Star.
London, England, 1814-11-26 00:00:00

TREATY WITH NAPLES.

On the question that the SpeAker leave the Chair,
that the House should resolve itself into a Committee
of Supply,
Mr. WHITBREAD) rose, and said, that he wished
to avail himself of this last opportunity of bringing
under the consideration of the House some topics to
which he had two or three times before adverted, and
upon some of which he had since obtained additional
information. Before' he proceeded to the main sub-
ject, he begged leave to call the attention of the Right
Honourable Gentlemen on the other side to the Pro-
perty Tax. It was understood that the Chancelir r of
the Exchequer meant next week to propose an ad-
journment (and to carry that proposition by a vote,
if any oppostion were given, as most assuredly would
be the case) until the end of January or beginning
of February. The consequence would be that a very
theft period would be allowed• for the consideration

of that most important measure the Property Tax, of
which a continuatioa, either•whelle, or in pelt. was
to be suggested by Mitisters. This appeared t-; him
a most extraordinary Itsoceeding ; it was treating the
House and the country with great disrespect-.their
onions were not to he asked, hut Ministers were to
submit their proposition, with the utmost conhd nice
of its being imnieWiiatdy and implicitly submitted to,
Parliament being allowed tb exercise no judgment or
discretion upon a tax, for the termination of which its
faith was solemnly pledged to the nation.—(Hear,
hear.)—S6 asanied of success did Government esteem
themselves, that notices had been given of assess.
meats to he made to April, ISI6 ; the law expiring
upon the nth April, ISM it remained to be seen
upon %stn authbrite such demands had been made;
it ought to be known that at present no regard need
be paid to such information, as the law, unless re-
vived, would diets natural death at the time stated.
The question t4e.considered upon this point was,
.whet.lumbetween.the beginning of February and the
period for renewing the Property Tax Act, if indeed
a renewal were to be alhetcl, sufficient time was al-
lowed for the discussion of, and deliberation upon this
very important subject. Before the House resolved
itself into a Committee for the grant of any further
sums of the public money, he wished once more to
advert to the engagements with Foreign Powers, en.
tered into under the express sanction of our Plenipo.
tentiaries, of which Ministers either were, or affected
to be ignorant; if they were actually i.:llnrant, their
colleagues abroad had been guilty of a gross neglect
of their duty in not transinittlig those engagements*
orif they were not ignorant, and kept Parliament in
the dark, upon such momentous points, the Govern.
ment here was chargeable with an dilute still more
unjustifiable. From what he (Mr. Whitbread) had
stated, and proved on a former night, it appeared
that the House, in consequence of want of informa-
tion, had .actually voted an enormous sem of money,
in direct opposition to a solemn treaty. He was happy
to have it now in his power to supply some further
information upon the subject of the Subsidy given to
Sicily, to enable her to carry on war against Naples.
at the very moment when we had entered into one of
the most solemn engagements with the King of Na-
ples, to preserve to him the undisturbed possession of
his dominions, thus placing ourselves in this singular
situation, that we were supplying money to one Power
to destroy another, which other we had bound our-
selves by every means in our power to uphold. In
the previous discussion upon this question, he had
read to the House a copy of Lord William Bentinckia
