Star.
London, England, 1825-02-12 00:00:00

obtained, the adminiitration of the law could not be im-'
partial, nor properly dispensed. That, at a former
period, had been the case in Scotland, where a man of
the name of Stuart, expressed his astonishment that he
should have been acquitted by a Jury of Campbells.
—He would never have consented to an Act for
putting down this individual Association ; but the
measure before the House extended to all societies. He
trusted, nbtwithstanding the predictions to the contrary,
that the measure would be effectual, as speaking the
Opinion of Parliament, and he trusted that the discus-
sion of this and the former night would contribute to
that effect. The measure proceeded from the whole of the Cabinet.
lle would at all tilting support the question of Catholic Entancipa•
lion, from whatever quarter it came—(Cheering.)
Mr. CALCR AFT said, that. till the Catholics ob-
ftined their tights, Ireland would experience similar
sisitations. Had not the last speaker stated that he
\vas friendly to the Catholic Claims, he could not have
believed*, when. he saw the Right Honourable Gentle-
lath g Meinber of that Cabinet, that, as a Cabinet, was
decidedly hostile to the rights of the Catholics. The
present Association arose from other and opposite As-
s.ciations—(Hear.) Redress the grievances of the Ca-
tholics, and those Associations would soon disappear.—
He hoped the Catholics would continue united, and
would press legally upon the House and the country,
till they obtained their rights. He had never known
an instance of a Bill being brought in to prevent the
loyal exercise of undoubted rights ; he believed there
was a pretended alarm in Ireland, though the Govern-
ment was made to believe the reverse. He was, therefoi e,
agreeably surprised at the Speech from the Throne.—
Long before the Bill could be sent to Ireland, the As-
sociation would have disappeared, and would revive in
another form. • But to suppose the Catholics would be
prevented from meeting and collecting money, was a
gross mistake. At the time of the King's visit to Ire-
land, the'Catholics were the most loyal of all. But
what could have been ultimately expected, when the
King was accompanied by Lord Sidmouth on the one
hand, and Lord Londonderry on the other, " the bane
and antidote;" as what the one shoidd propose in favour
of the Catholics, would be opposed by the other? Much
stress had been laid on the expression, " By the hate
you bear the Orangemen." That seemed strange to
English ears; but the real meaning was, the hatred you
bear to tyranny and misrule: and by which they were for-
bidden to join illegal societies—( Laughter.) No one could
doubt the corruption of the Irish Government up to the
Union. He fen it his duty to oppose the Bill to.`stre
utmost of his power ; though not from any partiality fei
such Associations, whether Catholic or Protestant. He
denied that the Association had made the Catholic
Claims more unpopular than they were before. The
reverse he believed to be the fact. The tranquillity of
Ireland spoke for the Association. While the Associa-
tion went on legally, he would offer no interruption to
it. The amount of the Rent that was so dangerous to
the State, was £9,000, a much smaller sum than was
collected for Bible and other Societies, to which no
blame was ever imputed. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man had stated the measure to be from the Cabinet.
In another place it had been stated to have come from
the Irish Cabinet. He was surprised at the temperate
conduct of the Association. It had been stated as a
matter of complaint of that Association, that they were
all of one mind. Ministers, indeed, were so fond of
divisions, that they had them even in the Cabinet,
which was only kept together by the fear of Gentlemen on his side
of the House.. The real remedy was Emancipation. When the
Honourable Gentleman was appointedSecietary to the Lord Lieu-
tenant, he foresaw what would ensue, and particularly when
coupled with the fact, that the Chancellor of Ireland went out of
town, that he might not swear in the Lord Lieutenant. In a few
years emancipation must be granted—the real remedy for all the
grievancesof Ireland.

