Star.
London, England, 1822-02-06 00:00:00

Eatnre had atisen between the emits of St. Peters-
burgh and the Ottoman Porte: but there was reason
to hope that they would be amicably terminated.—
With this prospect before them, he could not help
congratulating the House upon the elevated situation
in which this country was placed. It was in the
highest degree creditable to this country, that though
struggling herself in a period of difficulty unparal-
le'ed in history, she had been the main instrument
of giving independence to, and preserving the Tepee
of nations. The next passage in his Majesty's Speech
worthy the attention of the House, was that in which
he stated the results of his visits to different parts of
his dominions. As soon after the death of our late
revered King as his present Majesty could come forth
from his retreat, the first object to which he turned his
-attention was a visit to the several parts of his king-
dom. The first place to which he went was Ireland;
'but it was totally out of his (Mr. Clive's) power to
'describe the enthusiasm with which his Majesty, who
was the first Prince of the House of Brunswick
who had visited that part of the empire, was re-
ci.-ived. The attachment and loyalty of the people
-were without bounds, and he was sure the Illustrious.
Person who was himself the object of these feelings'!
'ould never lose the remembrance of them. It was
to be regretted that subsequently acts of violence and
outrage took place in that country ; but from the de-
scription of persoes engaged in them, as well as from
the nature of these -ontrages, it was clear that they
originated fi om local ceases, in many cases indivi-
dual mismanagement, and most probably from the
pressure of distress in a great degree—(Hear, hear).
His Majesty's Speech hell out the most cheering
prospects as to the improvement in the Revenue. It
al-n seated what was no less gratifying, that great
reductions had been made in all the Public Depart-
ments. In the Address which he should have the
honour of proposing, this head should not be over-
looked, becawe retrenchment came so seasonably at
tins time; and though it was at all times desirable to
manage the public means with economy, yet that
was never so much to be wished fie. as in times of
great distress—(Hear, hear). The House would not
f.,3 to perceive that his Majesty stated, that very
great reductions had been made in the scale of the
annaal expenditure in the Army and Navy. They
would also learn with satisfaction, that the weight
which hart been for some time pressing heavily upon
cur ni.mitactures and commerce was nearly re-
moved, and that at this time the greatest activity
prevailed in every department of commerce. He
w: !led it was in his power to say as much with
re.:ai d to that of agriculture—(Hear, hear, hear).-
1; was a melancholy truth, that that most important
branch of the national wealth was at this time la-
bouring under the most severe distress; but he found
room to look forward to better prospects, and he was
sure there was ne subject to which his Majesty's Mi-
rii,ters would more cordially lend their co-operation,
than to the removal of these burdens. He trusted,
c:hen the united wisdom of Parliament had been
brought to bear upon the subject, in a little time a
remedy would be discovered to cure those difficulties
of which the agricultural interest complained so
loudly. Arguing from analogy to the improvements
which had taken place in the several branches of
trade, there was great reason to expect a similar im-
provement in agriculture. The state of trade now,
as compared with what it was two or three years ago,
much improved, and within that time there had
been a gradual improvement in our manufactures.
03-.: point, however, he wished to impress upon the
Winse: and that was, the necessity of preserving in.
violate our faith with the public creditor—(Hear,
1•::,-l.—They should be sensible that this was one
gr.::. ,ay. It was this which placed us in the proud
situ :lion that we now filled ; and it was unnecessary
to s tv, that it was of the fiat importance to our na-
ti sal even to our future existence, to pre-
serve it inviolate—(!icar, hear).—The Honourable
Member varcluded by reading the Address, which
was an echo of the Speech from the Throne.