Letter, and he new begged to call the attention of
the House to certain very remarkable circumstances
that took place at Chatillon. A pacification was there
proposed on the part of Napoleon, who was still at
the head of the French Empire, by which several ar-
rangements for the kingdom of Italy were suggested,
and, among others, Bonaparte was to decide the fate
of the Papal dominions, and of the kingdom of Na-
ples. Ts this proposition the Allied Powers answer-
ed, tbat in the affairs of Italy France could not be
Followed to interfere, as it had been already deter.
mined by Treaty, that the Neapolitan dominions
were to be guaranteed to their present Sovereign ;
the express stipulation was, that the four Allied So-
vereigns had consented to guarantee his dominions to
Joachim, on the Conditions stated in the Treaty en-
tered into between the Empeo.r of Austria and the
King of Naples.—(Hear, bear).—This Treaty re.
ceived the sanction of all the Plenipotentiaries, and,
of course, of the Minister from this country. Be-
sides this confirmation, the Honourable Member was
in possession of some other circumstances of not less
importance. It was known that at Leghorn a Poo
clamation had been published by the Anglo-Sicilian
Forces, in which it was declared that the army of
Ferdinand had landed for the purpose of conquering
'the ancient dominions of that Sovereign. Of course
this instrument had occasioned some inquiry, and a
letter was sent to Lord William Bentinek, written,
as was asserted, by Lord CastlereOgh, upon the ap-
pearance of the Proclamation alluded to, in order
to remove the unfavourable impression it was likely
to produce. It commenced by expressing his asto-
nishment and regret at the intellik lice wi.ich had
been transmitted to him, which must, doubtless, meet
with the high disapprobation of the Croft of Naples;
it requested that Lord William Beni inck would com-
municate to the King of Naples what measures had
been taken by the British Government, and to ask
whether his Majesty was satisfied with the indemnity
that bad been offered to him ? if reliance were placed
upon the terms of the Proclamation,- of course the
King of Naples would be compelled to think of em-
plo)ing his own means, being dependent upon him.
self alone; that England had made such engagements
with the King of Naples as rendered a strict adherence
to the terms necessary, and that although she had
net entered into a solemn treaty, it had been omitted
only from motives of delicacy to the King Ferdinand
of Sicily ; but that if the King of Sicily should deem
it more advisable to thwart the views of the British
Government, by making an attack upon the domi-
nions of the King of Naples, in such a case the King
of Sicily must act upon his own account, and Eng-
land having granted an indemnity, would feel herself
called upon to give protection to the King ni Naples
against any act of indiscretion that the Kinn. ni Sicily
might determine to commit. (Cries of Hear, hear.)
The House would bear in mind that the letter was
written by Lord Castlereagh, and that it spoke the
language of the Prince Regent, and of the British
Government. In what situation, then, were we
placed ? Joachim of Naples, a distingoidted Gene-
ral, had deserted the cause of Bonapat in before all
sense of honour was extinct in England, and long be.
fore the strength and resources of les former master
were exhausted ;such, at that time, was the power
of Naples, that it was deemed politic by the Mightier
Sovereigns to guarantee his security and indepen-
dence, on condition that lie would abandon the cause
for which he had taken up arms, bet now the power
of Benapute was extinguished, the power of Murat

