad- °f
of the valuable anima= nkkit had contribatedao his
mission, aniLitsionediattely asserted the principle that. restoration, and invading the right which every nation possessed
France had a right to defend herself against moral to alter and tunend its Constitution, had coMmenced an attack
contagion. M. de Chateaubriand rightly thought on Spain, whose independence bra ist ail asset been sobbpieett
Dr policy: to eewsnins Ms hiajeiewthat tar House Melly
that this concession once made, all was conceded to
France. This was the case, and should her armies ill°'""tth"wa' °nig 14110 11111"1" in having
suggested to the Spaniards a chime in their Constitution similar
occupy Spain, and reach the frontiers of Portugal, ro that proposed by Prance; and in baying been,
abenngbene
the
the same pretence suggested by Mr. Canning would the whole coarse of the negotiations, 0101 e solicitous to se ve
justify a similar measure against our old ally. The French Government than Spain, unjustly threatened wish
war: to represents tiehhisv:dajesty, that in the view taken of t
whole case of France might now rest and be justi- late
fled on this admission by the British Minister.— that Government:w with
atturee;bitistettieajetsryplace no
that a treriumphe
ea
Notwithstanding all this, however, fresh attempts France aver Spain would be injurious to this country: to di?:
were still made to induce Spain to alter her Consti. dare that a more prompt &tidy, pokey might have realised
tution, although M. Chateaubriand, in his Note of 6"i," entertained of preventing war," &c. etc,
the 23d of January, clearly intimated that the only The Earl of HARROWBY expressed it to be the.
concession-which could induce France to stop her mi- anxious wish of Ministers to make themselves respon-
sible for all that had been done by the Noble Duke
litary preparations, Was the concession of the whole
Spanish Constitution. As Parliament, however, was near him (the Duke of Wellington) at Verona. -If
to meet on the 4th of February, and it became ne- what had been transacted 14 that Noble Duke was
cesSary to prepare a case for its inspection, their contrary to the honour and interests of this country,
Lordships would find a Declaration dated the 28th Ministers hear the blame, as he had only acted up to
of January; in which this country declined joining in the letter and to the spirit of his instructions. The
the interference of the Allies against Spain. And Noble Lord, in the course of his speech and address,
even this was not a direct and powerful protest, but had gone the length of avowing it to be his decided
a confidential letter toour Minister. Was it possible opinion, that it would be more for the interest and
that the Noble Earl opposite should have meant honour of this country t', be at war with France at
this, when he said that a solemn protest had been this moment than to be in a state of neutrality. His
made? Mr. Canning had transmitted this dispatch language came very nearly to this, having, in the
to Sir W. A'Court, without revoking that of the 26th first instance, passed a censure on linisters, which
tof January, which directed him to endeavour to ob-
heir conduct did not deserve. He told their Lord-
tain fresh concessions ; so that Minister must have ships, that if a more " prompt, decisive, and unequi-
found himself embarrassed by the opposite nature vocal" tone had been taken by this country, peace
of the two communications which he received. In might have been preserved. 'She question for their
the dispatch of the 28th of January, Mr. Canning Lordships consideration was this—Was it better for
had made an admission, such as had never been made this country to be at peace than to be engaged in a new
Minister.before by a British inister. He had owned that war? He was of opinion that stronger measures could
it was for the safety, and at the desire of France, that not have been pursued .by this Government unless- it
the British. Government had insidiously. endeavoured -had first made up-its mind to got war in support of
to obtain from the Spanish nation similar terms.to Spain if .France could not be-dissuaded to adppt a
those demanded by Fiance. He had also afforded different line of policy.
- - To this coarse it was awes.
to M. Chateaubriand a mode of extricating himself try that they should makeup their minds, if,,actiug
from the difficulty in which the strong I
knivage, agreeably to the views of tie Noble Lord, they had
pot in the-Speech of the King of France had-plated takeno a more prompt, decisive; and unequivocal'
him, by suggesting that that Speech wee *Pew to two tone
.;" for to .him
im it appeared that these words bad no
interpretations, a suggestion which M. de Plateau meaning at all if they did-not. mean that in the case
briand immediately adopted.. If it were possible to !apposed, it was the duty of this country to go to
doubt the intention of the French Government to ac- war with France. But war,..he contended, ought
cept of no concession except the whole Spanish Con- only to be sanctioned by the. Government of a State,
stitution, he would refer their Lordships to the Note from the conviction, under airilie circumstances.that
communicated to the Bing of Spain by M. de La war was preferable to peace. If-A doubt could,exist
Garde, which, .in common with all the other dote- on the subject, that doubt ought to induce them to
menu up to that time, demanded that the King decide for peace. The Noble Lord (Ellenborough)
should be re-established in absolute power before any had said much with .respect to the conduct of
alteration should be made in the Constitution of France, and one of the. accusations which he had
Spain, ot, in fact, that the Family Compact should preferred against this Government was, that it.