Mr. PLUNKETT said, that the question had been so
fully discussed in_ all its parts, that he had little or
nothing to add to the arguments that had been urged,
and he should not have obtruded himself on this debate
at all, if he were not anxious to give his view of the
subject, and its effect on the country. He did not
imagine that he could throw any new light on the ques-
tion. He declared that he never rose with more pain
or apprehension than he did on the present occasion.
The question was arrayed as attacking the popular pri-
vileges, and through them to wound the Roman Ca-
tholics of Ireland ; and it had been announced by
_Hon.
Members that the measure,. if carried, was likely to be
attended with consequences ruinous and fatal to the
country. Those were heavy imputations on the mea-
sure. Those apprehensions were wholly unsupported
by argument or proof; but they were put forth with
so much sincerity that he felt himself bound to notice
them. Ile trusted, in the first place, that he should suc-
ceed in making it appear that the measure would not
interfere with the popular privileges, nes. with the
Roman Catholic Question ; that, in fact, none of those
terrifying consequences would flow from the measure
which some had foreboded. The case rested oir its
supreme and absolute necessity ; on that 'necessity which
made it imperative—(Wear hear). He wished the House
to recollect the nature of the measure. It had been
spoken of and argued as if the measure attacked the
privileges of the Catholic Association only, whereas
the measure attacked all illegal associations, whether
they were arrayed for or against the Roman Catholics.
It was not a single measure, calculated to put down the
existing evil, it was accompanied with an annunciation
Iron, the Throne, which had been recognised by the
Address of that House, that the whole question con-
nected with Ireland should be taken into consideration
during the present Ses.,ion of Parliament. If there were
to be Committees for the consideration of the state of
Ireland, the question connected with Catholic Emanci-
pation, he apprehended, could not be excluded from
such consideration. The object of the measure was to
cure the evils of which the Association was a symptom—
(Hear, hear). He could not see any objection to tee
measure, especially as it was accompanied with the
recommendation to which he had alluded. It had been
said, and truly, that Ireland enjoyed tranquillity and
unexampled prosperity; but that Honourable Member
(Mr. Calcrait) said he was therefore at a loss to know
why the Governmeet introduced the measure, as it was
calculated to disturb such tranquillity—lreland was,
indeed, in a state of unexampled prosperity. It sheaved,
in those general causes which affected the whole of the
empire, that at the instance of the Marquis Wellesley,
judicious measures had been adopted towards Ireland,
to improve and repair the circumstances of that coun-
try, under that Noble Lord's Administration, public
confidence bad been restored. He did not say it in-
vidiously, hut more had been done to restore rublic
confidence, than had been effected by any former Ad-
ministration. There w4s great confidence in the justice
of the Noble Lord's Administration—(Wear, hew).—
Men the Noble Lord entered office, the vesel.nf the
tate was lying a wreck in the breakers; and the
Noble Lord had enabled het to right herself and float
•

'on the tide of prosperity. Mould net agree with the
Honourable Member for Wineltelsea, (Mr. Brougham),
that such result was attributable to ehe Catholic Asso-
ciation; if it were so, it would be cnnclusive with-him
as to the necessity of this measure. As the 'Honourable
Member for Galway had truly observed, in such case
there would be an end of the argument; if the Associa-
tion had power to put down insurrection, it had power
to raise it.

" tellere sty ',mere vultfrota."
On former occasions, lie begged to say, much had been
effected by the Roman Catholic l'riests ; former disturb-
ances had been put down by them. It was not the
Association, who now arrogated to themselves all
virtue—who accomplished such a result; without the
Association, the Roman Catholic Priests had success-
fully preached peace and loyalty. He dqemed it due
to those excellent, and give him leave to add, most
calumniated set of men, to bear this testimony to their
worth. Having bottle such ample testitnony to the
prosperous and tranquil state of Ireland, he might be
asked why did he support this measure? His an-
swer was, that though there might be more tran-
quillity, yet there never was more political excitement.