was to be extinguished also. Mr. Whitbread re-
membered. in the early part of the Revolution, when
G. neral Dumourier first came over to the English
party, the event was announced in the most pompous
manner ; he was extolled by Prince Cobourg as one
of the greatest characters of the day—nothing could
exceed his generosity and magnanimity ; but, next
d ty, when it was found that his army had not de-
serted Rath him, the contrast was striking—he was
loci ieil and vilified as the most infamous of mankind,
with whom it was unfit that any communication
should be held. Mr. Fox well said upon the occa-
sion, that it seemed as if General Dumourier, with
hi, power, had also lost his character and virtue.—
Such seemed to be 'he case with the King of Naples,
lett it would ill become the House of Commons to
vote a sum of money, the object of which was to for-
the honour of the country ; and were it now pos-
s..e,, it would be well if the resolution could be with-
+K n. Having obtained this information, he thought
i right to disclose it to Ministers, that, if they were
I:, ignorance, they might avail themselves of it ; those
who had kept them in the dark, ought, hereafter, to be
s..iled to a severe account. There was still another
suoj Oct, upon which he wished to put a question,
even though he scarcely hoped to obtain an answer,
tor, if it were not injurious to the public service, the
r. ply might be detrimental to private convenience.—
Lerd Castlereagh had now been absent some months,
and nothing had been done at the Congress. The
question he wished to put, whether up to the 25th of
reoriih any thins had been determined at Vienna,
el/ire than had been arranged on the same day of the
;,:ece ding month ? .Was the. general pacification of
Europe one step nearer then than at the time of the
departure of the British Plenipotentiary ? If no pro-
wess had yet been made, there might be good ground
to hope that the proclamation of Prince Repnin, re-
gardieg Sariny, was not genuine, and that the fate
of Poland was not yet decided. In the catalogue of
mighty works to accomplish, there was none of
greeter magnitude than the question, whether that
unhappy country was to be formed into an indepen-
dent kingdom ? Certain it was, that at some period
or other it would be independent, and it would then
.take signal vengeance upon those who had been the
authors of its calamities, if satisfaction were not vo-
luntarily made. From sources of information not
official, and liable to contradiction, it was stated that
the Emperor Alexander had added an additional
grace to his character by supporting the claims of
Yol.ind to independence ; and from the same source
it _was asserted, singular as it might appear, that his
antagonist in this project was the Ambassador of
Ghat Britain. (Hear, hear.) He trusted as fer-
vently that the latter part of the intelligence was un-
fbuoded, as that the fiirst part of the relation was
eetiblished in truth. If the Emperor Alexander, be-
sides toe splendid triumphs lie had gained, had added
this fresh glory to his character, in what a disadvan-
tageous contrast must the Noble Lord appear, who
was resisting this plan of liberty and happiness ?
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the subject of the ho.
nourable engagement with Naples, is Ministers Were
in possession of the intelligence which he had sup-
plied, and had in the teeth et it required the vote for a
subsidy to the King of Sicily, he would arraign them
at the bar of their country. (Hear, hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said, that whether it were the second, third, or tenth
time, that the Honourable Member had put the ques-
tiens just stated, he did not know, but upon many
of the subjects, he could, from motives of public po-
licy, give no information—(Hear.) With regard to
Naplcs, he would assert that Ministers had done no-
thing to which the most scrupulous could reasonably
object—(Hear.)—Supposing we had entered into a
negociation binding this country to a future treaty
With. Naples, and had also agreed to fulfil our engage-
ment with Sicily by the payment of a part of the
annual subsidy, and that a war existed between Na-
ples and Sicily, still not the smallest reflection could be
cast upon the good faith and honour of the country.
Had the Gentleman on the other side never heard of
a case, where two Powers, being at war, one of them
was engaged in an alliance with a third, which third
Power was bound to afford a certain species of assist-
ance, which was not to be considered an infringement
of the amity subsisting between it and the Power to
which it gave no such aid ? Many examples of the
kind might be given. At the Treaty of Amiens
Spain was in close alliance with France, but the Bri-
ti.h Government did not hold it to be an offensive
and defensive treaty, and admitted that Spain should
give to France certain pecuniary assistance, besides
w:,ich a body of troops, to a stated amount, was to be
aff rded, but we stipulated, that any aid supplied be-
yond the stipulation should be held to amount to a
declaration of war, and we had so considered it when
the Spanish fleet was placed under French com-
mand. In the expedition of Bonaparte into Russia
the same czse existed. Austria was allowed to fur.
MA thirty thousand men, by express stipulation, with-
-004 any infringement of the Treaty between that
Power and Russia. These instances were exactly in
puimes.applied to the situation of this country with
regard to Naples.—(Hear, hear 1)—If Graft Britain
engaged in direct hostilites against Naples, the most
scrupulous, casuists could not contend that we were
guilty of any infraction of existing engagements. He
segretted that these premature discussions of subjects
upon which no information could be given, were
forced upon the House, particularly those that re-
spected the srcgress of events at Vienna. As to what
had been said upon the adjournment of the House,
he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed that
it could be accomplished without any inconvenience
to the public service, since the House would be re-as-
sembled sufficiently eaely for the discussion .of the
great question to which reference had been made, as
to the continuance of the Property Tax. He con-
cluded by referring to the Statute 86 Geo. 111. c. 65.
to skew that the Commissioners had acted regularly
in issuing the notices mentioned by Mr. Whitbread.
It required that they should always be for two years,
in order to prevent confusion.
•Mr. PONSONBY had never heard a more un-
happy illustration than that given by the Right Ho-
nourable Gentlemen, when he alluded to the Treaty
of-Araiens, and the Conduct of this country towards
Spain. An hundred cases of that kind might be
produced, .but they unfortunately did not bear upon
the question before * House. Here was a treaty
between Atuaria and Naples, l;iy which Me farmer
guarantees his dominions. to Murat ;. g.pg4o4 accedes.

