Star.
London, England, 1814-11-22 00:00:00

WASHING) ON, OCTOBER 17.

The President communicated on the 13th of Octo-
ber to Congress copies of Instructions to the Plenipo-
tentiaries. First, Mr. Monroe's letter, of which the
following is the substance :

" Department of State, April 15, 1519.
" GENTLEMEN—I had the honour on the --
to receive from Mr. Adams two letters, one bearing
date on the 30th of September, and the other on the
17th of October last, communicating the overture of
the Emperor of Russia to promote peace by his
friendly mediation between the United States and
Great Britain. On the day following, Mr. Dascbkoff,
the Russian Minister, made a similar communication

to this department.
44 The President has not hesitated to accept the
-mediation of Russia, and he indulges a strong hope
that it will produce the desired effect. It is not
known that Great Britain has acceded to the propo-
sition, but it is presumed that she will not decline it.
The President thought it improper to postpone his
decision, until he should hear of that of the British
Government. Should the British accept the media-
tion, the negotiation to which it leads will be held at
St. Petersburgh.
44 The impressment of our seamen and illegal
blockades, as exemplified more particularly in the
Orders in Council, were the principal causes of the
war. Had not Great Britain persevered obstinately
in the violation of these important rights, the war
would not have been declared. It will cease as soon
as these rights are iespected:,
44 This has been evinced by a report of the Com-
.- • • • •

Mittee of foreign relations of the House of Represen-
lathes, and an act of Congress passed in consequence
of that report. By these documents you will see that
to accommodate this important difference, the United
'States are disposed to exclude British seamen altoge-
ther from the American service. This being effec-
tually done, the British Government can have no
pretext for the practice. How shall it be done ? By
restraints to be imposed by each nation on the natu-
ralization of the seamen of the other, excluding at
'the same' time all others not naturalized ; or shall
the right of each nation to naturalize the seamen of
thesother be prohibited, and each exclude from its
'service the natives of the cabet.l Whatever the rule
is, it ought to be reciprocal. If Great Britain is al-
lowed to naturalize American seamen, the United
States should enjoy the same privileges. It it is de-
manded that the United. States shall exclude from
" their service all native British subjects, a like exclu-
sion of American citizens from the British service
'ought to be
-reciprocated,
44 If the first alternative is adopted, the extent of
the proposed exclusiptt will depend on the impedi-
Iments to naturalization, on the efficacy of tile regu-
lations to prevent imposition, and the fidelity of their
execution. The law of the last Session of Congress,
relative to seamen, proves how sincerely desirous the
Legislative as well as Executive branch of our Go-
vernment is to adjust this. controversy on conditions
which may be satisfactory to Great Britain. /3y that
law it is made indispensable ftsr every British subject
who may hereafter become a citizen, to reside five
years without interasission,within the United States;
and so many guards are imposed to prevent frauds,
that it seems to be impassible that they should be
eluded. ,No British subject can be employed in a
,
public or private ship of the United States, unless he
produces to the Commapder in one instance, and to
the Collector in the other, a certified copy of the act
by which he became naturalized. A list of the crew,
in the case of a private ship, must be taken, certified
and recorded by the collector ; and the consuls or
Ilcommercial agents of Great Britain may object to
any seamen, and attend the investigation. Toe com-
mander of a public ship receiving a person not duly
qualified shall forfeit a thousand dollars, and the
commander or owner of a private ship knowing
thereof five hundred dollars, to be recovered in an
action of debt ; one half to the informer, and one
half to the United States. It is also made penal,
punishable as a felony by imprisonment and labour
from three to five years, or by fine, horn 500 to 1000
dollars, for any person to forge or counterfeit, or to
pass, or use, or sell any forged or counterfeited certi-
ficate of citizenship.