If a convenient opportunity occurred, the present ma-
terials of mischief might explode. That the alarm
which existed was great it was impossible to deny. He
was equally willing to admit, that it might be greatly
exaggerated for dishonest purposes. But there was
great alarm spread in the Minds of the Protestants. lie
was in son,e degree confirmed in this statement by the
Hon. Member for Northampton (Capt. Maberley), who
admitted that he had never seen feelings more alive
and intense, than he had observe] during his visit in
Ireland. Then it was asked, if tl,is were not the most
decisive reason for granting Catholic Emancipation,
and if any one could be answerable for the mischiefs
which would result from refusing Emancipation? He
wished to Heaven, that they would grant Catholic
Emancipation ; but if they could not grant it, were
they not to be prcpaied to defend their proceedings?—
(I /ear, fin»: Sir F. Burdett.) As the Hon. Member for
Westminster appeared to be particularly attending to
what he was saying, he wished to press en the Hon.
Baronet's mind, the consequences of refusal. If the
Parliament did not deem it right to grant the Eman-
cipation, how was such result to be received in Ire-
land? Was it to he submitted to, or was it to be re.
sisted ? He should like to have an answer. Here
was - the main point—it might be said to be the
foundation of the measure. It was of great import.
once. If it were to be instantly adopted, or in the
.ent of Emancipation not being granted, the ques-
tion Was to be vindicated by calling out the physical
force of Ireland ; if those were the alternatives pre-
ented to them, was it not time that Parliament should
interfere?—(Year, hear). After what had been said
by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) as to
the nature of the Catholic Association, it was not ne-
cessary for him to address the House at :any length
on that point. They were somewhat different from
any other definite set of Gentlemen. Their object
was not only to redress the grievances of the Catho-
lics, but to redress the grievances of all other per-
sons. They avowed as much in their own words, That
their object gas not merely to redress the Catholics
of Iteland,.,but all the local and general grievances
that affected Ireland. They took a more extensive
range of subjects than even Parliament ventuted upon
in the course of the Session. They undertook the
consideration of the subject of Reform—of Tithes—
of Church Property—J-(Hear, hear). He begged to
repeat that they had announced that they would
consider the subject of Church Property; also to no-
tice the administration of justice, pursuing their in-
vestigation, down to the Courts of Conscience.—
They also undertook the adjudication of the conduct
of every private family, where they thought such con-
duct was connected with Catholic grievances. Thus
they took under their guardianship a tolerably exten-
sive range of subjects. He did not deny that Gentle.
men might turn their attention to such questions, but
the mode in which this Association did so was that to
which he objected. "they framed for themselves a
Constitution which included all the Roman Catholic
Clergy, the Catholic Nobility, all the surviving Dele-
gates of the Catholic Committees, &c. They had
Committees in every district, and the Association now
assembled 3,000 members. They had permanent sit-
tings on every question that could affect the general
peace and tranquillity of Ireland ; lint all might still
be consistent with public safety. However, in addi-
tion to such peculiarities, there was the Catholic Rent,
which was levied as a tax on the King's subjects.—
There were in Ireland, '2500 Catholic parishes, and in
each of these parishes twelve collectors of the Rent
were appointed, so that of collectors alone there was an
army of 30,000 already enlisted under the standard of
the Association. That army, armed indeed only with
prayers, ex'aortatiaas, and importunities, and headed
by 2,500 Priests, went through the country levying
money on the public. Now that Act alone appeared
-to him a direct violation of the Constitution, and to
call fur the immediate interposition of the Legislature.
With great deference to the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman opposite (Mr. Brougham), he must insist
that any body acting as he bad just described, and re.
presenting the Public, was contrary to the spirit of the
Constitution ; let him, however, not be misunderstood.