Mr. WILLIAM DUNCOMBE rose to second the
Adams. Whoever had witnessed the devastating
effect, of war, must feel deeply grateful for the
first assurance given in his Majesty's most gra-
cious St.eech from the Throne. There was nothing
he dreaded more than the possibility of his saying
anything which might disturb the unanimity which
ought to prevail on this occasion: in alluding to Ire-
lam], however, and the unfortunate state of some
parts of that country, he was satisfied they wool,'
partake sincerely in the sorrow so feelingly expressed
by his Majesty in his Speech from the Throne. It
must he a matter of deep concern to find that, after
the flattering and intoxicating manner in which his
Majesty had been received by the affectionate people
of that country, his visit should have been succeeded
by a spirit of personal outrage and systematic viola-
tion of the law. The House had been assured
that the whole force of the laws would be brought
into effect, aided by a spirit of conciliation, so a,
perfectly to restore order and allay discontent.—
It was equally gratifying to find that the amount of
the Revenue of this year exceeded that of the last, as
well as to be assured that great reductions had taken
place in the annual expenditure, particularly in the
naval and military establishments of the country. The
agricultural question was certainly one intimately
connected with the welfare of the State. His Ma-
jesty's Speech had pledged the House to give the sub-
ject its most anxious and serious consideration, and
that the subject of general retrenchment and imme-
diate reduction of taxation would form a part of its
first labours. Ile, however, was in hopes that in this
desire for economy they would not lose sight of the
true interests and policy of the country. He would
pledge himself to support every practicable species
of retrenchment. He could not help expressing his
satisfaction to the House, at finding that the spirit of,
disaffection which bad appeared in the manufacturing
districts some time back, had totally subsided. He
roust he a very indifferent observer who could not
*-Pe that there still were many too ready to assail the
Constituted Authorities, and looked anxiously to
Ca: subversion of our excellent Constitution. Their,
motives were different, but the end proposed was the
,Amu. He thought, so firm was the basis of the Con-
stitution—so fair its structure—so deep its basis—so,
heautifully was it constructed in all its parts, that '
wooer or later all must see its excellence, and rally
round it in the hour of danger, so that even the at-
Licks of its most inveterate enemies must tend ulti.
nialtly to add to its vigour, and eternize its grandeur.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said he should have
little to
.!bject to the speech of either the Honourable
Mover or Secoader, W the litter bad not intetyrOven
in the end of his speech some observations which re-
flected on the good feeling of Englishmen generally
to the Constitution itself. He saw no parties in this
country who looked with anxiety to the subversion
of the Constitution. He candidly. confessed he sbpuld
rather the possession of Turkey, in Europe, were in
the Greeks, as an independent people, than in the
hands of the Porte. In ancient times, and he was old
fashioned enough to think they were better times, it
had been the custom to deliberate upon the Speech
before an answer was returned to it. This courtesy
had been a matter of great convenience, but it had
been withdrawn for some years.. For his own part,
the Honourable Baronet said, his mind was not
capable of taking in all the topics of the Speech
be had just heard read, nor had he the faculty of
divination, by which he might have - conjectured
what the Address would be, and come down with an
lAmendment upon it ready cut and dried—(Hear).—
Either the Address was a mere ceremony, or else
the House was to be taken by surprise, and called
upon to give a sweeping approbation of it, under the
specious pretences of conciliation and preserving una-
nimity. He therefore meant to move that the consi-
deration of the Speech should be postponed until the
'day after to-morrow. He considered the Speech as
by no means a satisfactory statement of all the griev-
ances under which the country laboured. Not only
was the agricultural distress to be remedied ; but
there had been grievous violations of the law and the
Constitution which were far above all pecuniary con-
siderations—( Hear, hear). The Constitution had been
violated in many instances. It was not sufficient for •
Ministers to state in the Speech that they meant to
preserve economy ; they had expressed the same in-
tention during the progress of all the late ruinous ex-
travagances which had reduced thecountry to its pre-
sent state. In the first speech which the late King
had delivered from the Throne the same promisehad
been made—indeed it would be difficult to find any
Speech where the promise had not been made, and
there were as few instances in which it had been kept
—(fear). The Ministers ought to have pointed out I
when they meant to carry their promised economy
into effect, and what description of retrenchment it
was that they proposed. He thought they could do
nothing in the way of retrenchment which could be
so satisfactory as the reduction of the monstrous
expense of the Civil List—(Loud cries of Hear, hear).
At the time that the country had been suffering un- .
der the expenditure, and the Ministers had been
playing all kinds of tricks with the currency, they
added the further insult of augmenting the Civil List
and increasina• the Government salaries—(Hear).—
This he would say was mere juggling ; they had got
the nation to increase the amount of these salaries, to
raise them, as they said, to the suitable dignities of
the parties to be provided for, and then, without
taking any steps towards the alleviation of the public
distresses, they restored the currency to its metallic
value, but said not a word of reducing the salaries.
This was a most unfeeling disregard of public dis-
tress, and he wondered that Gentlemen were not
ashamed to bring in a Bill by which an overbur-
thened people were saddled with the payment of their
salaries, which they had by these means augmented
one-third. At that period when there had been so
much talk of restoring the currency to a healthful
state, And of the solvency of the Bank, it had been
pointed nut that the doubt WAS not whether the Bank
would he able to pay, but whether the country could
bear it. No Ministers, possessing the slightest feel-
ing for the public welfare, would have adopted such
a measuie without taking into consideration all its
necessary accompaniments. There were many per-
sons who attributed to it the whole of the distresses
of the country ; that it had had a most mischievous
effect no one could deny ; that it had allied burthens
to the oppressed, and that it was full of injustice and
inequity ; and for this he would say that the King's
Ministers were responsible ; it was their sole doing,
and they alone were accountable for it—(Hear, hear).
There were many other topics which they might
have expected to be s:- oken of—for instance, the state
of Ireland; it was impossible to look without the
deepest regret at that brave, generous, and kind peo-
ple, who had been driven into despair by the cons-,
duct of this Government towards them. There were
evils, than meet which men would rather meet death,
and this was the feeling of the people of Ireland. At
the Union, that people had been cajoled into a mea-
sure which had not tended so much to unite, as to
separate them ; it was a mere parchment Union. The
Speech ought to have explai.:ed to the nation what
were the views with regard to Ireland. Some-
thing should be done; and, as the Honourable Mover
had said, conciliation as well as force was necessary.
Most oppressive evils had long afflicted that country,
and ought to be remedied. It was a scandalous pre-
tence, on the ground of religion, to exclude them
from those equal rights which had been promised
them at the Union. Another difficulty under which
they laboured was the tithe system. The enforce-
ment of tithes by blood must be modified ; and the
House hay, other duties to perform than merely the
imposing of burthens upon the people—(llear, hear).
In the year 1782, Ireland had an organ of the public
voice—she had her own Parliament. That Parlia-
ment, it was true, became at last so great a grievance,
that the people were glad to get rid-of it; but even
then they had so well managed the revenue, that they
had a million over and above the debt. There was,
nothing in the character of the people which deserved
such treatment; they were ingenious, industrious,
and energetic : they had been called idle, but while
-the hardest and most dangerous labour was per-
formed by them in this country, that charge was
proved to be unfounded. A civil war was carried
on in that ccuntry against the distillation of whiskey.
Any one who had read Mr. Chichester's pamphlet
must have been shocked at the atrocities which were
practised in putting down private stills. The en-
forcement of the Excise Laws had the effect of stir-
ring up the people, and making them feel that any
other injuries were slight in comparison—(feear). —.
Nothing had been said in the Speech about Scotland.
The Scotch were a wise and sensible people, and
moreover were not driven to despair as the Irish were,
but they felt that the monstrous power of the Lord
Advocate was a source of great oppression—(.Hear).
They felt, too, all the evils of the Borough system,
which produced the self-election of little Committees;
it had the sasneeffect io Scotland as corruption had

I

hi that House; their property was taken, and they
were run into debt—(Hear). When a Noble Lord
hetr presented Petitions on this subject, be (the Hon-
Baronet) did not support them, because he feared
that his countenance might defeat their object. It was
unreasonable for any one to expect that the House
would set it's face against Scotch Burghs.. The whole
of the grievance, and he was happy that it was now
felt by the country generally, consisted in the undue
influence of Ministers in the House of Commons.—
The advecates of economical reform were, in his opi-
nion, the wildest of men ; they looked for effects
without causes ; they sought to gather grapes from
thorns, and figs from thistles. Until the House was
reformed there could be no hope of any effectual
relief. Parties which had formerly existed were now
at an end, and there were only two distinctions of
men, the Reformists and the Corruptionists. Feeling
thus (said the Hon. Baronet), still I am aware of the
credit which is due to the indefatigable !Amur and
great merit of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen :
Nrque ego ausim capid increment
Multa cum laude coronam detrahere !
I would not detract from his merit, for I am con-
vinced that it is by his patient investigation, and lay-
ing open of particular facts, that he has become the
greatest practical Reformer of this day. lam con-
vinc._%l that nothing could give a chance of economy
in public expenditure but an independent constitu-
tional House of Commons; and if any man looks for
it to be produced from any other cause, he is most
weak and visionary—(Hear, hear).—The Honourable
Baronet then said, that he had intended to conclude
with bringing forward a motion on the subject of
Reform, but that had been already done. He felt as
strongly upon it as the old Roman who ended all his
[speeches by saying, that Carthage ought to be de-
stroyed. Corruption was our Carthage, and he would
never conclude without saying as he said then, that
the flonse ought to be reformed—(lfear, hear).—He
thought it no more than due from their respect to
the Crown and to themselves, that some time should
be allowed them for consideration before they were
called upon to vote, and he therefore moved—That
the Address should be postponed until the day after
to-morrc:vr.