" By requiring five years continual residence in
the United States, as The condition oT citizenship, few
if any British seamen would ever take advantage of
it. -Such as had lett Great Britain, and had resided
Eye years in this country, would be likely to abandon
the sea for ever. And by making it the duty of the
commanders of our public, and of the colleen-2-s, in
case of private ships, to require an auth •n,icAred copy
from the clerk of the court, before which a British
subject who offered his service had been naturalized,
las indispensable to his admission, and highly penal
in either to take a person not duly qualitit.,4, and by
allowing also British Agents to object to any one
offering his service, and to prosecute. by suit ilt! com-
mander or collector, as the case might be, for receiv.
ing an improper person, it seems to be impossible
that such should be received.

44 If the second alternative is adoptei, that is, if
all native British subjects are to be hereafter ex hol-
ed from our service, it is important that the stipula-
tion providing for it should operate so as not to affect
those who have been already naturalized. By our
law all the rights of natives are given to naturalized
citizens. 'lt is contended by some, that these corn-
plete rights do not extend beyond the limits of the
United States ; that in naturalizing a foreigner, no
'State can absolve him from the obligation which he
owes to his former government, and that he becomes
a citizen in a qualified sense only. This doctrine, if
true in any case, is len applicable to the United
States than to any other Power. Expatriation seems
to be a natural right, and by the original character
of our institutions, founded by compact on principle,
and particularly by the unqualified investment of the
adopted citizen with the full rights of the nat;ve, all
that the United States could do to place him on the
same footing has been done. In point of interest,
the object is of little importance to either party. Tile
number to be affected by the stipulation is inconsi-
derable ; nor can that be a cause of surprize, when
the character of that class of men is considered
“ If it is made- a condition, that no native British
subject, who may hereafter become a citizen, shall be
employed in our public or private ships, their exclu-
sion will violate no right. Those who might become
citizens afterwards would acquire the right, subject
to that condition, and would be bound by it.
44 To such a stipulation the President is willing to
assent, although he would much prefer the alterna-
tive of restraints on naturalisation.
44 In requiring that the stipulation to exclude Bri-
tish seamen from our service, with the regulations for
carrying it into effect, be made reciprocal; the Presi-
dent desires that you make a provision, authorising
the United States, if they should be so disposed, to
dispense with the obligations imposed by it or Ame-
rican citizens.
44 The President is not particularly solicitous that
either of these alternatives (making the proposed re-
servation in case the latter be) should be preferred.
To secure the United States against impressment, he
is willing to adopt either.
64 It has been suggested as an expedient mode for
the adjustment of this controversy, that British crui-
sers should have a right to search.uur vessels for Bri-
tish seamen, but that the Commanders thereof should
be subjected to penalties in wise they made mistakes,
and took from them American citizens.
64 By this the British Government would accpire
.

.the right of search for seamen, with that of im
ing from our vessels the subjects of all other Iflt
It will not escape your attention, that by
the right, in any case, we give up the principle;
leave the door open to every kind of
same objection is applicable to any and every other
arrangement sithielfivirlihelds the respect due to rim--1
flag, by not allowing it to protect the crew tailing!
under it.
si The great object in regard to itopresainset is—
that our flag shall protect the crew; and-providing'
for this in a satisfactory manner, you ate audicielited
to secure Great Britain effectually against the em.
ployment of her seamen in the service of the United
States. This would be done by the adoption of ei.
ther of the above alternatives, and the application tit
'that. which may be adopted of the checks Contained
in the law of the last session relative to seamen : id
aid of which it will always be in the power Of Great
Britain to make regulations operating hi her own
ports, with k view to the same effect.
44 To terminate, however, this controversy in a
manner satisfactory to both parties, the President is
willing, should other checks be suggested as likely
to be more effectual, consistent with the spirit of Our
constitution, that you should adopt them.
44 The strong feature of the first alternative, which
authorizes naturalization, requires the continued resi-
dence for five years. In Case this be adopted, the
President is willing to secure a compliance with that
condition, to make it the duty of each alien desirous
to become a citizen, to appear in court every year,.
fi,r the term of five years, till his right shall be corn-
pleted.
44 This example is given as an illustration of your
power ; for to exclusion of British seamen from oun
service, no repugnance is felt. To such exclusions
the amicable adjustment of this controversy with
Great Britain affords a strong motive, but not the
only one. It is a glowing sentiment in the United.