Did he deny that men might meet together for similar
purposes to the above? Certainly not. Did he say that
men could not unite in clubs, and subscribe for any
common purpose? Certainly not. But what he de-
nied was, that any persons hid a right to depute others,
or to depute themselves, to assemble for the correction
of public grievances in Church and State, and, by as-
suming the duties of a Legislature, touch upon the
privileges of the House of Commons. He did not wish
to argue the question like a schoolman, but he must
contend, that if a body existed in Ireland, representing
six Millions of his :Majesty's- subjects, it would not be
consistent to tolerate so egregious an anomaly. Nor
was it in the amount of Rent which the Catholic As-
sociation collected, but in the hold which it had of the
physical force of the country that he discerned danger.
That body, through the Catholic priesthood, was in
contact with the whole of the lower classes of society,
and the latter looked up to it as entitled to represent
them. No Government could endure sach a state of
things, and net call on Parliament to put an end to it,
unless it chose to abandon the interests of the people—
(Hear ).—Were the Association composed of the wisest
and best men, no Government could allow it to proceed
without rejecting every wholesome safeguard. Where
was the responsibility of that power which encroached
not only on the functions of the Legislature,-but of the,
Executive—and yet was independent of all controul?
In our popular form of Government, look what an iin
mense power was given to the Hovise of CONIIIIOIIIW-.

last still .that power was controulerL Had that House
the right to summon itself, and were it independentaef
the Crown and the people, it was manifest that it would
be supreme, and swallow up all the other branches of
the Constitution. 'Were, then, those uncontrouled, un-
limited powers to be left with a set of private Gentle-
men, which had been denied to the regular constituted
authorities—and those Gentlemen exercising mote sway
and d >minion over the people of Ireland than the most
absolute Monarch over his subjects? Persons in Eng-
land were not aware of the tyranny over public opinion
which the Association practised—it interfered in every
family without decorum or decency; and the result was,
that though its numbers increased, many of them were
unwilling conscripts. He should touch on but one point
more respecting that body. He could not conceive .a
more deadly instrument against . the power of Govern-
ment than a society so constituted, claiming to repre-
sent six millions of the King's subjects, and claiming a
right to interfere, in the name of those six millions,
with the administration of justice. What individual
could hope for justice under such circumstances, when
the case had first been tried by the grand. inquest
of the nation, and the•expenses paid out of the slack
purse of the people? Jurors would, of course, either
yield to terrcr, or would be roused to indignation.
One word more with regard to another part of the ques-
tion. Were the Catholic Association tolerated, of what
materials did the Ilonse think the Protestants of Ireland
were made—could they remain quiet spectators of the
scene ? They would of course form counter Associa-
tions for their own defence. He admitted and believed
that in act or intention the Association now meant no-
thing of an insurrectionary character—but persons put
in that situation were not their own masters, nor were
their leaders their own masters. The Right Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, after alluding to the Convention
Act, and the conduct of the Association in calling Ag-
gregate Meetings, proceeded to state that, with.respect
to Catholic Emancipation, his opinions and feelings re-
main unchanged. Now, as always, he considered, that
without that, every other measure to benefit Ireland
would be ineffective—(Near, hear)—and deplored, that
at present it diJ not appear practicable, when, in his
mind, it ought not to be delayed a single hour—(Hear,
hear). The longer delayed, the greater to him seemed
the difficulties to surmount. In 'early life he set out
with a conviction of its vital importance to the Empire.
Such was the opinion he had always expressed, tad such
he should never abandon. The Right Hon. Secretary,.
adverting to an attempt which be said had been made
to convict him of political inconsistency, intimated
his intention to put that question in a fair point of view.