Mr. HOBHOUSE, in seconding the motion of his
Hon. Friend, would trouble the House with a few
words upon this subject. Gentlemen would find,
upon reference to the Journals, even subsequent to
the period mentioned by the Hon. Baronet, that it
had been the constant practice not to answer his Ma-
jesty's Speech until they had full opportunity to con-
sider it. Without multiplying instances, he would
mention one example, which was in some measure
Applicable to the present circumstances. In 1697, it
had been expected that King William would disband
his army ; and when it was found he had not done so,
the House, instead of moving the Address, and in-
stead of returning thanks, voted that the King's army,
which then consisted of 7000 men in England, and
12,000 in Ireland, should be disbanded. Those times
might be compared with the present; King William
was the illustrious deliverer of the country, and yet
the house had vindicated the right of deliberating
before they answered his Address. They had heard
of reductions in the military establishments, but it
had not been pointed out of what they consisted.—
It appeared from the Gazette, that more than one
hundred fresh Commissions had been issued since
the last Session—this did not look like retrench-
ment. They were not, therefore, blindly to vote the
Address before they knew what had been done to-
wards so desirable anirobject—(Hear, hear).—The
people did not fear the revolutionary plunderer,
but the tax-gatherer—they dreaded that plunderer
who came to them with an Act of Parliament in his
hand and threatened to drag the bed from under
them—(Hear, heat ).—Even in France it was not cus-
tomary to decide immediately upon such a subject
as that before the house. The Speech talked of peace,
but that to which it alluded was the peace of the
grave. Not one tear was shed over Greece—not one
word was spoken for those men who had made the
most glorious exertions in vindicating their liberties.
The peace had been made by an unnatural conjunc-
tion of States, between whom Nature had placed in-
surmountable
barriers. The Noble Lord had coupled,
in his unholy alliance, Powers the most discordant :
he had put Poland under Prussia, Sweden under
Norway, Venice under Austria, and Genoa under
Sardinia. It was a peace which could not last—
it was one specimen of corruption, whether in
France, in Italy, or in the blood-stained arena
where the Greeks were now gloriously fighting.—
When this was fully examined, he believed he should
he able to open a system of invasion of the best rights
of men. He had looked in vain for some reason for
the discontinuance of the practice of printing the
Speech before the meeting of the House; he had
heard that it was in consequence of a piece of wag-
gery which had been played off in the year 1797,
when a sort of parody of the King's Speech had been
made, and blown about in the morning. This he
thought was not a sufficient reason for degrading into
juggle and farce one of the most important acts of
the House of Commons. He hoped his Hon. Col-
league would insist upon a formal vote upon his
motion—( Hear, hear).
Mr. GRAT'I'AN expressed the satisfaction he felt
at tke notice taken in the Speech of the present state
of Ireland. He was convinced the disaffection pre-
'railing in Ireland was confined to the few, and that
the great body of the people were loyal. The evil
arose out of the faults of the present system of Go-
vernment. He trusted the deliberate attention of
Parliament would be directed to this subject, that a
system of reconciliation would be adopted towards his
unhappy country, and that a whole people would not
be punished for the faults of a few. This country
and Ireland, were not united ; unfortunately they
were divided by religion and by law ; and at present
there were two separate interests existing between
, the two people.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in the course
of his Parliamentary experience, had never known
an Address more adapted to produce conciliation ;
and, by acceding to it, he should conceive no Gen-
tleman pledged to his future conduct. The Ho-
nourable Baronet and his Colleague *ould pro-
bably have allowed the Address to pass. but that
it gave them an opportunity of delivering their
opinion on the subject of Parliamentary Reform.—
' The Hon. Baronet might as well have proposed to
postpone the consideration of the Address to that day
three months, as it would at least take that time be-
.

. -

fore the Rota could come to a decision on the topics
of the Speech. should the House reject the Amen -
silent, he should then move that on Thursday the
House should take into consideration the state °fire-
land ; and next week he proposed to take the con-
cluding part of the Speech particularly into consider-
ation, as it related to agriculture; and in the follow-
ing week the Chancellor of the Exchequer would
state to the House the retrenchments proposed to be
adopted; and, as far as could be done in that early
part of the Session, he should give a general outline
of the state of the country. The House would then
see that every attention had been paid to the recom-
mendation of the House. relative to the subject of
economy and retrenchment. The mode he proposed
was the only one that could be practically adopted.
Mr. C. HUTCHINSON said, that he could not
possibly agree with those who maintained that person
and property was safe in Ireland. Measures at severity could
only produce that tranquillity fora moment. It bad been sated
at, the Union that the state of Ireland had been dispassionately
considered, and that redress *odd beinven by an imperial that
could not be given by a local Legislature. But that pledge had
never been redeemed. Ministers would not do enough if they
came forward with measures of coercion. The noo-residence of
large proprietors was a great grievance to Ireland. He could
not allow the Address to pass without calling the attention of
the House to the state of behind. Europe was never in a more
perilous state than at present, and it was not sufficient to pre.
serve the peace of Europe, that peace should continue between
Russia and the Porte.

