Star.
London, England, 1830-09-04 00:00:00

THE LONDON DEPUTATIi,NS TO PARIS.

The following is a detail of the circumstances attendant on the re-
senting the resolutions of the public meetings of London. The reply of
the Prefect is very important, as it is understood to speak the sentlinents
of the new King with regard to his foreign policy.
Dr. Bowring, accompanied by General Lafayette, and a considerable
number of Gentlemen, deposited, on Saturday, in the archives of the
municipality of Paris, the resolutions of the three public meetings
which had been held in London to commemorate the late events in Paris.
In the Hall of Audience were the Prefect, several members of the muni-
cipality of the National Guard, the Polytechnic School, and foreigners
of distinction. General Lafayette introduced the deputation (which
consisted of English, Irish, and Scotch) to the Prefect, expressing the
high satisfaction with which every evidence of the sympathy of the peo-
ple of England had been received in France. Dr. Bowring then ad-
dressed the Prefect in French, to the following effect :
" No task, M. le Prefect, could have been more delightful to me,
than that:of presenting to you, for the purpose of their being deposited in
the archives of the heroic city of Paris, some tokens of the feelings with
which the people, the unanimous people of England, have watched
the progress of the accomplishment of your glorious revolution. But
it would not be possible to express in words the enthusiasm which the
detail of your great triumph has awakened In England, or to convey a
fitting estimate of our respect, our admiration, and our gratitude. We,
too, have had our tyrants--who call themselves legitimate. A former
generation of Englishmen drove them from our country, as you have
driven yours. The deeds of our fathers have been sanctioned and
confirmed by your approval. The Royal Dynasties of France and
England rest on the same basis. They have both the best, the
first, the sole-sufficient title—that of the sovereign national will.
But you have improved upon the lesson which England
gave to the world ; and to you an immense debt of thank-
fulness is due. We recognise it; and we will teach them
to do so. The victory you have won is the victory of humanity—and
we feel proud of those who have so nobly established its rights, and dis.
charged its duties. Consolidate, then, the grand work you have
begun. We wish you to find your full recotnpence, not in our praise,
but in your own felicity. May an ever-increasing prosperity—may an
uninterrupted peace shine on your futurity ! Under the auspices of
liberty, we desire the most intimate communion ; and we would deliver
over to public ignominy every enemy of our race who dare invade the
holiest of all alliances—the holy alliance of nations."
'1 he address voted by the inhabitants of London is as follow' s
FRANCK !
Address from the Inhabitants of London to the Citizens of Paris, voted
at the City Meeting of the 17th of August, 1830.
HENRY WARBURTON HBO. zc.r. IN Till (HAIL
•.You have bravely fought the fight of freedom ! You have nobly
won its victories! We bear you our heartiest congratulations. His-
t
thatory hu
y but fepag
w es of untarnished glory
--e h
abas none brighter than
of our " glorious Revolution"—to convey to future ages. There
may patriotism study its sublime duties, and heroism learn its highest
lessons. We pray that the liberty which has been so triumphantly
established may be perpetuated among you for ever and ever—that,
under its holy auspices, the dominion of peace and prosperity may
become omnipotent. And while at the foot of the altar of Freedom we would bury every vestige of strife and animosity, we here record our
solemn conviction, that the great interests of freedom are the great, the
common interests of the whole family of man."
The Prefect, in a most eloquent and touching reply, saki that he re-
joiced that it should have fallen to his lot to receive the testimonials of
the approval of the English people—that those of France responded to
every generous, free, and fraternal sentiment.—that the course of France was clear and decided. For the conquest of liberty, each nation was in
itself sufficient. France wishes that freedom should extend itself to
other countries, but her views do not look beyond herself. As she had
pout n
des down despotism, which attacked her within, so ohs would put
dwpotism if it sought to attack her from without s—that she
would remain peaceful and unmoved, pursuing her own course of public
improveroent while unmolested ; but, if roused to exertion by any at-
tempt to dictate, she would know how to show her and power. That as for the tyrants who had been ove wn, three un-
armedu citizens had led them fur 240 miles through artoto unani.
mous in rejecting them; and neither they not their Court, no the
Guards, ventured to think of an effort, which an instant excision of
the national will would have suppressed. He then invited ta-
thin to witness the review of the National Guard (the Mom arises) len the following day. and nothing could be mon striking then the
getutesy and modishly of the authorities.

SPIRIT OP THE JOURNAL& •

Canowta.n.—We learn from an authosity on which we can rely,
that the Revolution in Spain was to commence in the first week of this
month of September, and be general through the provinces ad-
joining France, and some of the Mediterranean provinces. All the
active Spaniards have left Paris for their respective points. Mina is at
present in Paris, but he is not now considered an active Spaniard ; and
we believe the Spaniards no longer count on him for aid in their under-
taking. By this time. then, we may take it for granted the Spaniards
I have fairly put their hands to the plough.