States, that they ought to depend on their own po-
pulation for the supply of their ships of war and mer-
chant service t expericnee has shewn that it is an
abundant resource.
44 A strong desire has heretofore been expressed
..by. the British Government to obtain of the United
States an arrangement to prevent the desertion of
Biitis.h seamen, when in our ports ; and it earthen 'tie,
doubted that a. stipnhttion to that effect would be;
highly satisfactory as well as useful to Great Britain.
It is fairly to be presumed, that it alone would afford
to the British Government a strong inducement to.
enter into a satisfactory arrangement of the diffe-
rence relating to inipressment. The claim is. not in-
admissible, especially as the United States.hive are-,
ciprocal interest in the restoration of deserters front
American vessels in British ports.
440 i the right of the United States to be exempted
from the degrading practice of intpreisnietir; as
much has been already said, and witllt such
that it would be useless, especially to you, who are
otherwise so well acquainted with it, to dilate on its
merits,
4. This practice is not founded on any belligerent
right. The greatest extent to whith the bell
claim has been carried over the vessels of nettia-
tions, is, to bowel, and take from them peestins in
the land and sea service of an enemy, contrababd of
war, and enemy's property. All nations agree re-
specting the two first articles ; but there hst been,
and still exists, a diversity of opinion as to the lair:
The. Empress Catherine' of Rum* a distinguished
advocate for just principles, placed herself, in the year
1780 at the head of neutral nations, in favour of a
liberal construction of their-tights, and her sasses.
sors have generally followed her example. In all
the discussions on these topics, we find nothing of
the Briti.,l3 claim to impressment—no aiknoviledge-
ment 61 it by any treaty, or proof of submission to rt
by any power.
4. If instances have occurred in which British crui-
sers have taken British seamen from the vesseli of
other nations, they were, as it is presumed, in casts
either not icquiesced in, or of the extraordinary na-
ture only,. affording no countenance to their practite
itritpreterioionn in relation to the United States.
Case's of this. kind, if such. therehe, afford no proof
of n if stetisafic claim. in:the British Government to
iMpresszneett or of submission to it by other Powers.
64 This claim is, in fact, traced to another source—
t);e allegiatice.due by British subjects to the Sove-
fedin, and tali AO; by virtue thereof to their •servior.
I his has been distinctly stated in a. late declaration
by the Prince Regent. Xpowinlic the nature of the
we knoW also the extant of the right and obeli:
cations incident to it. Allegiance is a political rela-
tion between a Sovereign and his people. It is the'
obligation which binds the latter in retui n for tha pro-
tection which they receive. These reciprocal duties
have the same limit. They are confined to the do-
minions of the Sovereign, beyond which he has no
rights, can afford no protection, and can of course
claim no alle,giance. A citizen or subject of one
power, entering the dominions a another, owes able.
glance to the latter, in recut° for the protection he re-
eeives. Whether a Sovereign, has * right to claim
the service of such ofhis subjects as bate left his own
dontiniOns, is a question, respecting which also a dif.
ference of opinion niny exist. It is certain that no
Sovereign has a right to pursue hie subjects into the
territories of another, be the motive fur it what it
may. Such atientry,without the consent of the other
power, should be a violation, of its territory, and. an
act of hostility. Crffinders,evep conspirators, cannot
be pursued by one 0000 into the territory of'anothee;
nor are they delivered op by the latter, in com-
pliance with treaties, or by favour. That the vessels
a nation are considered a part °t its territory. with
• the ezceptiAn of the belligerent right only, is a pees-
eipie to I well established to be brought into dienos.
sion. Each state has exclusive jurisdiction ovecits
Own vessels.
The British Government, aware of the truth of
this docrrint, has eridenvoureel. to avoid its cone.;
quencesin the late declaration Ot the Prince itegent.