_ _ - ---
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would to.
morrow lay before the House, Dispatches from Marquis Welle-
sley, that would give the House a mote dear view of the subject.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT would only consent to the
Address on the understanding that no new measures of coercion
would be adopted, unleu a case of necessary should be made out.
Mr. BROUGHAM thought the House should not
put off, even to the time mentioned by the Noble Lord, the ex-
pression of some opinion on the agricultural distresses of the
country. He was willing, however, to yield to what appeared
to be the sense of the House, and reserved what he had to say,
not for the time pointed out by the Noble Lord, but the br:ng-
ing up of the Report to-morrow, when he would propose an
Amendment on the distressed state of the country, and explain
what appeared to him to be the only remedy for the evil. Afrer
the resumption of cash-payments, it appeared to him that the
only remedy was a reduction of the taxes. It would not be
enough to thew merely good-will on the part of the House cf
Commons, they ought to use the power they possess. d of re-
lieving effectually the existing distress. He therefore wished that
some general pledge had been given that night, by assuring the
country that no time would he lost, but an immediate inquiry
instituted into the subject, with a view to the affording relief.—
Retrenchment was the only remedy. He did not mean to say
that it could be effectual, for the change to a metallic currency
had produced such distress as perhaps no effort of retrenchment
could compensate for under the present circumstances of the
country.
The question was then put and the gallery about to be
cleared, when

Mr. HU rose. He said, that if the Honourable Baronet's
amendment was rejected, he was determined to propose another,
to which the House could not refuse their assent, if there was
anything like sincerity in it.
To a question from the S , Mr. Hum said, his amend-
ment would be an addition to the Address.--The House then
divided :

For the Amendment of Sir F. Burdett 5B
Against it r 186
Majority against the Amendment —l4B
After this division,
Mr. HUMB rose and said, If the Honourable Mover and
Seconder of the Address would declare that they had not received
it from Ministers, and had not delivered it verbatim the same as •
they had received it, then he would contend that it was most
unreasonable to call upon the House to vote at once an Address
so perfectly in unison with the Speech. But if Ministers wrote
the Speech and the Address, could there be a greater farce than
to find Ministers thus dictate a Speech, and then dictate an An-
swer to that Speech, with this only difference—that they had the
honour of putting the Speech into the mouth of his Majesty, and
the Answer into the mouths of two Honourable Members of
that House?—(bnigkter)..,-.He did hope, when the cry and
prayer of distress came up from the remotest corner of the land,
that some ene of those Gentlemen who had uniformly and
strenuously opposed the extravagant measures and oppressive
encroachments of Ministers—he did expect that some one of
them would have moved an Amendment, pledging the House
to the most rigorous retrenchment; it was, therefore, only in
default of such a proceeding, in a quarter from which he had
expected it, and because he was desirous of pledging the House
to something, that he would now submit an Amendment.—

The Honourable Member then took a comprehensive view of
our foreign relations, of the situation of the colonies, of our
conduct towards the Greeks, and of the internal state of the
country. In the Speech, the colonies were said to be flourish-
ing. Ile, from what he knew, denied it, and regretted that
the House should have so hastily admitted what was not the
fact. With regard to out foreign relations, it would not be
many days before he would submit the conduct of Government
to the consideration of the House—conduct that was disgrace-
ful on their part as Christians, and abominable as men. He
alluded to their conduct in favour of the Turks. But there was
another circumstance—an omission in the Speech, to which he
would only allude. This was the first instance since England
bad a public Ministry, that the death of the first subject in the
realm was passed over unnoticed in the Speech from the Throne.
She had been persecuted unto death—she had been persecuted
even after death—(Hear, hear).—He hoped soon to find the
circumstances to which he alluded more seriously investigated—
(Hear, hear).—But he felt himself bound, by the course which
he had taken, to have said so much. No act, then, like this
omission was ever done by a Ministry before. Next as to the
visit to Ireland ; he for one had extremely rejoiced at that visit.
Ile hoped that the results would be the means of healing the
unfortunate differences which separated man from man, and
which sowed the seeds of hostility and civil war—(Hear, hear).
He would now call attention to another topic. He bad heard a
report yesterday evening, that the Treaspry were to borrow
£4,000,000 from the Bank for some purpose, perhaps the Right
Hon. Gentleman would explain. They were told that this coun-
try was in a high and commanding situation. He had lately
obtained a document from the Secretary of the Treasury,whieh
sheered that the Consolidated Fund was £9,000,000 in arrears.
If the Bank, then, did not advance money, the dividends could
not be paid. The revenue of this country might be progressive,
but the Right Hon. Gentleman did everything in his power to
prevent the understanding of it. He would stew that reduction
could be carried to three times the extent pledged in the last
Session of Parliament. He held in his hand a statement which
he had draWn up. He would hand one of them to the Right
Hon. Gentleman, that he might follow him as he went on—
laugh).—( Lord Londonderry at the Same time signified his
wish to have a copy, and one was handed to his Lordihip.)---
Ile wished he had had time to make one for every Member.
There was one error in it—it was 'a mistake of the printer. It
was a statement of the annual receipts and expenditure from
1817 to 1820, ending in January, 1821. In that statement the
charges of management were included in the disbarsentenr-...
(Hear, hear).—He had included the whole of the money re-
ceived, but what might be in the hands of the Collect Ors he
would not answer for. The receipts were, in

£58,000,000 some odds.
57,000,080
57,000,000
1820 - - - 57,000,000
The Revenue of 1820 was only £55,000 more than in 1817.
The expenditure was, in
1817 - - - £73,064,000
was...prepared to
1818 - - - 72,200,000
1819 - - - 73,600,000
1820 - - - 74,900,000
The expenditure thus gradually increased. Although in 1818
the Right Hon. Gentleman had added £5,000,000 to the taxes,
he would thank the Right Hon. Gentleman to 'hew where that
increase took place in the Revenue. The Revenue, then, was
egndtturela,storfouitr wyeasamnot.theiiillgetHon.
Gentle.
ealll'lmaunwalhahodatolosardtuenritire than £4,000,000 to the Public. In the come
of the Session, be would stew that the Right Hon. Ge:itle-
man had, since be had had the charge of the Tteesury. ton
£153000,000 to the Public. This was no slight charge, and