Trues—h must be allowed, that perhaps no monarch has ever had a
more difficult part to play In managing the different sections of his
kingdom than the present worthy and enlightened Sovereign of the Ne-
therlands. Being a Dutchman and a Protestant, he was from the be-
ginning an object of suspicion with the Belgians, who reputed the
Dutch as rivals in trade, and heretics in religton. Naturally disposed
to take his servants from those whom he knew best, and who enjoyed
most of his confidence, he was of course led to Holland among his an-
cient friends, and gave his cabinet too much of an oratve colour
to please the jealous politicians of his southern provinces. A
liberal Catholic Government would have been applauded for at-
tempting to repress the bigotry of the Catholic priesthood,
and to spread knowledge among the people subjected to
their fanatical influence, but in a Protestant Sovereign this attempt
was denounced as a tyrannical interference with the rights of conscience,
or a Pagan persecution of the Catholic church. No common system of
taxes—of legislation—of administration—or of trade, however impar-
tial in itself, and with whatever good faith executed—could be made
palatable to his two classes of subjects. The Belgians, by their union
with the United Provinces, got access to the Dutch colonies, from which
they had formerly been excluded ; but they complained that they were
made to bear their portion of that debt which had been contracted to
preserve these possessions for their common country. If imposts
are laid on foreign trade, or on articles of colonial produce, the
Dutch, on their side, find that they are oppressed : the same
discovery is made by the Belgians as soon u a proposition is
made to increase the land-tax, or the assessment on articles of
luxury. The Dutch, being a quiet, busy people, little disposed
to political wrangling, and, from long experience of integrity in their
courts, inclined to place implicit faith in the honesty of their judges,
have set their face against trial by jury in civil ceases or in affairs of
the press. They cannot think of going tram their counters or their
shops to waste their time or exercise sagacity in deciding on matters
where they have no personal interest, and in which the proper authority
decides very well without them ; and as they are not disposed to commit
themselves by criticisms or strictures against the Government, they
require no protection against its arbitrary punishment of alleged libels.
On the other hand, the Belgic character, partaking of the activity and
mobility of (their neighbours) the French, eager to make progress, dis-
satisfied with present acquisitions, fond of power, and strongly inclined
to political discussion, found, in the institution of jury trials, at once
a gratification of their bustling dispolition, and a protection to their
beral opinions. They therefore loudly protested against the abolition of
jury trial by a Royal ordinance in 1815, and now strongly demani Its
re-rstAhliahmam•

HERALD.—The Paris papers, received last night, neither confirm
nor refute the reported concessions of the Kings of Spain and Naples to
their respective subjects, neither do they announce any insurrectional
movements in these States. As to the concessions, we attach no credit
whatever to them, because absolute Kings never give up any portion of
their power, unless forced to it by instant dangers, of whicn there was
no sign at the date of the last accounts from Madrid or Naples, though
there was much fermentation in both cities. But, that the ferment will
assume, at last, a character of open and uncompromising resistance,
evay thing already indicates ; whilst • short delay, instead of being •
hindrance, will render success almost a question of mathematical cer-
tainty. Very erroneous notions prevail respecting the nature, extent,
and probable holm of the troubles in the Netherlands. There are'
many who imagine, even at this moment, that they are a mere
explosion, which would shortly cease If left to themselves, having no
asaieriel of revolution. They also believe that the lower orders have
alone taken any part in them, either with hand or heart, and that the
other classes view them with fear and horror. With respect to the first
of these opinions nothing can be more erroneous, for never was discon-
tent more general and rooted than that which prevailed in the Southern
Provinces ever since the formation of the new state. We speak thus
positively because we speak from personal knowledge; and we always
found thediscontent much greater in the higher than in the lower classes.
This is the reason too that so many of the nobility have joined the pre-
sent movement, and perhaps this is the reason too that the old flag of
Brabant, which must recal to them so many gratifying aviociations,
has been preferred to the emblem of French liberty, so clear to
the multitude. The best proof of the extent of the insurrection
is the fact that, In every town, great and small, the authorities,
civil and military, appointed by the King, have been displaced ;
and others, chosen by the people, and responsible to the people alone,
substituted. Antwerp and Ghent alone are exceptions to this rule; and
even these are qualified exceptions, the authority, both civil and
military, being divided between the people and the King in both.
though a large body of regular troops occupies them. In every town
a directing junta, under the name of Committee of Public Safety, has
been appointed; and the civic guard now includes nearly all the able-
, bodied men, with the exception of the mere rabble. In every village
the same measures have been adopted, and from every steeple the na.
tional flag flies at this moment. Under these circumstances, concession
alone, on the part of the King, can prevent a complete revolution.