It has not contended that British criiiaers have a right
to pursue and starch Our vessels fqratitisli seamen. It.
asserts only that they. have *righliti zcarch them for
other olijettsitive being on board for a lawful cause,
ited._ folding
.Britisb islomen there, that they have a
right to iiiipeeas dui briek.thern away, under the
claim of anetjenee, rtitliNar seo a systematic pus.
suit of OM vesieli IfEitish cluiltrs, aid the
pressment.ot teams* fVntitt: *it* a port the
Seitatf;obite *Obi • -baillieen instituted,

and by the blockading squidcon, but in every patter
the oceani.ou our cottg, nude:ten in our ues, it
tketlifilcult to believe that iMpretsment is not. tbel feal,
istaive, aad the other the pretext for it. But to place
alias Argutoent of the British Government •on the
grengest.ground, let it be admitted that the entry
was lawful, is it so to commit an act not warreotedby L
the purpose for which the entry was made ? Thera h',
a levity in this argument. The Britieh vesovertatlient
founds its right of impressment from ?er.ships owl
that of allegiance, which is a permanent right. equally
applicable to peace or war. The right of impress-
ment, therefore, froth .the vessels of other powers
anitt likewise be peiMinent, and equally aOplicabli
to peace and war. It would not, however, take thit
broad ground, lest the injustice and extravagance of L
die pretension might excite the astonishment and in
-41gtratioo of other powers, w wham it would
*tipsily applicable. To claim it as a belligerent rig t
would have
Lbeen tinny unjust. and absurd. Tlid
-*fifth tiOVerintiept was, therefore, reduced to a 414
!donna. To aclctiowledge it could not support thd
clkim oh either pritiCiple, Would be to relinquish itl
and yet it could rely on neither. It endeavottred td
draw some aid frOin both. A state of war existi
Which brings the parties together. Great Britain ea
a belligerent, and the United States as a 'Neutral
Power. British officers have now a right to board
and search American vessels, but for *hat ? Persona
in the service of an enemy, contraband of war, or ene-
my's property ? This would lot accomplish the end:
[lt is, however, the utmost limit of the belligerent
Liright. Alie4iance, which is an attribute of sore-
' reignty, comes to her aid, and communicates all tho
Inecessary power. The national chaiacter of the nets=
tral vesget cam. The complete right of stivereigntyi
Ind jurisditticib,Orer. it is it-anti-erred to Great Britain.,
64 The ' •rained in the declaration of the
Prince Reg
Are
an impressing British seamen from
American vesse '; Great Britain exercised no right
which she was not willing to acknowledge as apper.
mining eqiially to the Government of the United
States, with respect to American seamen in British
merchant ships, proves only that the British Govern-
ment is conscious of the injustice of the claim, and
desirous of giving to it such aid as may be derived
from a plausible argument. The semblance of 'qua,.
lity, however, in this proposition, which strikes at
first view, disappears on a fair examination. It is
unfair, first, because it is impossible for the United'
States to take advantage of it. Impressment is ut-
terly repugnant to our constitution and laws. In
offering to reciprocate it, nothing Was offered, as the
British Government well knew. It is unfair, se-
condly, because it impressment were allowable, a re-
-44)1430.166u a tie; practice would be no equivalent to
the United Slates. The exercise of a right in com-
mon, at sea, by two nations, each over the vessels of
the other, the Qat powerful and the other compara-
tively weak, would be to put the latter completely at
the mercy of the former. Great Britain, with her
vast navy, *Mild SONS be the only party which made
imPreasineot. The United States would be compelled
to abstain ROM it, and either to submit to the British
rule, With all Ate elitists incident to power, or to re-
sist it. Zit should the United States be permitted to
make impresimeot initin British vessels, the effect
would be unequal. great Britain has, perhaps, SO
ships of war at Ma Mope of the United States, and
would profit' of the irrogement in that proportion.
Besides;iinpiessri4tit is a practice incident to war, in
which view, likewise, the inequality is not less gla,
zing, she being at least thirty years at war to one
of the United States.
" It might naturally have been expected that Great
Britain would haste-given by her conduct some sup-
Prt to the.Pteteasions, that if she had not disclaimed
altogether this principle of naturalization, she would
at least have excluded from her service foreign sea-
men. Her conduct, however, has been altogether
at variance with her precepts. She naturalises by
special act of Parliament. She naturalises all persons
who reside a certain term in British colonies, all
who are born of British subjects, in foreign domi-
nions, and all seamen L who have served a certain
short term in the British service, and would doubt-
less:protect all such as British subjects, if required by
them so to do.