1817
1818
1819

w

-I•Trr T=7---77-7 -
therefore he hoyetl that the Elea non. Gentleman would exert ,
himself to clear uphis account'. ' Ile was prepared to shew that I
the los, WAS from £10,000,000 to £18,000,000, and to prove it
to the satistaction of 'who undwritund the four first rules of
arithmetic. The same farce has. been Mei:skirt ly repeated—bor-
rownig to-day what was to he laid nut to-morrow, at a discount,
far paying oirthe Debt —(I ar, hner).—lii the Finance accounts,
there was a department headed, " Interest paid on the Debt,
Charges of Management, interest. on Exchequer Bills." In
I Sl7, the Treasury stated the interest of the funded Debt at
_a. 1,000,000, and, with the charges of management and luterest
on Exchequer Bills, made it up to
1817 4E31,266,000
1818 • 31,351,000
1819 30,792,000
In2o - _ - 314324:00
A most hirportant feature, to we a falmurite word of the Noble
Lord's. in this statement was, tfiat no two successive years were
within a million of one another in the charges and interest. In
January, 1022, there were borrowed £7t.,000,000, since 1816,
and given to the Commissioners, without occasion for giving one
penny. This year the sum fur interest of debt ought to be
5E30,180,000, instead of which it would be 1'.31,480,000. Ile
would ask, too, of another Bight Ilonourable Gentleman, when
he should be in his place, whether the Crown Revenue, and the
Revenue of Woods and Forests, were not invested in the Funds?
The system of forcing up the Funds which was practised was
absurd and pernicious. In 1816 and 1817 they had gone into mar-
ket with 40,000,0001. on which theyought to havealvedi ,500,0001.
But to the question of reduction ; by which all such evils might
be avoided. And here the words of the Speech, as it had been
read, were worthy of the very particular attention of the liouse.l
The first part of his Majesty's Address to the House of Coin-1
mons ran thus—" It is very gratifying to me to be able to in-
form you, that during the lam year the Revenue has exceeded
that of the preceding, and appears to be in a course of progres-
sive improvement." Now look to the Speech for the year 181&
The same assertion, precisely, was made, and made almost oer-
batint, in the same terms. " His Royal Highness (the Prince
Regent) is most happy in being able to acquaint you, that since
you were last assembled in Parliament er.: Revenue bas been in
a state of progressive improvement in its most important
branches"—(Hear, and laughter). But the affinity did not cease
at that point. In the very next sentence of the present Speech
his Majesty said—" I have directed the estimates of the current
year to be laid before you. They have been framed with every
attention to economy which the circumstances of the country will
permit." Now, what said the Speech for the year 1820? " The
estimates for the year will be laid before you. They have been
framed upon principles of strict economy," &c.—(Hear, heor).-
-From that period to the present, every expense had been ins
creasing. But the Speech (the present Speech) went on—" it
will be satisfactory to you to learn that I have been able to make
a large reduction in our annual expenditure, particularly in our
naval and military establishments. In the year 1819, bb Ma-
. •
jesty, then Prince Regent. f at assured " That the House would
learn with satisfaction the extent of reduction which the present
situation of Europe, and the circumstances of the Britiab empire,
had enabled his Royal Highness to effect in the naval and mili-
tary establishments of the country."—(Hear,hear). It was pe-
culiarly unfortunate that, under all these professions of reduc-
tion, not one shilling had actually been saved. Wu the country
to be trifled with in such a manner? Let five hundred trades-
men take thos., seats in the House of Commons now occupied by
Noblemen and Gentlemen, and they would scout such a system
of juggle and misrepresentation. It was well for Gentlemen to
lauzh at the interference of artisans in middle lire ; but these
artisans were able to scan the accounts of the lion. Gentlemen
opposite. Those Hon. Gentlemen might have majorities within
the House, majorities composed of persons taking share of
taxes imposed upon other persons who were unable to endure
them ; but they would have no majorities without doors, while
they acted upon their present system -,(Lorsd chwring)—
After all the promisee given, and all the hopes held out, increase
of difficulty from day to day, of difficulty which, if not checked,
most terminate in ruin. Would (Mr. Hume again asked) the
country go on as it had done; would it still place confidence in
men who had been promising for eight years, but whose conduct
bad done anything rather than keep pace with their professions?
Reduction, indeed! What was-the boasted reduction which,
after all, they had effected? They had reduced 180 unfortunate
clerks—a measure scarcely conceived in all that spirit of charity
and benevolence for which the lion. Gentleman took credit—
( flaw, hear).—But surely, if there wanted anything to prove
the inability of Ministers to the conduct of the country, that
proof was afforded by the proposal made scarcely twenty-four
hours back by the First Lord of the Treasury—(Cheers). —lle
alluded to the offer of assistance to the agricultural interest—
(Chzers).—Was it reasonable to entrust the affairs of a nation to
persons who could take so childish,weak, and womanish a course?
Dill they not know that every Banker had already more money
than he could lend? That the need was not of cash, but of cre-
dit ? He called upon Gentlemen to keep down the unnecessary
and unnatural expenditure of the country; but ht believed there
were very few people who knew even what the amount of that
expenditure was--(Laughter).—lt was not a very easy fact to get
at; but he believed he could, after much research, supply it.
Ministers had taken as the golden mean the year 1792; in 1792,
however, exclusive of the public debt, then ten millions, the
whole expenditure of the country did not exceed seven millions.
How was it, that with perfect peace at home, and the benefit of
the Holy Alliance abroad, the State was now worked at an ex-
pense of twenty-six millions? In 1792, the country had not to
pay for a resident Minister in the Swiss Cantons, at a salary of
43,500 a year, with outfit and travelling expenses, &c. and when
the Holy Alliance, too, managed all the business for which such
an Officer was intended. Nor were the expenses of the Ord-
nance Department quite so considerable at that time as at pre-
sent. He begged, in the meantime, to ask of the Lord Advo-
cate, whether a certain Nobleman had not made a will, leaving
live hundred pounds a-year to one of his sons, until he (the son)
should be better provided for by Government ?—(llear, /rear.)
He (Mr. Hume) knew the fact, and hoped shortly to have a copy
of the will—(Laughter).—Ele believed the very last son of the fa-
mily had lately been provided for as a Commissioner of Customs.
The House was doubtless tired of the very name of reduction;
but he was compelled to make another remark or two upon that
bead. What were the Navy reductions? They had turned off
a few carpenters! Good! But had any of the junior Lords of
the Admiralty disappeared? Had the Secretary of Widows
Pensions been deprived of his salary? It was but even now that
a General Officer, before possessing two pensions and three
offices, was appointed Superintendent of Gas ! Nor was reduc-
tion less needful in the-civil than in the military and naval de.-
partments of expenditure. He contended that the House of
Commons would not do its duty, until it compelled every Gen-
tleman who did the duties of his office by deputy, to remove
himself from that office altogether. He meant to cast no general
imputations. He respected the motives of those Gentlemen who
appeared in Parliament with a view to serve their country; but
he had not the same feeling towards those who came there with
a view to serve themselves--(Hear ! and Order 1).
The arEAKER said, it was not' in order that any Mem-
ber of the House should impute improper motives to another.
Mr. HUME, in that case, would not speak upon the point ;
but there was nothing, he apprehended, to prevent him front
thinking that which he forbore to utter. Ile was always happy
in being corrected. The Honourable Gentleman then moved
the following Amendment.:
GA That, while we return his Majesty our most grateful ac-
knowledgments for the various reductions which have been made
In the civil and military establishments during the last year, by
Which some diminution of expense may be effected, yet we
should ill discharge the duty we owe to his Majesty, if we did
not direct his moot serious attention to the present condition of
bas faithful People.
w To represent to his Majesty that the distresses, proved to
exist before a Committee of this House, instituted for the eve-
cial purpose, in the last Session of Parliament, have considerably
increased; and that the owners and occupiers of land through-
out great part of the kingdom, and with them the tradesmen
and artisans usually dependent on them for employment, are la-
touting under unexampled difficulties.
!, To express most respectfully to his Majesty our opinion, that
an excessive taxation is a principal cause of those distresses, and
humbly to entreat that he will be graciously pleased immediately
to direct such reductions in every branch of our expenditure,
from the highest to the lowest department, as shall enable us,
forthwith, to relieve his Majesty's faithful people from a large
portion of tlat burden of taxation which, in their present im-
poverished condition, presses so heavily upon all classes."
As soon as the itemlutioti *as read from the Chair,
The (.41A NCELLOR. of the EXCHEQUER denied, un-
oquivecally.au4 decidedly, that the financial intentions of Govern-
ment were known on the Stuck Bireharige. If such were the
practice, he should be wholly unfit for Ills situation. As to
transaaloas with the Book of England, they could noire private
I,y Act of Parliament ; and on iLat head 'he must say, th:.t he