to the treaty, and declares herself bound by it; the
King of Sicily issues a proclamation, in which he de-
clares that becomes to wrest from the present posses-
sor the kingdom of Naples, to dethrone Joachim,
whom this country had promised to maintain ; and
yet Great Britain gave to Sicily the very means she
was to employ to defeat the object, the honour of the
former was pledged to accomplish. Had this the
slightest resemblance to the case put by the Right
Honourable Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear.)—What con-
sistency was there in such conduct ? He (Mr. P.)
had said, on a former day, that this very money voted
to Sicily might be employed against any of our Allier,
but now it appeared that it might be used even
against ourselves, for if Sicily persisted in her de-
mand, we were bound in honour to take the field to
support the King of Naples, and our own money
would be paid to the troops against whom we should
then be contending—(hear.) The Right Honourable
Gentleman would make no disclosures regarding the
Congress at Vienna—(Hear, from the Chancellor of Me
Exchequer). Perhaps the Noble Lord, our Plenipo-
tentiary, took care that no secrets should be told, by
entrusting Ministers with none—(Hear, hear). What-
ever might be the fact, certainly the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was the most cautious Minister that had
ever occupied the Treasury Beta, and if all his se-
crets turned out to as much disadvantage as that re-
garding Naples, it was not wonderful: that he should
be very anxious to maintain a.tottt:silopce. —(Hear,
hear.) Our discordant treaties InithNeples and Sicily
seemed the perfection of llamas absurdity. The
House were told that a day would arrive, not of ac
countand retribution, but of justification and triumph.
Mr. Ponsonby hoped sincerely that such a time would
come, for, since the cause of Great Britain, from the
beginning of the war, had been that of justice and of
liberty, he trusted that, to the last, we should main-
tain our character and vindicate our proceedings.
Mr. BRAGGE BATHURST said, that he con-
sidered that as praise which had been uttered as cen-
sure, that the present Ministers were most cautions
not to make unnecessary disclosures. The situation
of public affairs was not at all different, now that the
political arrangements were making in Congress, at
Vienna, from what they had been when the measures
were taking for a pacification in the heart of France.
The House, and the Gentlemen opposite him, had
then most properly reposed confidence in his Majes-
ty's Ministers ; and it was plain that no negotiations
could, with honour or advantage, be carried on, if
thy were subject to partial examinations in detail, b}
questions put across the table. It was on this general
pound, and not from any peculiar circumstances,
that answers were refused to questions which had
been put. The circumstances in which the House
were placed were well known ; the Noble Lord em-
ployed in the negotiation had been appointed with
the approbation of every one, and especially of the
Gentlemen opposite him, both to negotiate in France
and to assist at the Congress. The time would come
when all things respecting which questions were at
present improperly asked, would be explained ; and
it would appear that all due efforts had been made;
and that it this country was not successful in all that
it could have wished, it had fully succeeded to its just
share of influence en the continental arrangements.
In answer to what had been said respecting King
Joachim of Naples, supposing all had happened that
had been stated, the war which was carried on by
Naples might as well be supposed to be for the pur-
pose of dethroning the King of Sicily, as that carried
en by the King of Sicily could be said to be for the
purpose of dethroning him. There was nothing in the
existing war between those two Powers different from
any ordinary war, which it was not contended would
preclude any Power at peace with one of the bellige-
rents paying subsidy, or even affording a contingent
to the other. We had bound ourselves to protect one
' of the powers while at war ; that the character of the
war was changed was not a sufficient reason that we
should withdraw it.
. Mr. PONSONBY explained. He had meant to
shew, that having granted a specific possession to one
man, we subsidize another to destroy that possession
which we guaranteed.
Mr. LAMBTON said, that there was sufficient
ground for the House to withdraw that confidence
in Ministers, the continuance 'of which the Right
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Bathurst) claimed.—
There was sufficient reason to withdraw it, because
their present conduct was directly opposite to the
measures of the last year—because the declarations
of moderation which attended the triumphant march
of the .Allies in the last year, was most different from
the acts of rapine and aggression of the club of con-
federated Monarchs at Vienna • wive had met, not
to watch over the interests of! Enrope, but as con-
temners of public faith and justice—as the spoliators
of Saxony, and the oppressors of Norway. Th?
Government had been accessaries to the acts of in-
justice committed; and after these act had been
committed,it was ton much that his Majesty's tongue-
tied Ministers should be sheltered under Parliamen-
tary confidence. He should require some reasons
before he voted the supplies demanded, besides the
assertion that the disposal was in able and responsible
hands. As to their ability lie had some doubts, and
the responsibility seemed to rest on one Right Honour.
able Head. The waste and prodigality which had
been complained of, was not compensated by the
scanty information afforded.
_ _ _ _ _ _