It was desirable on his part toaliew whether the objec-
tion had been liberally made. He should state the pe-
culiar circumstances of his political situation, and leave
the House to judge tyon the facts. He entreated of
Gentlemen, that if in the course of the observations he
was compelled to make in his justification, anythipg
that might fall from him gave offence, they would not
feel it an intentional mark of disrespect, but consider it
merely as matter urged in his defence. He should take
the liberty, on the subject of trial, to beg to file cross
indictments. " I had the honour," said Mr. Plunkett,'
" in 1813, of coming forward in Pat liament as a very
zealous and sincere advocate of the Roman Catholic
Question. When the measure was introduced, in 1813,
I spoke in favour of it ; and with respect to that speech,
I had the honour to hear an Honourable and Learned
Friend pass an encomium upon it. I am quite ready
to have it read, if any Honourable Member wishes to
hear my argument on that occasion. I did state in
that speech, that I considered it deplorable that the Ca-
binet should be divided on that question. I said it
was no ordinary question, but one of a most important
character—one which they had had an opportunity of
considering again and again, and if they did not make up
their sentiments on it, they were not dealing fairly with
the public. That is the amount and substance of the
speech, andj admit the fair conclusion to be drawn
from it was, that I did condemn the Government of the
country for not having made up their minds on the
subject. I did not think it would be right in me to join
any who had not made up their minds on the subject. I
now frankly declare that I have changed that opinion—
(Hear,hear). I am not now of that opinion—(Hear,hear).
Now really I think I am not evading the charge. I do
not think I am extenuating the charge when I declare
that I once held an-opinion which I have since changed,
and have acted upon a different opinion—(Hear hear).
It is on that charge I admit the question arises, whether
I am in fault, or has it arisen from circumstances ? I
certainly at that time expressed that' opinion, that the
expression of favour to the Roman Catholics on the part
of the Cabinet was a mere mockery. My Right Hen.
Friend (the Secretary for the Home Department) will
excuse me, I do not include him ; be was not a member
of the Cabinet at that time."—( Hear). He was told by
a Noble Friend (Lord Castlereagh) that he was incon-
sistent on refusing to act with a divided Cabinet on the
Catholic question. The Duke of Bedford's Administra-
tion, and Lord Grenville's Administration were divided
on the same question. He did not then entertain the
least hope that any measure of advantage to the
Roman Catholic cause could be brought about by the
Administration. This explanation was due to his cha-
racter for political consistency, which every man ought
to defend, but to no man was he bound to give this ex-
planation. He never was desirous of being a party man.
Unfortunately, as the Catholic Question advanced, be
found he was obliged to separate himself from Gentle-
men on the opposite side of the House. On all great
questions be was obliged to dissent from them. On the
question of war he differed with them. On the great ques-
tion of disturbances which agitated this country in 1819,
he was under the necessity of taking his stand against
them en the ground of public safety. On Parliamentary
Reform he was obliged to differ ; and, indeed, upon all
great cardinal questions, he differed from them. He
not only differed, but the Public differed frqm them.
No influence could be found to carry the Catholic
Question, and he considered himself justified in submit-
ting to the gracious commands of his Sovereign, in ac-
cepting office. He questioned no man's motives, and no
man bad a right to question his, and if it should be sup-
posed he had trafficked his honour, principles, and con-
sistency, for place, he could point to the whole coui se of
his public life, as an answer to the calumnious statement.
The Hon. Member for Lincoln had cited his opinions
expressed some years ago, indeed he had been called
on from time to time. When measures were brought
forward some attempt had generally been made to
fix inconsistency on him. if any inconsistency had
appeared, the lapse of thirteen years might have been
some excuse. The Honourable Member for Lincoln
had quoted his speech, in which he said the Roman Ca-
tholics ofireland were not to be blamed for the intem-
perance of those who advocated their cause. At the
*time be made that. speech he was attacking those who

scud as the Association did at the presootilar. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman would be-s sines mime
justice if be had read the paragraph •'• ved his
quotation. It 'teas in substance—
" Sir—The conduct of the Roman Catholics
to. lam not the advocate of their intemperance.
say there has been some misconduct on the part r
nage Catholic affairs. They presume to direct
of legislature and finance, putting others under i
pleasure. All this is the exercise of inquisitorial 1.
not be justified. lam disgusted by the tone they
tone I never expect the Legislature to yield, but I
induce them to withhold that which is just."
