Star.
London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

trumenta of my noble friend. The Noble Viscount stated
that the revenue in 1815 was eighty millions sterling, that
taxes were first of all repealed to the amount of eighteen
millions, and afterwards to the amount of nine millions,
making in all twenty-seven millions ; and he says that
the revenue now produces in a sound currency as great an
amount as it produced in a depreciated currency. Those
persons who consume the article which produce the revenue
must be able to purchase them, or the revenue could not
exist. The increase of the revenue is a proof, then, that
consumption has increased full one-third since the time
when the taxes were reduced. It is impossible that the
country in which the revenue, in a period of fifteen years,
had risen one-third, can suffer great distress. The
noble earl who spoke last referred the distress to a defi-
cient currency. He however, would have a paper cir-
culation. Now, I will tell the noble earl that the largest
amount of currency in circulation at any time during
the Bank Restriction Act, was sixty-four millions ster-
ling. The bank of England notes were thirty millions ;
country bank paper, twenty-three millions ; gold, four
millions ; and silver, seven millions. But in 1830 the
amount of bank of England paper in circulation is
19,900,0001. of country bank paper, 9,200,0001. of
gold, 28,000,0001. and of silver, 8,000,0001 making a
total of 65,100,0001. It is certain, therefore, that there
is more money in circulation now than there was at
any period of the Bank Restriction. There can be
no want, therefore, of more currency. The noble
earl, indeed, says he wants an extended currency; but
what he in fact wants is not an extended currency, but an
unlimited currency. He would give an unlimited power
to certain individuals, not to the crown, to coin as much
money as they please. The noble lord wants to give
them the power of lending as much capital to other in-
dividuals as they think proper (hear, hear !) Thus, what
the noble earl wants—what I say the country cannot
have (cheers,) without incurring that ruin from which it
so narrowly escaped in 1825—is an unlimited paper
currency. The noble earl says, in the West of
England a man cannot borrow money, though his
corn yard and his barns are full. The banker will
not lend his own capital, he says, because he cannot
make a profit of it; but the banker would make a profit
by discounting bills, with which he is not content, and
he will not lend because he cannot have also the profit
of issuing 11. notes. What is wanted by these gentlemen—
what the noble earl would vote for to-night—is not more
circulation, but an unlimited circulation. He would give a
power to individuals to make any quantity of money they
pleased, which they might then lend to individuals without
any security whatever. There are plenty of proofs that
there is no want of money in the country. Never, at any
period, was there a greater quantity of capital ready to be
embarked in any scheme whatever. Any man who could
set on foot a scheme with come plausibility, was sure
to obtain money to carry it into execution. There was
no power in Europe or America, neither Portugal nor
Brazil ; there was no government, however bankrupt—
which could not get money to borrow in England. No
man who possessed any thing like tolerable security
need want money. There was never more capital ready
to be employed than at this moment. I am sorry to
trouble your Lordships at such great length, but I
thought it necessary to reply to the noble earl's speech.
My Lords, in answer to all the declarations which your
Lordships have heard to-night, respecting the evils of
free trade, of a change in the currency, and other things,
I have one fact to state, and it is this : Since the year
1815, and principally since the Bank restriction was
taken off, measures have bihn adopted to relieve the coun-
try of taxes, to the amount of twenty-seven millions ster-
ling ; and measures have been also adopted to reduce the
charge for national debt between three and four mil-
lions a year, that being the interest on nearly a hundred
millions sterling. I beg your lordships will bear this
c:reunistance in mind ; and, let me tell you, that all the
advantages of a so-called equitable adjustment will never
equal the advantage already obtained from measures of this
description. We have relieved the country, since the bank
restriction act was repealed, of taxes to the amount of nine
millions, and of a considerable portion of the charge for
the national debt. When I say we, Ido not take this
credit on myself—it is due to the noble lord on the cross
bench (Lord Bexley,) and to the noble viscount ,
opposite Lord Goderich ; but I entreat your lordships not
to deprive the present government, the administration, of
the power of irritating them. We have adopted measures
of economy, which will hereafter be submitted to your
lordships ; measures for saving every shilling which is
not absolutely necessary for the honour and welfare of
the country ; and we only desire that the same confidence
may be placed in us as was placed in them, that we may
be enabled to carry our plans of reform and economy into
execution.