*meld have to lay some papers on the 'table. A conversation
with himself and the First Lord of She Tremors had been
strangely miorepresented ; but he believed that it was generally
I agreed, that the only relief for the agricultural interest, would
he by an extension of the currency. The Howse would see that
it *mild be impossible to resort to such a reduction of taxation
as was sought for by the Hon. Gentleman. In a few days the dif-
ferent ibstimates would be laid before the House, and then the
liouourable Gentleman could skew whet* farther reduction'
might have been made; but he should nut condemn' a system by
anticipation; and ih the nits., the Honourable Gentleman had
condemned them for dismissing junior Clerks; but surely they
would have been deserving of more blame had they discharged
those who had merited their confidence by long services. He
hoped the House would not listito to loose statements, as
he should have to propose a general measure of retrench-
ment from the highest to the lowest offices. It was their
duty to consider whether they would relieve agriculture
by the reduction of the Revenue, or by measures calculated
to support our public faith and credit. The measure pro-
posed by the Hon. Gentleman would rather tend to disappoint
and to aggravate the evil. It would destroy all hopes of an ex-
tinction of the National Debt ; and then money would not be
raised for five or six per cent. and the fundholder would them
transfer his stock to foreign countries. If Parliament showed •
disposition to support the public credit, he would be greatly die.
appointed if he bad not to propose a reduction of the rate of is.
terest from five per cent. There was no doubt that money could
be got at lour per cent. on good landed security. The read'
from a reduction of taxation on articles of consumption was
Never immediate to the consumer, but was postponed fora cos
siderable time. But there would be other occasions to reverteo
this topic.
Mr. CALCRAFT said, it was perfectly clear that Ministers
had made up their minds to deny to the suffering people any re-
duction from the taxes ; and even the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer had declared that a reduction of the taxation would increase
the evils of the country. Was the nation so ignorantly impatient
of taxation, that they did not know it was beneficial for them ?
This was language which could not be held anywhere but in that
House. The Hon. Member for Aberdeen had produced a re-
duction of £70,000 a-year, by bringing the Receivera*-General
before the notice of Parliament. He should, therefore. vote foe
the amendment of that Hon. Gentleman.
Tile CH A NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied that he
had said that a repeal of taxation would not have a beneficial
effett ; but that the way proposed by Mr. Hume would be de-
structive of public credit.
Mr. CA LC RA FT said, be should not vote for any reduction
of tales until he was satisfied that taking them away would be
of advantage to the country.
Mr. F. ROBINSON hoped the House would not prejudge
Ministers, until it was informed what the reductions were that
they had really made. The Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hume)
had designated the financial system of Ministers as fallacious and
temporising ; but it was to be recollected, that the House was a
party to that system.
Colonel DAVIES hoped they were to be no more deceived
by the magical delusion of a false financial speculation. The re-
duction of taxation was first to be done by a reduction of every
establishment in the Government.
The CHANCELLOR of the. EXCHEQUER would not
admit the whole of the statement of the Member for Aberdeen;
nor had be any intention of proposing any alteration in the cur-
rency of the country. There was nothing of which Government
was more convinced, than the necessity of keeping the currency
undepreciated.
Sir J. NEWPORT objected to the terms 0 arising from tem-
porary causes," applied in the amendment to the evils of the
country. Nor could he agree in the sweeping reprobation of
the financial system of the country, contained in the Amendment.
He should, therefore, move fur the omission of those parts of
the Amendment. He thought the People had a right to a dif-
ferent acknow:edgment from Ministers, than one declaring that
no reduction of taxation was to take place.
Mr. HUME consented to leave out the words to which Sir
John Newport objected.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, when this strange
amendment was brought before the consideration of the House,
his Right Hon. Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had
briefly replied to it, and reserved the exposition of many of its
errors to a future, though not a very distant day. But there was
nothing definite in the system of the Hon. Mover of the amend-
ment. Let any Members propose the remission of a tax, and
chew that they could afford to part with it, and there could not
be an objection to the proposed measure. The Hon. Member
had brought forward many jobs, and if they did exist he pledged
' himself that their existence should net be of long duration. But
he was surprised that a Right Hon. Member (Sir J. Newport),
who he believed felt a deep interest in the financial affairs of the
country, should suffer himself to be entrapped into the support
of the amendment by the paltry concession of a few omissions,
Iwhich made but little difference in the absurdity of the resolution.
Mr. TIERNEY commenced his speech by declaring, that
upon entering the House that evening. it was his fixed intention
not to address it. The Noble Lord, however, by indulging in
the language which he had done, and by observing that any man
who ventured to vote in favour of the amendment would be
committing an insult both to the House and to the country, bad
made a call upon him to speak, which he found it totally impos-
sible to resist—( Cheers). The Noble Lord had stated that the
country was looking up to the wisdom of Parliament. He felt
compelled to observe that the country had been looking for a
long time indeed, up to that wisdom—(Hear hear). But it was
now beginidng to look at the manner with which Parliament
sympathized with its feelings; and on the present occasion he
trusted that Honourable Gentemen would embrace the oppor-
I tunity of regaining its respect and confidence—(//car). There
was no difficulty in the proposition then submitted to the House :
the Noble Lord had indeed said, that there was great difficulty
attached to it ; but that was by no means the case. He there-
fore called upon gentlemen to exercise their own judgments in
coming to a decision upon it, and nut to be led away by the in-
genious statements of the Noble Lord. Let gentlemen, and the
country gentlemen especially, take care how they entangled them-
selves a second time with their constituents—(heel cries of
a Hear"). Much as he might pity those who might become the
sufferers front a strict retrenchment, and much as he might feel
for those who might think themselves degraded by the loss of a
certain state, by which they were at present surrounded, still he
would, so help him God, persevere, if it were in his power, in
making it—(Hear, hear, hear). He was inclined to vote for a re-
duction of taxation—first of all, because he was convinced that it
ought to be made—(l-lear). How Tar that reduction would ex-
tend, he did not exactly know ; nor was he called on to declare
upon that occasion. He would not enter farther into the discus-
SAM of the evening : indeed, he had not intended to have taken
part in it at all ; but when he saw the Noble Lord get upon his
stilts—and when he was hard pressed, nobody got upon them
with greater ease—(hear and laughter) he felt an inclination which
he could not master, to endeavour to take him a little down.
He warned the House not *ci place much confidence in the pro-
mises which the Noble Lord had made about retrenchment and
reduction, for, unfortunately, the Noble Lord was not the fittest
man to be believed upon that subject. lie would state his reason
for saying so. It was shortly this—that the Noble Lord and
his colleagues had uniformly shewn that the only way of getting
them to make reductions, was to delve them to it—(Loud cheers).
Ile therefore called upon the country gentlemen not to allow
themselves to be deluded with fine promises. If they meant
the country to believe that they felt for the distress under which
it suffered, they would not defer their vote in favour of retrench-
ment and reduction of taxation to a future occasion, as the Noble
Lord had advised; but would come forward and manfully give
it in favour of the amendment that evening; they would thus
force Ministers to every possible reduction, and the country
would have the benefit of it lu the shape of mitigated taxation—
(Gruen).
Mr, HUSKISSON said, that every year *hewed more and
more the inconvenience of the course pursued by the Hoo.
Member for Aberdeen, whose statement and figures he could not
understand. It would be more consistent for Parliament to wait
and hear the proposition for relief which his noble friend had to
bring forward—for relief to the agriculturists, rather than to
adopt the amendment proposed by the lion. Gentleman.
Mr. S. Vo'OR'ELBY agreed with the Member for Aberdeen
that the time was come for sincere reduction, to relieve their
suffering Cunstitusats. For himself, he should apply his mind
to see what reductions could bt made with safety to the &ate.
lie understood that the Chancellor of the Exchequer intended
to propose relief to the agriculturists, by way of loan.—(Nu, ise 1
from the Chancellor er um rsarisegster.)-Ifr was glad he had
misunderstood himt ior tte was suns that no good oda roe*
from such a measure.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said, the deep and unpardielell
tress of of the country obliged him to vote for the one swot of
the Hon. Member for Aberdeen. He saw no Mar he the
country except in a change in the taxation ; foe it could not pro-
reed at its present rate of expenditure. He hoped that in a few