" Should improper impressions have been taken of
the probable. coesevences of the war, your will have
ample means to remove them. It is certain that
*ay its prosecution Great Britain can promise to her-
self no advantage, while the exposes herself to great
.eepenses, and to the danger of still greater losses.—
The people of the United States, accustomed to the
indulgence of a long peace, roused by the causes and
progress of the war, are rapidly acquiring military
habits, and becoming a military people. Our know-
ledge in naval tactics has increased, as has our mari-
' time strength. The gallantry and success of our
little navy-have formed an epoch in naval history.—
The laurels which these brave men have gained, not
for themselves alone,, but for their country, from an
enemy pre-eminent in naval exploits for ages past,
re among the proudest boasts of their grateful and
elictionates fellow citizens. Our manufactures have
Liia
kea astonishing growth. In short in every circtmso
stance in which the war is felt, its pressure tends evi-
dently to unite our people, to draw out our resources,
niitivigorate our means, and to make uslmore truly an
independent nation, and, as far as may b: necessary,
-a great Maritime power.
..A strong hope is, therefore, entertained, that full
powers will be given to the British Commissioners to
arrange all these grounds of controversy in a satisfac-
Very manner. ~
" In entering on this interesting part of your duty,
Atli tip; object which will claim your attention is, that
(blockade. The violation of our neutral rights by
illegal- blockades', carried' to an enormous extent by
'Orders in. Council, was a principal cause of the war.
These orders, however, and with them the blockade'
;el Hay, 18.06, and, as it,is understood, all other illegal
blockades, have been repealed, so that the cause of war
his been removed. All 414 is now expected is, that
the. British Government will unite in a more precise
definitiOn of blockade.
• "The British Government has recently, in two for-i
mil acts, given definitions of blockade. either of whieltt
wield be satisfactory. The first is to be seen in a
communication from Mr. Mercy to this department,bearing date, on the i2th of April, 1804. The fol-
lowing are,the circumstances attending it ; COMM-
dore Heal, the commander of a British squadron in
the West Indies, in 1803, Itikving declared the Mende'
of Maitisigue eis4 Geadataive 4 a mit of biota'

'kali*, without applying an ailele en nikefeeeli ireelletaht
it; the Skretareeof State rekhonAiiitra egeinst the
illt,Xality of th‘'metisufei Which reelleinstemet eras
laid before the Leas eillemeliesionele of the dme
',wily in England, who **fillet "thee thee le sent
hers not to contidee At, bitieltade tif tilde islands
as existing, unless in respect of Particular ports, which
7iiiight be actually invested, and then not to capture
eestees bonnie to such Ports, unless they shall have
been previously warned not to enter them:"
" The second definition is to be found in a cons
, vention between Great Beisain and • Russia; in keel
1.601, 4th sec. 3d art. which declares, "than in °Met
1, te determine what chaeictereses a blockaded pierce
ettit denorninition it given only to a pbrt where there
'it be 'tee disposition Ot the power which attacks it;
with slept statieniee, or sufficiently near, an evident
danger In entering."
66 The Pfesiderit is willing for you to adopt either
of these definitions, but pleura the first as more pre.
cite and detetehinete : Mid When it is tbtlsidered Mkt
.
1 it was made the criterion by so formal an act betiied
the two Governments, it eatinot be ptesbited that the
British Gotetntnein will object to the reitewal of it.