Mi. HAMMERSLEY thought the House might
well retract the confidence which had been granted
to Ministers, from the facts which were generally
known. There was matter enough to arraign them,
without waiting the issue of the negociation. He was
not pleased to find fault with the Administration ;
but in the conduct of the Ministers with respect to
Naples—in their thus abandoning the declarations
which had been made to our old ally, when with him
alone we had stemmed the torrent of French power,
there was a sufficient ground for censure, and he
would willingly concur in a vote of disapprobation on
their conduct.

Mr. HORNER said, there was a great deal of
truth in the observations which had been made by the
Hon. Gentleman who had preceded him—that we
had a right, even now, to expect some explanations ;
nor would any one who had attended to the, proceed-
ings of similar Congresses say, that if they were not
finally settled within such a period, all explanation
of the state of our foreign ccieticons should be till
then deferred; and if the, Resets Congress was to
last as long as those which bad bleu held at Munster
and ehewherep and we were 19 giTe in the mean time

large sums to foreign powers—a half million to this
power for a fleet, and so much to another as a sub-
sidy.-.-it would be convenient to the foreign powers
to receive these sums, and to the Ministers to get
them voted without any statement. As to the pre-
tence which had b.en made for giving no answers as
to Poland and Saxony, it did not at all apply to the
Treaty with King Joachim. That was past—the
question was not whether such a thing was to take
place, but aye or no, whether it had already hap-
pened ?—Aye or no, whether we were not acting
contrary to it ? This was a subject, therefore, on
which the House had a right to demand information,
not only as it regarded the subsidy, but the honour
and faith of the Crown in its foreign relations, which
would ever be dear to the House. In the present
evening the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
stated, that he did neither admit nor deny the
existence of our engagements with King Joachim.—
A singular variation from his declaration of a former
evening, when he had said that he was a stranger to
it. An expression equivalent to a denial, when pro-
ceeding from a responsible Minister of the Crown in
the House of Commons—for it could not be supposed
that that Minister would be ignorant of such engage-
ments six or seven months after the time when din'
were said to have been concluded. The House, he
hoped, would bear in mind the conduct of the Mi-
nister of the Crown with respect to these engage-
ments—that he had first denied their existence, and
that his second statement was, that he neither ad-
mitted nor denied them. It was too late at present
to bring forward such an evasion, they had already
voted the subsidy. It was said that we.had engaged
to pay a subsidy to Sicily while she continued at war.
Now, to put an extravagant supposition, but which
the reasoning of the Gentlemen opposite seemed to
justify, it Sicily were to make war upon ourselves,
were we to continue the subsidy to her? A treaty
of Subsidy, like any other engagement, was to be
construed according to its spirit and meaning, taking
into account the circumstances of the case, and the
situation of the country. But two cases had been
[nought forward as parallel, the conduct of this
country towards Spain atter the breaking out of
the late war with France, and the situation of Aus-
tria towards Russia in 181'2. In both these cases,
which were most properly lumped together, the ques-
tion was, whether one power had given another a
sufficient ground of war by a pecuniary aid to its
adversary in one case, and of a contingent in ano-
ther. It was absurd to compare those cases with
our present engagements towards Naples and Sicily.
In both those cases the question was one of expe-
diency nierely—( Hear, hear.) In the one whether
we should etigage Spain in a contest out of which it
was our interest to keep her as long as possible, al-
