Star.
London, England, 1830-07-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS

Cumin tc Lt.—lt is confidently mmtntred that changes are abate
to take place in the composition of the Ministry. This we think
extremely probable. We have long looked to the junction of Mr
liuskiitson and Lord Palmerston, and Mr. Charles Grant. It la
said that Lonl lanadown -.leo about to enter the 31inhitty. We
know not on what authority the rumour rests.

Ca nourct.t.--We have no disposition to justify the former eon?
duct of England towards Ireland ; but as there is certainly no die.
position in the resent day to repeat that conduct, which indeed is
utterly foreign to the spirit of the age, the sooner all parties bury the
past in oblivion the better. What is it that the Irish now want ?
Do they want a separate legislature ? Perhaps it would be better
for both England and Ireland that the details of Ireland were din.
cussed in an Irish legislature. But we do not perceive that they wish
to dissolve the union. If, then, the incorporating union is to be pre-
served,why is Ireland to be opposed to England ? Why speak of sacri-
ficing Ireland wholly to the conifoetand convenience of Englishmen ?
As well fay thatilliddlnex is sacrificed to the comfott and col venience
of Essex or Surrey. It can never conduce to the comfort and con-
venience of Englishmen that the prosperity of Ireland should be re-
tarded. In truth, Englishmen feel but too sensibly the troubles of
Ireland, fur they add to her burdens not a little. It is the
interest of Englishmen that Ireland should be wealthy and
prosperous, because every increase of the wealth and prosperity
' of Ireland would diminish
rtlwan
pressure of the common bur-
dens. But why should I instead of considering the
United Kingdom as one whole, equal in advantages and disad-
vantages, eeek to add to the burdens of England, by an exemp-
tion from any past of her fair share ? The produce of the in-
dustry of England and Ireland have a common market, and
ought to he subject tik the same burdens. To depart from the
principle of equal taxation, would render necessary the renewal
of resuictions on the trade between the two countries and all
the machinery of countervailing duties, and would consequently
open a wide door to smuggling, Stc. If the Irish are to remain
with us as an incorporating Union, and to be entitled to the
same advantages as the of the empire, then we say we have no
claim to shake themselves free from the common burdens. To ad.
mit any other principle, would be taxing the people of England and
Scotland, for the sake of adding to the wealth of Ireland. The Mi-
nistry deserves the thanks of the country in their endeavour to free
the internal trade of the empire from shackles, and to equalize the taxes.
To prevent the outcry of the Wad Newspapers, it would have been as
well if they bad lowered the duties in England to the Irish level,
rather than attempt to raise the Irish duties to the English level.
Any attempt on the part of the Irish members to separate them-
selves from the rest of the members, would only procure for the
ministry the undivided:support of the English end Scotch members.
Any Irish member who pleclipea himself told. constituents to vote in
favour of unequal .tszation, pledges himself to that of which In
his conscience he must disapprove, and which would have no Influ-
ence on ministers. Ministers would wish nothing better than an at.
tempt of this kind by the Irish members, because it would give
them the cordial support of the English and Scotch members of all
parties.

Times.—When Lord Killers demanded of the King's ministers,
in the House of Commons, whether they would trot rend over relief
to the destitute poor of Ireland, Sir Robert Peel answered distinctly.
that " they would not." Consideting the recurrence and the pro-
gress of famine among the Irish presently, we are now convinced
that his Majesty's Government has formed in this respect a wise
determination. For England to take the care of the whole mass of
Irish paupers upon herself, would be to authorize and encourage
the continuance of thine practices in the landlords from which pau-
pers have been so deplorably multiplied, and the degree of wretch-
edness, within our own remembrance, so frightfully enhanced. The
preys of England, and the better pan of English society, have
preached too long, and vainly preachtel, to the reason,the compassion,
the well-understood self-interest of the Irish gentry. %re must hence-
forth try another course, and preach directly to their pucketa,which are
not slow of hearing. The poor of Ireland have hitherto been kept from
starving (those who have not starred) by wages paid for their work
in England, or by an inconceivably small portion of charity from
the upper classes, and unbounded humanity and generosity amongst
each other at home. If the gentlemen of Ireland are suffered to
persuade themselves that such a state of things can go on fur
ever,-.-that they may appropriate to themselves so much of the
fruits of the poor man's labour, as to leave him but the mini-
mum by which human life can be sustained, and that pretlari-
ously, for himself and children,—if they, the Aristocracy. are
permitted to hope, that when there Is a suspension of pauperism
they are to have all the benefit, and when an excess of it Eng.
land must supply the is plainly and broadly saying,
that the Irish aristocrats shall have a vested interest in the rack end
degradation of their country, that the Legislature shall not dare se
touch their freelsold," and that any improvement in the relations
of landlord and tenant throughout Ireland is forbidden by the articles
of Union. That the Irish landlords, at present, have an inner&
diate interest in the spoliation of their tenantry, is beyond all dis-
pute ; for the obvious reason, that when oppression breaks a poor
man down, he has no legal claim—not to a pennyworth—of restitu-
tion from the spoils which have been witafrom and have ruined
him. It, then, the Government and re u would advance one
step towards the reform of this dresilf evil, it must be by throw-
ing back the paupers of Ireland upon those who have made them
paupers. The Irish gentlemen must be told." Make poor at your
peril ; for the poor you make you shall be at the cost of maintain-
ing." Much as we bear and know of the mismanagement of Eag.
lish poor laws, the superiority of poor laws, even ill-adminis-
tered, over no laws prescribing a provision for poverty, is mani-
fest enough, from the undisputed fact that there exist more
frequent returns of absolute want among the poor of Ireland,
and a far greater extent of it when it does come, than in England
at the worst crises of her history. We are aware that Ministers
have now before them one or more plans fur relieving Irish
wretchedness, or averting it one is, by following the English
precedent, and feeding and clothing the destitute, though idle
poor ; the other, for relieving them in the form of wages for
iabour,—employing them in useful and osece•sury public works,
and thus promoting at once the means of communication, and
the growth of production throughout the country. We kuuw not
which bids fairest for approval by the King's Government, but
to us it seems that paying for labour (that is, making the Irish
landlord pay for the labour,) might be the best thing to begin
with, since the alternative would be only to support involuntary
idleness : but either is preferable to letting our fellow-subjects perish