LONDON.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6. 1R22
STOCK EXCHANOE, TEN O'CLOCK.

At an early hour this morning the Stock Exchange was
crowded, and the moment the market opened, a great bustle
and confusion prevailed. Consols were done in a few minutes
at the following prices-77i

ELEVEN O'CLOCK.

Our market is now steady at 77j and some very heavy
sales have been made this morning by several eminent Brokers;
particularly one, who bought on Monday above half a million
of Stock. The report at this moment is, that Ministers intend to
pay the S per Cents. which has caused a decline In that Stock of
one per Cent.

TWELVE •O'CLOCK.

At this moment a great deal of busineu is doing in the S per
Cent. market. Yesterday they left off at 1071, and the fluctua-
tions are this morning as follows :—Opened at 106, got up to
1061, 107, and are now 1061.

ONE O'CLOCK.

Various opinions are afloat as to what plans the Minister will:
adopt The Bua seem confident as to a very great rise, and are
looking on, standing firm.
Bank Stock 242% 14-3 per Cent. Itedu. 78 77 78
3 per Cent. Cons. 771/4 % ys
3'/2 per Ct. 88% YB-4 per Ct.971/2 98'A
5 per Cent. Navy Anns. 1071/2 106% 107 106%
Bank Long Annuities 19
India Stock 240;4—India Bonds 795. 775. pre.
Exchequer Bills of 1:1,000, 9s. 6s. 7s. pre.
Ditto small 7s. 10s. 7s. pre.
Cons. out Acct. 773/4 1/4 %.
The various descriptions of Foreign Securities have improved
within the last two days, and much business is doing to-day.

The proceedings in the House of Commons yes-
terday, on the opening of Parliament, will be read
with great interest. The Speech from the Throne
was a very guarded compositikm, and developed as
little of the intentions of Ministers as possible. On
the subject of the negotiations between Russia and
Turkey it conveyed no additional information.
Ireland was the next topic ; the expressions of loy-
alty to his MAJESTY during his visit and the out-
rages that have since taken place are well known ;
and all that we learn is, that some new laws are to
be called for to reduce the insurgents to obedience.
Vigorous Measures we admit to be necessary ; but
these alone will not restore tranquillity to Ireland,
or satisfy a starving peasantry, who; as Mr. GRAT•
TAN stated last night, are labouring for three-pence
and four-pence a day, tine-half of which they are