be restored ia greaser vigour than ever. M. de Cha- had been grossly duped by the Ministers of France.
teaubriand, however, being desirous that we should He wished to know what meaning their Lordships
continue to negotiate, as it served his convenience attached to these words?. Was be a dupe, if from
and the purposes of the French Administration, said his confidence in the sincerity of the professions of
at last, en the 10th of February, that it the Spanish an individual who was not sincere, he adopted a
Government would create a second Chamber, France course riot different (loin that, which, under other
would suspend her military operations. So that al- circumstances, a egard for his own interest would have
though the subject had been discussed since the 6th dictated ? If this Government wished to avoid war,
of January, it was not till the 19th of February that how could the French Government be said to have
Sir William A'Court was put is. possession of the duped it in the only sense which a nation could be said
terms of France. On the 31st of March, Mr. Can- to have been duped ? We had believed the French
ning then wrote as long letter, not to the French Go- Ministers to be sincere, and had determined Dot in
filament, but to Sir C. Stuart, in which he went the first instance to have recourse to arms; but he
through the whole history of those negociations which contended that if they were not sincere, the principles
bad terminated. The result of their failure was the on which we had regulated our conduct werexight.
commencement of the war between France and Spain. The case was one in which they-were bound to use
Could their Lordships think that the English Govern- conciliatory means to the utmost, however loci :their
meat had done anything, or all that it ought to have their hopes of success might become. It was "satis.
done? Could they think that the honour of this factory to him to know that this hadUeier beeraJost
country had been duly supported? Was it consist- sight of by those near him. Their wisheifoi`iteace
eat with that honour, to endeavour insidiously to ob- had led them to persevere in it till the isnif. Though
tabs from Spain the concessions demanded by France? the-prospect had been clouded, they had beeit'slow
—Was- it honourable to induce men to break their to abandon the object in triew.
..
oaths, and sacrifice every principle of independence? a For Love will hope where &ma would despair." •
Did they think that it was for the advantage of The question, as he had already said, for theri) to
France suds a war should have ensued ?It was consider, was this—did the interest or honour of the
I marked by all the atrocity of Napoleon, and all the country require that we should go to war for Spain?
oppression of the Bourbons. Was it for our advan- He begged that this might never be lost sight of while
cage that such an army should stand on the frbntiers their Lordships were considering these negociatidlis,
iatidlis.
ot Spain ? • Was it for our interest and the interests The object of England being conciliation, a menace
of mankind, that France should fail in this attempt ? could not have been used with propriety or advantage,
Was jt for our interest that England should be obliged , nor could more be done than had been done. It was
to concert means for the preservation of that system seen what the course of England on this question had
upon which our own Constitution rested ? Had they been ever since the sin ing of 1820. Measures were
acted on the principles of international law? No.— at that time in agitation with respect to Spain. But,
All law and independent feeling had been surren-lin consequence of the steps taken by this country up
dered. Looking_ to all the intrigues of the French to 1822, no hostile step had been taken, even so far
Government at Verona, the commencement of such as to withdraw the Ministers of the Alike from Spain.
a war must be considered not only disgraceful to Was it for this country to gel to war on an abstract
France, btit to the British Government,. which had question ?--for the Spanish Constitution ?--or for the
been gulled and deluded. It. was not possible to place liberties of the Spanish People? He could not see that
the smallest confidence in the contradictory language j we were bound to do this; and he thought it would
of the French diplomatists. Ills Majesty's Ministers puzzle their Lordships to decide at this moment what
were duTed by the talk of pace at the very time the ought to be considered the.Spisitish People. Divided
Beet of France had gone to the \Veit ladies. It was a is that country was at present, if •gtiglan Anne s d • ' d •
n general opinion, that a more prompt: line of policy the war, she would have to fight against a. great
aright have been adopted. The Aiddrels he shobld portion of the' very People s desired to tsarist.
move, would not call on them to
.come to any de- rhi note ,ci -die-couistryf Ulnae for. meta titSireble
cision oa the question of pepcp I.4rrai. ,ThicAiscyjr itronuresson isiiptitlregteripsfiliwo war taloa
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