Hram.o.—The apparent lukewarmness of the electors throngh-
out the kingdom as to the result of the approaching general election
augurs ill for the present atateof patriotism and public spirit through.
out the kingdom. It may be that, in some places, et least, they are
reserving their strength till the day of trial strives, and that in others
they are quiescent for want of candidates; but, in the main, we fear
the indifference we allude to is but too certain, and arises ron: past
experience of the little reliance which is to be placed on the zeal
and promises of those wno on former similar occasions professed
so much and have performed so little. We are not desirous
(lion forbid that we should be !) of seeing the nation thrown into
Lets and contests, in which pwtoo takes the place of reason ; but
we do wish to see the people, when called upon to exercise the
highest privilege of freemen—that of nominating those who are to
represent them in the Government, rationally and actively enga.ted
in inquiring how their interests have been guarded in the expiring
Parliament, and how best to supply any deficiency in the new.
Tins, as yet, we do not see ; no, nor any tendency towards it. For the
most part, then! bees seal) likely to be returned to the hive, se.
companied, too, by not a few of the drones ; and where that is not
the case, and any new seal is likely to be enlisted in the service, it
seems as if it would arise Hum accidental circumstance rather
than from any expression of popular or public feeling. This
sullen indifference augurs ill, we repeat, both to the country and
its prospects. Were it the result of prosperity and contentment, we
should hail it with as unmixed sathifactioa as, under contrary cir-
cumstances, we deplore it. Every one who 111111 nor his own fingers
in the public honey-pct, knows and feels that the mass of the people
are any thing but contented and happy, and that gaunt distress has
found its way not only to the door of the poor man, but has passed,
in numberless instances, the thresholds of those who were hitherto
exempt from its approaches. In former times, had such a state of
things presented Itself, the people would have anxiously looked
IParliament, especially to a new Parliament, for relief. They
would have felt that there was no wrong without a remedy
no error but which, by timely discovery and interference, might
be retraced and remedied. Unhappily that does not seem
now to be the feeling. Hopeless despair seems to take the
place of constitutional remonstrance and inquiry ; and, as if 'lra-
gamed Into their fate, they look with coldness to the very crisis
which, in former times, would have presented the obvious period
of redress. And what will be said by.and-bye. should the new
Parliament persist in the erruts of the past ? not the very
silence of the people be construed into an acquiescence in them;
and will they not be told that it will be at no use to com-
plain then, after the constituilonal period fur making their
sentiments known has poised by unheeded by themselves? We d.`
plots then this apathy as ominous of a feeling which, above all, we
are anxious should not spread and gain grour.d in the country, via.
an Indifference to, and want of confidence in. the Mull' branch
st the Constitution. Much as past Parliaments may bare din".
pointed the put expectations of the people—much as the tergiver-
sation and unprincipled conduct of professing patriots may have
Nada to 'hake the general confidence of the peopla in public men
..general opinion, rationally formed nod firmly *spanned, can ne.l
me fail, however for a time disregarded, to have Whence at
public asks which must ultimately sot things right, in spits of,
the 'gnomons, the obstinacy, or something wane, of those teem it
whose siltation better things might have been expected.