44 An interference teith tint commerce between cue-
, my's colonies and their ;tenant country was among
the vielatidna of bur neutral right!; committed by
Great lefitainin her ptesent war With France. It
took place in 1806, did extensive injury, and pro-
duced universal excitement. In securing us against
a repetition of it, you will attend to an article of the
Coneentitin between Russia and Great Britiln, en.;
tered into on the die of 1801 ;to the 11th
article of the.project of a treaty with Great Britain;
that was signed by Mr: Monroe and Mr. Pinktief, on
the 3lst December, 1806 ; and to the instiuctione
from this department relating to that article of the
20th of May, 1807. The capture by Great Britain
o' almost all the iilands of• her enemies, diminishes
the importance of any regulation on this subject ; but
es they may be restored by a treaty of peace, it me-
Site particular attention. It being understood, how-
evereehat unless such a trade can be obtained in a
paver extent, and without a relinquishment of the
principle contended for by the Milted States, it will'
be beat thee the treaty be silent On the subject.
. 46 A disposition has been dieem by the British Ges.
verntnent to extend' this grehictple so far as to inhibit
t trade to neutrals even tween a power at peace
'with Great Britain end her Enemy, as for exaMple
between China Ad Frence. The stbsurdity of this
epretension Mae peeteet its being heteafter advanced.
ft will not, howeeet, be unworthy of your attention.
44 By an order of the British Government in 1803,
ititiih cruisers Were authorised to take neutral ves-
sels Laden with innocent' rticles, on their return from
an enemy's-port, on the pretence that the/ had car-
ried to such port contraband of war. This order is
directly repugnant to the law of nations, as the cir-
cumstance of having contraband articles od boatd
bound to an Meisel% port, is the only legal ground
for seizure. Tire claim Was reliticeniMedeby the lete-
tish Government in the itth article of the project
ilhove recited; eon Wile endeavoite in like Manner to
provide against it. ft is the prietki of British end-
' zers to compel tee comitiandeil of neuttal vessett
Which they meet at sea, either to board the& in pet-
son with their pipers, or to send thee' &pits on board
in their boats by an officer. The injustice and irre-
gularity of this procedure need not be ritentio'ned.—
You• win endeavour to suppkes it id the Manner prte
posed in the third article of a project tomrminicated
to Mr. Monroe, at London, in hisinsduttions of the
sth of January, 1804.
64 The pretension of Great Ifietaen to interdict the
passage of neutral vesseli with the cargoes from one
port to another port of ad enemy, is illegal and very
injurious to the commerce bf neutral powers. Stilt
more unjustifiable is the attempt to interdict their pas-
sage from a port of one` independent nation to that
of another, on the pretence that they are both ene-
mies. You will endeavour to obtain, in both instances,
a security-for the neutral right. Upon the whole
subject I have to observes that your first duty will be
to conclude a peace with Great Britain, and that ycu
are authorised to do it, in yak you obtain a unistac-
tory stipulation against impressment, one wheel shall
secure, under our flag, protection to the crew. 'fee
manner in which it may be done has been already
stated, with the reciprocal stendations which you
may enter into to secure Great Britain• against the in.
jury of which she complains. If this encroachment
of Great Britain is not provided against, the United
States have appealed to arms in vein. It your efforts
to accomplish it should fail, all 4u:ther negeciatiorth
will cease, and you will return ho ne without delay.
It is possible that some difficuti y may occur in ar.
ranging this article respecting- its duration. To ob.
viate this, the President is willing that it he limited
to the present war in Europe. Resting, as the United
States do, on the solid ground of right, it is not pre-
sumable that Great Britain, especially alter the aid.
vantage she may derive from the arrangement pro'
posed, would ever revive her pretension. In forming
any stipulation on this' subject, you will be careful
not to impair by it ilw right of the United States, or
to sanction the principle ot the British claim:
46 Indemnity for losses seems to be a fair claim on
the pert of the United States; and the British Go-1
' vanswot, if desirous to strengthen the relations ot
ifsiendihip, may be willing to make it. In bringing
I the claim into view, you will not let it &teat the pri-
*wry objects intrusted to you.
6, No difficulty can arise from the case of the non-
' importation act, which will doubtless be terminated
in consequence of a pacification.
46 In discharging the duties of the trust committed
so you, the Prerinient desires that you wilt manifest
the highest degree of respect for the Emperor of
Runes, and aenfldenee in the integrity and impartia-
lity of his views.