—Such were the words the /I;•noura
' Lincoln had left out of Izis quotation.
see that he could not have use.l more
teems had he been opposing the C
Lion. There was one thing which
nation. He believed the people of this
beginning to reflect on the subject
claims more than ever. They began
plan of governing Ireland by anythii
tion was a losing game. They began to
might be made a source of wealthl. if
The idea of separating Ireland was a 1
never could he separated from Englan;
might fall, and Ireland with her, but
land exi3ts there would by no separin
the threat of separation could not be .
although England despised that threat,
which other countries may form respect;
tion and disunion in Ireland, might in'
And then the c.nsequeneTs might be 1.
should repeat that the mischief the
Association was doing was his inducerni
ing the question. They were bearding
this country by raising a question of pii
A tone was assumed to which this count
yield; They ought not to yield to it, and
to let the Roman Catholics of Ireland
recommendation was to abandon that t;
afraid of losing the favour of the Rout
Ireland by speaking his mind. He wished
much as ever. He had no selfish interest '
fere. His hope was, the Association in
dispersed. lie really con,idered the ii
Association baneful. It was said they
of the people of Ireland. If they mi
people looked for Emancipation, they
genet al sentiment; but if they declar'
part of the Irish community would rest
of this Association, they were deceived.
great part of the Roman Catholics of Ii
gusted with the proceedings of this As.
Right Honourable Friend was right it
the-Roman Catholics would feel happ,
sion of the Association, and be relieved
The Gentlemen of Ireland would also i
released from a power unsanctioned
pelted only by wild theory. Mr. O'Com
tleman standing high at the Bar. _ _
honour of being mote than professionally acquainted
he knew him to be a good husband and a good
charge against him but that of following his
He did not think it would be worthy conduct
and others to evade an Act of Parliament.
Association legal, but they would find themselves
belief and be willing to quit it.
Mr. TIERNEY next addressed the
so happened, that he had never once opener
any debate on the subject of Catholic Er
He had given that measure the support ;
.every other supportlin his power, except t
speaking on it; nor shou'd he have thou
to do so at this moment, did he not core
to be a crisis of great danger to the emp.
posed measure was .one which it appeared
Gentleman would rather resort to thar
would render it wholly unnecessary ; but
could not, in his opinion, be obtained,
present to the having none at all. The
not agree among themselves upon a
would have the effect of general concili;
of it, they hit upon the happy expedient
which was to have direct,ly the contrary
hear). Was it not somewhat strange the
could never pull together, except when
of the people were to be invaded ? Upon
they were happily unanimous ; but when
to enact a law which would have the effeci
ciliation to a class of the King's subjects,
each Minister to judge for himself was
nothing was agreed upon except tun to
thing which had a pacific tendency—(He
rise on the present occasion as the advocate
lies; for anything he had done fur, then
him nothing. What he had done with
claims, he did for the general benefit
.(Hear, hear). His principles, habits, at
not lead him to take the course as the an
Catholics.. He was not blind to the perfec
Church of England, and no man would
than himself to oppose any measure
Catholics, if he thought them in any the
calculated to produce' he dangers wbi
thought would arise front them. But
which had been talked of in times p:
tirely disappeared. These were the I
passed at the Reformation again,
but at present there was no Papal
stored ; there was not even a Pretender
pists to have recourse to. The old
all past, but a new danger has
was that which arose from the disconh
a portion of the population. Before
carded to legislate against the Cathi,"
it wanted some facts to go on. He wool
Ilouse go into a Committee to it:quire
of the tatholie Association, at least let
inquiry, and they- would a;1 come to the
lining against it with a better frame of
surprised that the Government shoul;
take away the privileges of the peopl.
to make concessions and grant privileges:
he wished thetatholic Association had
the shaft it had assumed, yet he saw
great objections to it which were
the other side of the House. The A.
took the cause of Catholic Emancipation
surely nothing very objectionable in that;
to inquire into the Church Establishment,
thing very criminal in that; they further
investigate a great variety of circum;
which were fair matter of discussion,
peared to him nothing very alarming
unless the Right Hon. Gentleman could
was something at the bottom of their proc,
which great mischief would ensue.
thought that the tune was now arri
might very properly stake the mina
affairs into their own hands, and the
_ now dealing with any small b..;di of men,

..,
t preseatdar. The .
d have slone mere
which followed his .
secs has been referred 1
erante. lam sorry to ii
•
part of those whirslia.