though we perceived that the government of the
Prince of the Peace was merely a Lieutenancy under
Bunapatte ; and in the other Russia was most anxious
to keep Austria neutral at any price, looking forward
to their accession of her power, which ultimately rook
place. In neither of these cases was any engagement
of 'moor in question—expediency was the only point
to be cunsideted. In the present instance we had'
guaranteed to the King of Naples the territory of Na. 1
ples, with an addition even of territory, which would
explain his present movements on the shores of the
Adriatic—in the March of Ancona and the Duchy of
Romagna. We had not pledged our honour to him
on this subject gratuitously, but we had value re.
ceived for our stipulation. We had not rushed into
the arms of Joachim Napoleon, from any wish to se-
cure those persons who had been raised on the ruins
of the ancient dynasties, but because he had assisted
us to overthrow the power which had raised him. We
had received his co-operation in Italy, without which
the movements of the allies as well on the Rhine as in
Italy, would have been embarrassed. Even at the
time when Lord Castlereagh gave instructions to
Lord W. Bentinck to conclude the engagement with
Joachim, the co-operation of that Monarch was, he
understood, necessary to render the position of Count
Bellegat de, on the Mincio, secure. The state of our
engagements with Joachim was this r—ln April last
a Treaty was concluded between Austria, which was
presented to Lord Castlereagh for his concurrence.
That Noble Lord returned that Treaty with altera-
tions in his own hand writing, which secured an in-
demnity to the King of Sicily for Naples, which ter-
ritory was left to King Joachim, provided that King
Joachim should withdraw his claims upon Sicily.—
Ile Treaty thus altered was agreed to by Naples--
and Lord Castlereagh, at Dijon or Chatillon, signified
his concurrence in it ; and stated, that the only rea-
son why he did not formally accede, arose from mo-
tives of delicacy to the King of Sicily ; but that on
his faith and that of England, he pledged himself
that that Treaty should be acceded to ; and a peace,
if possible, negotiated, purl liassu, between the King
of Sicily and Murat. The Noble Lord did not rest
there, but instructed Lotd W. Bentinck to give the
same assurance in writing, which he had given ver-
bally ; and in consequence of the strange proclama-
tion at Leghorn, he wrote a dispatch to remove the
possibility of doubt—to instruct Lord W. Bentinck
to disavow that Proclamation to the Neapolitan Mi-
nister—to assure him again that Great Britain would
accede to the Treaty with Austria, and that-it Ferdi-
nand would not accept the indemity for Naples, Great
Britain would not only desert him, but would support
Naples against him. And to strong was the feeling
in Italy on this subject, that the Queen of Naples,.
the sister of Bonaparte, made a declaration (which as
coming from her was rather curious) that she would
rather confide in a declaration of a British General
than a treaty signed and sealed with any other power.
Such was the statement, which had neither been ad-
mitted nor denied. If it were true he would put it
to the House, whether it was not a violation of ho-
nour and good faith to send money to Sicily, to re-
cover that territory which we had guaranteed to ano-
ther power ?
Mr. WELLESLEY POLE felt assured that the
Minister of England will be found to have advocated
the cause of truth and justice. He thought his Noble
Friend had been treated rather harshly by the Hon.
Gentleman, who, after having admitted, in unquali-
fied terms, the propriety of the Noble Lord's ap-
pointment, had animadverted very unjustifiably upon
the Noble Lord for his conduct towards Poland, a
subject upon which the Honourable Gentleman could
not be well informed. If. the Honourable Gentleman i
waisted an answer to this question, he would say, that
Gentlemen on the other side of the House furnished
a sufficient answer for themselves, ivy the fact that