44 I shale conclude by remarking that a strong hope
'is entertained that this friendly mediation of the Em-
peror Alexander will firm an epoch in the relations
between the UnireaSeetes and Russia, which will be
extensively felt; and be long and eminently distin.
relied by the happy consequences attending it.—
!Luce 171Kii Russia has been the pivot on which all•
questions of neutral right hare essentially turned.—
Most Of the wars which have disturbed the world in
lemeleeneinies hive Originated with Great Britain and
Prance. These wars have affected distant countries,
especially in their character as neutrals, and very ma-
terially the United States, who took no patt in pro.
'suiting them, and had no interest in the gnat °beret
of either power.".

4 a,`

PARLIAMENT:MT PROCaliribt ' I
- :
HOUSE OF LORDS, NOV. iii. i
Counsel were finally heard in de Appeal, General Roliwet,,,4
v. the Duke of Athol. Judgment was "wpm&
PRESERVATION OIF Tllli PEACE IN IRELAND.
TbeEul of DONOUGHMO It E otwrired, that andersmolieg
from the pobtic ?daft theta em was introduced toto mob.,
place for the amendment of the Act of last Session, for the hew.
Preservation of the Peace In Iceland, Ad sietifinr, fh he dlE,lbma
accuracy of the ammonite made, and the unin'elgo sill* lif
Me proposes. otthat nteathre, it Olt lit.t filth, teltli able§ MAN. .
ble their ~dills to skterniihe With more auntie), upon teo
Asijett letien tite brought been aeon If pit tbana is
remotion of • • hirerinadna as m'ilit have that teideati .s
With that • • . .. gave 'tenni, that op thlirs4i• he weal I solo.
mit to ilk I MittiOn, whirls he outitn net posoon *
Max
Mt day, did he far MI he ill'oh 6 eitandi ti StiesiEßi
the two Interstrning alqs_._•
The Earl of LIVERPOOL *dined to be informed owls
liartimhrly ofthe *ism gibe Noble Lord.% Intended motion.
The Earl of DONOUGH MO itli replied, that hi.otieuoft
ttohem,elteilisinfor ritttelapdrodaiguestestoan
tosftothirmacohmemiedeminfataionarsa4l, us wire
said te be founded. • -
On ibe suggestion of aye ilia of taVettl6o6l., It was tirfftell -
that their Lordships shined be santato- ns4 ter flaerstlaY.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATI.IN.
the rad of iiO)II3Odt4MORE iske4ighe WA Viiminitag
the head of the Maitrahi, vitikaliii ant Mother informs.
tion called for by bit No6lb Friend (rtetri'of btrntey) icon
his intention to lay Woo the Table of that Habit tht Monies
Plea* pia.—The A,ldiaisi Which lied been presented titie
tOwnd df LIMPod, Olaignw.ect.direciy td the Regent, peas
by the Adniirtlty eltogettfee t
Ylsenaut MELVILI.E said, that the paters wlifeh he Me
&meet Veit thine eedy *Mat had Veen Ordered by the Hookt;
a that do Petition entangled W the Noble Eiril were ate ;
intone the number. At the same time, if the Noble P.M thong*
Otto move fir the*, theee could exist no postiliii libjecdon iii
his pm td their prodoettoti.
lite Earl of DOPIOUGHMORE commie! Ifs retalliesine
move immedlatsby fot those Papers, but tie Earl of Liverpool
intimating that the motion ought to be in the way pf Addren,
and that a notice *Old be esnvenietn, the Wilde Earl gave no.
eke that he would make the motion on Thursday. -
On the motion of Viseoilt MELVILLE,rhe order foe mad;og
S Medd! time the Stinnett and Mariut4 Pension Bid *is sins
charged, to glee tittle for the printing it the Bill, and a sew
sedan was made for thls day aelinight.
AMERICA.
The Marqttis of LANSDOWNE ttat deslront of
putting a question to the Noble bird; on a subject
Which wduld be of considerable importance at any
period, but viihich was of much more in the precast
state of affairs in Eatope. He alluded to the puhli.
'onion in Anteriet Of the Negociation between the
Bfitish and the ArneriCan Cotnrhistiotters at Ghent.