in
tYthe44"l.l
.4:eretth:du:rt:ii.ln
own Priests! . The picture which dm gendiimaa
lidareasrreftileineceulandlisafa melancholypitying
1
ojhfialenntheresOmidnreidligtieou"sisfegms-s4uds are Wt :tryligalrert iiip°ldnr:
sention and insurrection."
The Revenue, we are told, is in a state of pm,
gretsive improvement, and thit a large
has been made in our annual expenditure, yet the,e
is not the slightest hint, either in the gtwo's Speech
or in the speeches of Ministers, that there will be
any reduction in the taxation; notwithstanding, in
addition to the reductions so vauntingly put forth,
the country must have been relieved from a burden
of nearly half a million annuall' by the death cx
BONAIPARTS and of her late MAJESTY.
The distressed state of the agriculturists is ad.
witted by Ministers, and as LoystlAvuteom.'s lrak,
project has failed, we must wait to see, what rev,
mode of relief is proposed, insuring ourselves that
a removal of some of the taxes on agriculture nil/
be the last expedient to which Ministers will resort.
One declaration in the Speech is important, the as.
surance that the Funds will remain untouched—for
the ensuing year at least.
The KINO's Speech is as remarkable for its Mis-
sions as for the guarded manner in which it men.
dons the few topics it includes. The KM'S visit to
Ireland is prominently noticed, but not a word is
mentioned of the Royal visit to Hanover. The
Russian and Turkish Negotiation is spoken of, bat
not a word respecting the cause of the Greeks, whit:,
threatens so materially our hold of the lonian Island.
On the occupation of Naples by the Austrians,—
the recognized Independence of South America—the
Speech is equally silent. The death of the first sub.
ject of the Empire, as well as that of one who was
so long its most inveterate foe, are passed offer as if
no such events had happened.
In the House of Lords the Address in answer to
the KINCea Speech was agreed to without opposition;
'but, in the Commons, it gave rise to an animated
and interesting discussion. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT
moved that the consideration of the Speech should
be postponed until to-morrow. This was negatived ;
when Mr. Huss; in a speech of considerable length,
took an able and comprehensive view olthe sta‘e
of this country in its foreign relations and internal
government; but the subject on which he more
particularly dwelt was the Finances. He sllewed
how fallacious all the pledges of economy and re-
trenchment had been—That all the reductions that
had been made sonsisted in dismissing some '2j
unfortunate Clerks, while the Civil List remained
untouched, and there was the most wanton expendi-
ture in every department of the State. He conciuded
by moving an Amendment, declaring that the di,-
tressed state of Agriculture was owing to excessive
Taxation, and praying that his MAJESTY would direct
reductions in every branch of the public expenditure,
from the highest to the lowest department. After A
discussion of considerable length, in which the M •
nisters joined, the Amendment was negatived.
Several Members gave notice of very importrit
motions for early discussion. The Marquis of Li,-
DONDIRRY appointed to-morrow for the new lli%h
Penal Laws; and Friday se'unight, at farthest, fe
the consideration of the Agricultural DiAress. M,
BENNET gave notice that he would take the earlic-:
opportunity of bringing under the consideration c:
the house, the subject of the funeral of her 1.!.!.:
MAJESTY.
Sir Roam. WILSON will next Tuesday ..::wee for
copies of Correspondence relative to his dismissal
from the Army ; and Lord EBRINGTON will bring
the subject of Parliamentary Reform before ti.e
House shortly after Easter.
The Marquis WELLESLEY, as Ministers infmrrn 1
Parliament last night, calls for certain penal en.i:l-
- These will, no doubt, be granted.
At length Ministers have done that, the doing c:
which they have often declined would he most tr,.;-
rious to the public service; they have withdrawn one L.;
the Lords of the Admiralty. We perceive by the Gazlie
of last night, that two of these Gentleme:-. have got!!
out, and only one new Member, Mr. k Erni Douot.S.
comes in. 'lVe have no doubt that this Llen.leman viii
be found not only fully qualified to di scliar4e thedulies
of the two Lords he su.:ceed-, but also of three or four
score of these embryo Statesmen, yclept Lords of the
Admiralty.

At a late hour this forenoon we received a Liabc.n
Mail, bringing papers to the 20th ultimn; and a
Dutch Mail with intelligence so late a-. the 2.:
The Cones at Lisbon had appointed a Comm:::ect:
Finance for Brazl, to determine what share is should
contribute to the general expenses of the Nlonarcl:)
also to inquire what tribute. or taxes may be aL:.
lished in Brazil.

On the 15th, a Member informed the Cortes
two citizens, Senors F. Cardoso Maia and li.
nes Cardoso, offered their veel, Don Jose I. v
at 500,000 crusadoes, for. the service of the state.

The Dutch Papers contain an account of the ff.,-
ceedings in the States General. On the 30th Li!:
the Minister of Finance presented a project i.or
tw•eaty millions of florins, by means of a hun upon
bonds of 1000 florins, at 5} per cent. interest, re-
deemable by annual lotteries up to the )eat 1830,
and secured on a capital of 75 millions on domain,.
For the purpose of disposing of the domains, the
admiui.tration is to proceed as soon as pos.ib!e to
the opening of a lottery, to be succeeded b) loan
other lotteries within the time, of not less than oP"
year each lottery, of 15 miliions of domains, aila
8 millions in money. The number of share. to be
20,000, at 1000 florins each.

Yesterday morning his 14.tamsTy received a vlsi: from me
Princess Surma.
A Cabinet Council assembled at Fie House at II o'.l.
yesterday morning, and continued in consultation till
about a quarter ot• an hour of the King's arrival at the 11.,titv
Lords.

- -
Friday, Sirßtcuaao STRACHAN fell from his how a: Frighten•
on the West Clitf, and the animal came down intincrizate.•
Very fortunately, Sir lttettaan escaped with a trlaint! iirn6•••
earllle's shop, in Fleet-street, was closed yet.ter..ay ; a il.s-
tress or execution having been put in the premix. a.
CORM HICIIIANOII, AIARE•LAPR, FRS. 6.--Owin.; to the lg'
tempestuous weather, we have had no arrivals of say
Monday, )ct, as there were but few buyers at market tn.. marr-
ing, wheat was very dull sale, at .londay's prices, mid orly
prime samples could be disposed of; all other descripii.,n4 were
nearly unsaleable, although elfereti on lower germs than till that
day. .liarley is also. very. lwavy, and the injeraor Is.
per quarter cbeapect The Oat trade continueN vet y heavy, and
rather lower in price, owing to abundant supplies.
•

LONDON s riinted and Aubfished by Lpis. Kin, ricks:lb.
platcr, Temple-114r.