The Earl of CLANRICARDE and Lord KING TM@ to-
gether, but the former said he meant to detain their lord-
ships but a few minutes, and the latter gave way. The
not;!e marnuess accordingly proceeded to address their
10rd:414 s on the subject of our foreign policy, and corn-
phined that the observation of the noble earl on this sub-
ject had been misrepresented. by the noble duke. The
noble earl had bad no oppoitunity before of touching on
Clat subject. There had been no information before their
lordships. He bad himself given notice of a motion on this
subject at the close of the last session, and then the papers
were brought down voluntarily, but they were net pre,.
sented to their lordships till three weeks after they
had been laid before the House of Commons. There was,
therefore, no opportunity of discussing the question of
Portugal, and the noble earl had, consequently, been un-
able to bring it under discussion. He supposed that the
bowl, vrouid soon be called on to recognise Don Miguel ;
b..:t he hoped, before that were the case, every information
ould be given which would make it convenient to discuss
Cie question. He knew that a noble friend of his—a
noble viscount—had been sent on a mission to the Brazils,
wad he hoped some information would be laid before their
lordships respecting that mission and its results. He
oungrutulated the government that it was able to extract
matter of satisfaction from that defeat of the Turks which
It had formerly looked forward to with so much appre-
hension. He congratulated their lordships on the peace
whish has overthrown a state, the preservation of which
they regarded as essential to the interests of Europe.
The Earl of ABERDEEN did not affirm that the recog-
ration of Don Miguel would take place ; but before it, if
it were thought proper, ample information would be laid
before their lordships. At least, should his majesty's
ministers think it right to take that step, information fully
to justify it would be laid before their lordships. That
-
he

meat den'

information to be laid before their lordships was to jus-
tify that measure after it was taken, or consult their
lordships on the propriety of taking it? In the early
part of the noble earl's speech he had stated that in-
formation would be given before taking the step ; but he
had afterwards stated, that when it had been taken, it
would be justified, which made it necessary that their
lordships should understand whether the information
was to be given before acknowledging Don Miguel
or afterwards. His noble friend had received an unme-

rited rebuke from the noble duke. The noble earl op-
posite had for two years refused all information on the
subject, on the ground that it would be injurious to his
majesty's service. He indeed said he was desirous,
above all things, to lay that information before their
lordships—that he panted for the time to come when
his duty to his majesty would allow him to give an
explanation ; but the noble earl had allowed one ses-
sion to pass without giving the information ; then the
noble earl was privately informed that a motion was to
be made on the subject ; and then the noble earl,
after the papers had been laid on the table of the House of
Commons for three or four weeks, thought proper to ley
them on the table of that house. They formed a large
volume, not explained by any comment, and not com-
plete. They were laid on the table without one single
observation, one single remark, being essentially in-
complete and garbled. Before that night there had
been no opportunity 'to notice this volume ; and when
hie noble friend had done it, with that eloquence and
perspicuity for which he was distinguished, the noble
duke turned round on him, and said why this is an old
story—why did not you notice this before ? The papers
submitted to their lordships did not contain half the
case ; they did not explain the conduct of his majesty's
government, which he considered to have been peculiarly
bad and disgraceful. He hoped that some further expla-
nation would be submitted to their lordships. He did
not wish to press for the information before that period
arrived when it might be safely given ; but before the
period arrived when Don Miguel should be recognised,
he thought it would be necessary to have whatever
information the government possessed before them.
Their lordships were told, the session before the last,
that it was to the august head of the House of Bra-
ganza they must look for the termination of all their
difficulties, and a mission had been sent out to ef-
fect a reconciliation, or at least to suggest the principles
and basis on which a reconciliation might be effected ; but
not one word was to be found in the notable papers
mentioned of the propositions which had been made, or in
what manner they had been received—of all these not one
word had been laid before their lordships. Both houses
would, he hoped, think it right to inquire what were the
principles on which it was proposed to terminate this state
of things, and what were the causes of the failure, before
they consented to the bad, the disgraceful measure
of acknowledging a bloody usurper over a country
which was * more necessary than all other coun-
tries to the welfare of England ; but which, by a
strange series of mismanagements, had, within
the last two years, been completely estranged
from the people and Government of England. (Hear.)
They had told us that Turkey was necessary to the balance
of power in Europe--that this country must desire always
to see it independent and strong. But the noble duke now
congratulated himself at a peace which had destroyed the
independence of Turkey. He did not know of what use
it was to this country to uphold one of the most odious
and detestable tyrannies that had ever existed ; and which
had done more mischief to the world than any other
tyranny. He regretted that the Russians had not taken
Constantinople—he regretted it very much (hear, hear
and a laugh). If they had taken Constantinople, the
noble duke would have sent no fleet to prevent it, what-
ever might have been his declarations. The value of
such professions was now known, and nobody would
trust them.