Was it the intention at his Majesty's Government to
make any communication to Parliament on this im.
portant subject ?
The Earl of LIVERPOOL replied, that it ski
not the intention of his Majesty's Government to Mk.
low the exampk of that of America, in .1.! unptio
=dented proceeding of publishing a partial and garb"-
led account of the commeneernent of a Negociation
still pending. He trusted that this answer would be
as satisfactory to, the Noble Marquis as it was ex.
plicit.
The Mmes of LANSDOWNE acknowledged
the explicitness of the Noble Earl's reply, but denica
that to him it was satisfactory. If the accounts
which had been published in the American Journals
were partial, he conceived that it was the bounden
duty of his Majertyli
.Goverliniett, by the publics-
tiotion their part, to counteract the Mischievous ef-
fects which were likely to result from the former, not
in America alone, but in Eirope. He Was one if
those who thought with the Noble Lard on the sstb.
lett of the declaration of war by Atomic& against
this cotmtry, which he considered as true:Med for bb
the circumstances of the tin*. and consequently as
unjust. But if the America', publicatios of the terms
-insisted cut by the British Coramissiooers were laid,'
stated, he must protest against being supposed to
etpouse the justice of them. In fact, the grounds of
war were completely changed. Instead of ow con-
fining ourselves to the right of claiming
.the alle-
giance of our own citizens, and to the matutidance
of our maritime rights, we had requireda teviston of
the boundary between the possessions of the two
countries, the abnoutournent on the putt of the Alec-
rieansi of their naval frontier, by itsthdrawing their
s!iips of war front the Lakes, and above alt, their ab-
stinence from all ft/utter agAtAladitanerlt, by 6,e put-
chase from the Indians of lands even within their owu
territory. The principle on which the war corn.
**nerd, was thns utterly changed. If, however,the
NoWe Earl should say that in the Negotiations shish
were yet pending any prOposition had beet, made on
our part-subiequent to those Which he hid just des-
cribed, he would refrain at present from saying any
more upon the subject.
The Earl of LIVLIPOOL declared, that he was
as sensible as the Noble Marquis could possibly be,
that at the proper time all the circumstances mentio-
ned by the Noble MarqUis ought to be fully ex-
plained., The question was, was that the time i—
' AU that be could then my Was to repeat his tOt foci
assertion, thst the British, GoWernment did not stn
any thing in the tinjoistifiable ion which Lad L.e.a
taken iqr. America 0 induce them to depart from
the usage which had prevailed at all tames mail
tatious eut to' publish or captain the circumttancei
cif any negweitttiort while drat negetiation was in
cotiese, and tick fil-ootht to airy isttie. Undo r OA
impression it was onpossihle for him in mph, at a:a
present to the points alluded to by the Noble Man
quis,' but at the proper tittle he pledged himself tetly
to explain his caul let and that of his Maiesty's Ge:
vernmeitt. to Parliament. to Europe, l'ind, to the
world. There was one thing which he wished rani-
cutarly to impress ott their Lordships' minds; nlritelC,
that whatever might appezi oft the face of the t'i'
Pers which had been Alluded to, the negoclatnn' ii.ll
not closed, It had never ietermitted, and was sii4
proceeding, notwithstanding the pernicious oft '
which might arise (tom the disclosures that liatitol
so utrwarrentatAy tirade.
The Earl of rIONOtYGIMORE was read! 0
adthit that if the statement in the American FT.'
had proceeded from any unauthorised intimatui
the argument of the Noble Earl would be sufilLienal
satisfactory. But that was not the case. Beall
two Governments in treaty with each other—on"
which having published an official statement oda"
be partial, the other war called upon to for",
one that was correct. What he wished the lir'm
Earl to do was to follow the example of tite.lo,
risen Government, and as that Government h"
seat forth an account calculated to influence Arne'
rice and Europe in their faveraii the Noble Ltai'r
peared to him bound, in dint to the litinsh G°'
vernment, to publish such a statement (if it eras IS
his power to do so) as would do away the mach°