they originated questions for the mkt' bf making
comments to inflasue_and mislead the pulkeinind,
Whether there was or was not an agent from Murat
in town, the Honourable Gentleman himself could
perhaps best tell. The time would eeiviloikila.
nation, and Ministers would not shrink from the re.
sponsibility that belonged to them. In the contest
between Naples and Sicily, it might just as weli.be
said that the King of Naples was at war to &throne
the King of Sicily as that the King of Sicily was at
war to dethrone the King of Naples.
Mr. WHITBREAD, in explanation, positively' de.
nied that he knew of any Ambassador from Murat
being in London.

Sir NEWPORT, in a vein of irony, answered
the Right Hon. Gentleman, who he described as
having run the round of office, from the Secretaryship
of Ireland, where he was Ego et Rex Rem (or, in other
words, I. I am the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,")
until he became the Director of the Cabinet; and in
that situation he was exercising that exaggerated
controul which in Ireland he formerly exercised.•
The House then went into a Committee ; when it
was moved that 5e15,000 be granted towards tbelnp..
'port of the suffering Laity and Clergy of France, and
-;
Dutch Naval Officers, &e.
Mr. WHITBREAD wished toltaiiVihe P-pajw
who were to partake of this Vote ?
Mr. PONSONBY thought it extraordinary-4kt,
after the French King had been restored to
throne, that House should be called upon to pay any
sums of money for the support of his subjects. Re
observed, indeed, towards the dose of the resohni6D„
mention was made of claims upon the justice and
liberality of the country. Any claims upon its jus-
tice ought to be attended to, but why it should be li-
beral he was at a loss to conceive. The country had
already been liberal enough, and the House, there-
fore, had a right to call for explanation' before'it
should pass such a vote.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
admitted that the French Emigrants had mrt with
the greatest liberality in this country, which did hc-
nour to the nation. They are now morning to their
native country. A part of the sum asked was a com-
pensation for claims, for some who had served in our
army, and for those who have not had an opportunity
to ay.til themselves of the opening to return home.
The vote would not occur again.
Mr. PONSON BY observed, that a vote had passed
the French Legislature, for paying all sums of money
lent the King of France. Many of the Emigrants
had been restored to their estates, and therefore the
proper fund might be made for re-paying these
advances.

Mr. C. GRANT said, that many of these Beni.
grants were old, and had no property to return to in
France ; consequently the beneficence of England was
well applied.

Mr. WHITBREAD professed himself satisfied
with the explanation of the Right Hor. Gentleman.
He was not so indelicitte as to require a disclosure of
th • names of those emigrants who had been relieved
by votes of this nature ; but he thought that a list of
these names should be kept by Government, in case
it should ever be wanted. With regard to the ques-
tion of his Right Hon. Friend, respecting the repay-
ment of this country by the Royal Family- of Frances
it appeared that Ministers wete unable to make asy
answer. _

Mr. WELLESLEY POLE obierelkdtat what.
ever might be the information of his Majesty's Minis-
ters, it did not follow that they should answer gut*,
tions likely to interfere with the public interest.
Mr. WHITBREAD remarked, that Minim:salad
lately received not only an accession of vivacity, but
of prudence also, and it appeared that in futureit-wat
proposed to pnt their ignorance under the shelter of
discretion. It was clear, in the present case, that
Ministers were without information.

Mr. WELLESLEY POLE said, that In some
cases, at least, it was justifiable not to answer ques-
tions. 86 We will not," added the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, 46 answer questions where we cannot."
Mr. WHITBREAD.—" Then I shall in future
take the Right Hon. Gentleman's will for ext."—
The motion was agreed to.
The following sums were then moved :
To make good a Sum voted by Parliament, £11,900 9s. 21
For the Civil List Expenditure, not made good by Parliament,
£68,357 71. Od.
Ditto Charges, £4,544 14s. fd.
Parliamentary Services, £6,681 181. 6d.

American Comm 'Wooers, for Compensation Claims,se33,ooo.
These sums were severally agreed to, and the Re.
port ordered to be received on Monday.
On bringing up the Report of the Supply of Thurs-
day, respecting the grant of 01,000 to Lord Wal-
singham, as an Annuity for his services as Chairman
of the Committees of the House of Lords,
Mr. WHITBREAD took occasion to ask when
the Right Hon. Gentleman would be prepared to lay
on the table the Papers respecting the Spanish sub-
jects given up by General Smith ; and whether he
had made any inquiries into the conduct of Sir James
Duff in the business.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
was not ready with the Papers ; but the next time they
met he hoped he should be able to produce them.
Mr. TIERNEY asked whether a sum of money
given to the King of France to carry him to Paris,
was taken out of the Droirs of Admiralty. If not, from
what fund was it taken ?—that sum he understood
was to be repaid.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
replied, that it was not taken out of the Drous of
Admiralty, but from the Vote of Credit. The Le-
gislature of France had passed a decree, in which tl:ey
charged the nation with the repayment of all Ow
King's debts, and consequently this sum most pre.
bably would form an item.

MISCELLANEOUS.
A Bill was then ordered, pursuant to the R •solu-
tion of the Committee, for granting an Annuity to
Lord Walsingham.
The Hackney Coach Amendment Act was r. sd a
second time, and committed for to-morrow.
A Petition was presented by Mr. P. Wiper, Pay-
ing for leave to bring in a Bill for making A
to be called the Royal Clarence Canal, from Ei kb to
Gravesend.—The Petition was laid on the Tali,.
' Sir JOHN NEWPORT gave notice, tint lie
should on Tuesday next move for copies of Adi oh"
from persons forming the Orange Societies la Ire-
laud..—Adjourned.