---- -
THE Porr.—The King of the French has been endeavouring, by
Ordonnance of the 23d of August, to regulate the relations between the
civil power and the real Sovereign of France, the Commandant ea Chef
of the National Guard—but the same 3ftsuilear in which this Ordon.
nance appears contains a copy of an order of the day, signed La.
fayette (published by us on Monday) in which this great personage
exhorts the mob of Paris to be tranquil, and makes this exhortation in
two characters, as Commander in Chief, charged with the maintenance
of public order; and likewise as the personal friend of these mobs, en.
treating them to be tranquil as a mark of their " personal friendship for
himself." Happy people, whose tranquillity, whose property, whose ho.
nours, whose lives, are in the safe keeping of this selr.appointed
Commander.in.Chief of a hundred thousand armed men, officered by
men elected by themselves.—who is and announces himself as the per.
tonal friend of the mob, against whose outrages he declares it his duty
to protect the lives and properties of the population at large. Is this
the liberty, this the security of which the prospect is held out to us
in the example of France P The next day's Moniteur, the 27th, con.
tains an Ordonnance, likewise dated the 25th Aug. from the Prefect
of Police, in which be tells the inhabitants of Paris that he is re.
*passible for the maintenance of the public tranquillity, and he orders
that "all assemblages of persons upon the public ways, under
whatever pretext, are forbidden." There is no exception in favu r o
mobs to resist the Onionnanees of authority. The 415th Article of
the Penal Code is then adverted to, which declarts it to be illegal
for workmen to combine to prevent any from working or going
freely to their work, or interfering with the hours of labour, dm
Thus, then, here are two authorities specially charged to preserve the
peace: the Commander in Chief with the bayonet and sweet words ; the
Prefect of Police with the law in his hands. We shall presently see
whether these measures tend in any degree to protect the lives and pro-
perties of the people of Paris from the depredations of the mobs, their
distresses having been caused by those whose intrigues excited the in-
suneetion and the events of la eeraaine plorieuse. These events have
driven from Paris many of those whose habits required, and whose for-
tunes enabled them to enjoy, the comforts and the luxuries of life.
The men composing these mobs lived at their ease upon the wages paid
them for the manufacture and construction of those articles which
contributed to the comfort and enjoyment of the luxurious and rich,
land for which those classes of the community alone can afford to pay
the price. The sreraine yloriease has driven these classes from Paris;
it has ruined the fortunes of many of them ; and neither the friendship
of the General-ea-Chiej, nor the gratitude of the Chamber of Depu-
ties, can repair this loss to the working classes. The repetition of N-
ominee ylorieusee, which we shall witness frequently, will only aggra.
vats their distress, and add all the middle classes to the number of those
who already lament the brilliant days of July.
Qui aimul aspexit quantum dimissa petitis
Priestent, mature redeat repetatque relicts,

COBBITT'II REOISTZL—LZTTIII TO TiH Dots.—ln my last
letter I proved, that the hired writer of the Quarterly Review must have
known, in May, that Polignaes blow was intended to be struck in July.
A poor hired mortal like this could not have gotten this knowledge from
Polignac. It must have been communicated to him by somebody is
Loudon ; and, when one looks narrowly into the affair, it appears evi.
dent, not only that the plot was kuoiras is London Afervhand ; but
that it was hatched in London; that the whole thing was contrived
here ; instigated here; and that the object of the plot was, not to do any
good to the Bourbons; not to uphold their throne and their power; but to
eerve the purposes ol the borouglaumpers of England ; to secure to them
thequiet enjoyment of the rich fruits of their traffic. Lest you should not
know what a borosighotorsyer is, I will describe him to you. He is a
man, or, rather, monster, who trafilcks in corruption ; who buys or sells
seats, and who is called a borough.monger as we call a trafficker in iron
an ironmonger, or a trafficker in cheese a cheese-monger. Perhaps it
would be more proper local him a east-moroper ; or more still,
a vots.nrorliter ; and then the French tern, would be ttssrvhmnd d.
votes.

You seem, however, to be less lucky as to affairs in Belgium ; with
regard to which I shall, as present, only say that, however mortifying
to you may be the prospect of seeing the high woad and the big lieu
and the Hanoverian monument and other tringalialtelps, on the
" &Id of Waterloo," swept away:; however mord to you may be
tteomect of seeing, in the hinds of republic= setae of two
II pounds, or 60,000 francs sear, men is your peerage ;
however monifyiag to you to bear. after that, the tide of " Panics
op WATZILOO;" however mortifying all them, le sal it time sial
be, I do hope, that no one will dream of err seed ireg with this
matter, Waterloo having, in all aimed, met us quit
enough. Let them p, mon Prince,~moa 1, lies, monument, title

land all ; and let us be content with our Waterloo-bridge Waterloo.
arch, Waterloo-gallery, and our tares, places, and streets, sad es-
pecially with our Waterloo-statue which stands within sight of your
own window) though the people the other day, put a dirty broken
broomstick in his hand, and pipe in his mouth, and pelted him with
stones I However, the Belgians, and all other nations, have a better
security for our peel& conduct than our moderation in desires; namely,
that which is given them is the einplinsas of our parse. I showed
this clearly in the two first nubers of the Tasurau. Bering said, and
he said truly, that we could not go to war without making paper a
kgal fender; that is to *ay, without an bane of ossignats. But, is
he sure that we shall not see this even without going Is oar it lam
not sure of it, and I do not think that you are, though a Prime 31i.
nister and a Prince. The newspapers are trying to disguise the fact
from the people; but the drain of bullion and of gold coin is now so
great, that it cannot continue long without producing an event similar
to that of 1797 ! Upon what a thread, what a straw, what a cobweb,
the whole system hangs !