• s
ect pereons in matters
ler the ban of their die-
rial power, which can. I
they assume.• To this
but I hope it will never 1 !
table Member for
• The House would
! ,
more appropriate 1 I . 1
Catholic Assrcia- .
i . .
s required expla•
this country were
- -
t of CA! C; 4tholic
an to see that tle • • • 1 Ai $
-
hing but creticilia- , • : ' - ' ti'
,: •
to see that Ireland .f
if treated wisely. te• Qt'
absurd. Ireland i
end. This country f
Ii ,
it as h ng as Eng- ',
i
ration. Therefore
' •f
t
o ente;taine,l; but
irent, the opinions
petting dissatisfac-
involve
us in war, , t
..
e lamentable. He 1 ' ':- / 1
f Roman Catholic . l • •
*
i f.:
ement for support- '•• ir • • 1
ing the people of . •
' ph i ,
physical strength. t•
• • 1
lontry never would
and his object was , . , i
nd know, that her . : :.
t tone. He was not 1.. . i
oman Catholics of
.
bed to serve them as •,,il •
est that could inter-
..4t,. '. ;
1 Ireland would be
e influence of that , .
t
1
. ,
ey spoke the sense
~
• merely said the t.
-
hey did speak the . i..
- ' i
ared the educated
esist the dispersion •• : : i
ed. He believed a
f Ireland were dis-
ks,ociation l, and his
C in saying, part of
pp.y at the dispel*. • .
ed from an incubus. - ,t,
o feel happy to be
I by law, and im- .
..'onnell was a Gen ,
He had not the I i
painted with him, but
of father. lie limits)
is extravagant politics. ; - I
let In that Gentleman •
Many believed this e ~11
elves deceived in that [l.
6 t •
e House.—lt had I
opened his lips in
c Emancipation
srt of his vote, and It '
,pt the slight-one of . .
sought it n.- cessar y •
,onsider the present
empire. The pro-
•,.•'
w ared the Learned Oft i
lan another which ,-.
; but as that other I
, he preferred the . t • i
The Cabinet could
a Measure which
iliation ; so, in lieu
nt of proposing one
rary effect—(Hear,
that this Cabinet
ten some privileges
. 1
['son such measures
ire it was proposed
Elect of general con-
ts, then the right of
is recognized ; and
to agree upon any
:Hear). He did not -
ocate of the Cacho-
them, they owed
ith respect to their - i i
eft of the country.. i
.
1, and opinions, did lik
he advocate of the
perfections of the
ild be more zealous s
e called for by the ,
the slightest degree .
bich some persons
it as to the dangers
past, they had en- i •
e laws which were
inst the Papists ;
il King to be re-
:ender for the Pa-
Did dangers were .
sprung up. It
:ontent of so large
re the House pro- .
holic Association,
would say, let the
['lire into the facts
let them have an
i the task of legis-
of mind. He was '.
ould be. strong to
ople, but impotent ,
.ileges: Although
had not outstayed •
saw :Lone of those
e pretended upon
Association unaet-
pation, there was
sat; they undertopk
nent, there was no. ,
ther unslerto••ic !o •
umstances, all of ,
n, and there ap-
ig in such objects-, , f
ild show that there
• proceedings, from
e. The Catholics E.
rrived, art en they
nagerneat of their
le House %sere not
men, but they Were
- '
- 4