The Earl of ABERDEIN explained, that when his
majesty's ministers were disposed to take any step with
respect to renewing our diplomatic relations with Por-
tugal, they would not ask the noble lord's advice. When
the time came, information would be laid before their lord-
ships, which would justify the advice the ministers might
give. If be said it had not taken place before it was
necessary, he did not mean that the country was driven
by any urgent necessity to acknowledge Don Miguel.
The noble lord had used some terms in speaking of him
which he could not entertain. He had never been that
Prince's advocate ; but he believed that there were
great exaggerations respecting him which were not jus-
tified by anything which he (Lord Aberdeen) had
heard. He knew what the spirit of party was, and he
knew how that could overcharge the character of princes.
His character might well deserve what was said of him ; he
did not mean to defend or to palliate the conduct of Don
Miguel ; but it was possible that his conduct bad been mis-
represented by party spirit. He was surprised to bear the
noble lord object to acknowledging an usurper; for he
should have thought he would have been the last man to
have made such objections. If he recollected right, the
noble lord had no objection formerly to acknowledge an
usurper who had been chosen by the people. Don Miguel
fiad been chosen by the people, and he never remembered
any person who had dethroned the lawful monarch
that had received greater support. Had he been originally
some obscure person— had he not been illustrious by his
birth and high station, he might, perhaps, have been
glorified, and been thought a happy traitor ; but with-
out referring to him, attending only to the interests of
England, the question would be decided whether or not
the English government should acknowledge him ? It
was the interest of 'England to preserve the coon •
hea
with Pdrtugal. At present that connection had heft
interrupted for a longer period than at any other time ibir
these two hundred years, during which the countries
one common interest, and had gone on in amity. It was
not only our amicable relations which were interrupted,.
tending to injure the union which had so long-sub-
sisted, but the interruption was opening the ways to of
powers to fill up our place. If we went on as we war.
going, other powers would not fail to take advantage
it, and we should be acting contrary to what had been lie
settled policy of this country for a great many reit
Whenever' the recognition should take place; the h •
should b the fullest information, so as to enable it to
'• form ajudgment of the event, and he had no doubt but
the house and•the country-would be satisfied of its pre-
' priety whenever it"oecutred.
LordHoLlaiD, in explination : The noble earl'aild
be would not ask his advice ;. nor would he ask the ad-
vice of parliament. The - noble earl formed• his opinion
independently' of all other'people, and or all' other Mop
sideritions, except those relating to himself.and *
. Parliament ; and-the public and a humble indivilluti
like himself, were to bil informed when• the seer
taken. He celled' Don' Miguel' eti usurper;
he Was an usurper; and not" only ace salmi, hitt' n,
breaker of• those promises he bad..enUed on •us- to wit-
. neer: He, lead broken his flick, with. Op sad .be, ba
I usurped, the criiirn tblibittab.iii 'had' invbill'athigisnisni...
, • pel usurped' the creWii'ort 1.46 .relation,, after • "eireatc,
log most, solemnly that he would &roma sad serve it:

•~

-h

It was not exactly as an usurper that he spoke, if he
were the governor of the.country de facto it might be
our duty to acknowledge him. The noble earl said,
that he (Lord Holland) was fond of usurpers, and had
been ready to acknowledge them. If the noble earl al-
luded to Napoleon Bonaparte, he would not pay Bona-1
parte such a bad compliment as to say that he was a very
different person from Don Miguel. If Bonaparte was an
usurper, he did not know whose throne he usurped—he
was made the governor of the country by the law, and had
the same right to the throne of France—a Parliamentary
right—as the illustrious family under whom the
people of this country lived had to the throne of Great
Britain. He was not an usurper. The noble earl said it
was the interest of this country to keep up our relations
with Portugal. He was of the same opinion, but he main-
tained, that the conduct of his majesty's ministers bad lost
us all our interest in that country. It did not signify
whether Don Miguel was king, or whether the constitu-
tionalists were in power, or whether the government
was vested in Donna Maria ; the present was the first pe-
riod in the history of that country in which the public mind
in Portugal, of all parties, was so decidedly hostile to
England, that it sought support in Spain, or in France,
or in any other country, rather than have recourse to
England. The present government had military posses-
sion of Portugal at the time they succeeded to the ad-
ministration, and they had mismanaged matters in such
a disgraeeful manner that we had lost our most neces-
sary and useful ally. The noble earl said he would not
ask advice before he acknowledged Don Miguel. He
would not ask advice of either House of Parliament ; but
he hoped that the House of Lords and the other house of
Parliament would not ask the advice of his majesty's
ministers ; and in particular would not ask the advice
of the noble earl, before they resolved to obtain infor-
mation ; and that some opportunity would speedily be
taken to get all the information connected with this sub-
ject laid before the parliament, particularly all the infor-
mation connected with that disgusting outrage and that
violation of the law which had been perpetrated off Ter-
'sire. The noble earl had insinuated that he loved revo-
lutions, and did not love legitimate governments ; but
such language was perhaps unparliamentary—it was cer-
tainly not proper language to use in that house, and still
less was it proper in the mouth of one who held such a
high official situation as the noble earl.
The Earl of WINCUILSEA supported the amendment.
He contended that the distress was unparalleled, and he
regretted that the speech from the throne should have
noticed it so slightly. The distress never was so great,
and the public mind was completely disheartened. Either
the advisers of the Crown had taken no pains to obtain
information, or they had misrepresented the case to his
Majesty, or they had told him that legislation could
supply no remedy.
Earl STA )1 HOPE, in reply, stated that he intended, were
his motion for a general inquiry complied with, to follow
it up by a motion fur a special inquiry on each particular
branch of the subject, which would give the noble duke an
opportunity of explaining his theories about the currency.
Lord Kix° objected to the speech because it did not at
all convey the extent of the distress that existed. They
were told it was temporary, but after fifteen years peace
it was still increasing. He would contend, that if go-
,vernment had the disposition, they had the means of
cure. The noble lord and his friends were suffering now
because they encouraged by their voice, and supported
by their votes, the depreciation of the currency, and the
suffering was just in proportion to the degree of excess in
which they indulged their wishes with respect-to that
currency. He remembered some lines of a poet; which
he considered exceedingly applicable to the situa-
tion and expressions of those persons, and which wete
not more remarkable for their severity than for their
truth.

" Ye mimed squires and scathed nobility;
What boots it uow to raise a loud lament,
Of grinding taxes and of falling rent,
,And fIU our Senate with your senseless cry?
Time was the coming mischief to prevent,
But then with flinty heart and tearless eye,
You saw your peasants droop—your soldiers die ;
Hind paid with rags, and troops to Wakberen sent.
A sturdy swain deprived of his weed,
Even by your war made slavish, lean, and poor ;
What reeled ye—you but gained an ample store.
So now shall pity leave you in your need.
Unmoved we bear you rant, and howl, and roar;
For none who taste of woe have e'er deserved it more.'

The noble lord then proceeded to contend that the'
various monopolies were the great cause of the general
distress now existing, and concluded with proposing the
following amendment :

That after fifteen years of uninterrupted peace, this house la-
ments that the general condition of the people is not materially im-
proved, nor the prosperity of the country perceptibly increased.
That, on the contrary, the landed and manufacturing interests. as
well as the traders and the labouring classes of every descripties,
have frequently been afflicted, and still continue to be weigh*
down by severe distress. That it is the duty of parliament to en.
mine into the causes which have produced these distresses, and to
remove, if possible, the impediments which retard the propess of
the national prosperity.
" That the necessaries of life and the materials of agriculture ass
made dear by taxation and regulation. By these means too mush
taken from the industrious classes, and, in many instances, We
much is given to the privileged classes of society.
"That it Is a grievous aggravation of the public burdens, in addle
*Nate near fifty millions of taxes, deemed necessary for the public
IMPIlee, still further to suffer enormous sums to be extorted from
the people by the intolerable monopolies of corn, beer, sugar, and
ten, nod brother articles established for the private benefit of pow's-
hi and favoured classes, at the expense of the great body of ass+
MMus and of the pubUc good.
By these monopolies the cost of the first necessaries of Ufe is
enhanced, the rate of profit in all trades is diminished. capital I.
driven abroad to seek a more profitable employment, and the pro.
dsedve powers of the national industry greatly reduced.
" By the restrictions imposed on the import of foreign conj,
markets of other nations are in a groat degree closed against nit. she
demand for the produce of the national industry is limited. ant
the symptoms of general distress are manifested in the isadensati
reward of labour, la the increating dialcultics of finding any prey
able 'employment for capital and industry.
'• By the partial and exorbitant dudes of Bathe imposed upon
beer and malt, combined with the double monopoly conferred bush
on to grower of barley and on those'who are licensed to jell boor.
the price of that necessary of Mfe• I. so Lindy chanced, that, ha
therms, of eighty yew, whilst the population of England has,
been more than doubled in number, the conanniption of mask has
tactsally decreased.
" By the bump', conferred on the cultivators of sugar in the,
Bikish West India islands the price of that great snide Maw,
is very much enhanced at the expense of the people of
l'red, who might be better supplied if permitted to resort to
other markets ; and who ue also, for the benefit of she usonepolists
oftlai said sugar Wands, bunhened with the heavy dome of de-
fending those unhealthy possessions.
1' By the emissive privilege of navigation and trade to Chhei
sanlerred no the last 'mit Company, the whole supply of tee esea
trend-4n the Malted is plated at the discretion of a Margie
Ommpony of trader.. ba ade. as in 4vertabuilar
mach hu produced its oesselpsnese.
"The price of sea oreverydesolvinn "'greatly increased as Nis.
pared with the vine of the imustiedek IBM* snorkels of leespe
OW *menu l th vim* imperesibligindlidie wpm views
large walk ear smelberbednumehookiet dam&
• =ftCompany, The Ihrldibmanstriei ily
neamlabl teals Ohm"
• '
are .eoteesSoiotly expartelbis snub Naas ametwarand
she Alia abut sears ha the lose ineui prieeat hop •in Bulks&
isfallekdeetwaid for. home saanohemores.. and is datenclesies-from
DY ippidnadess and trade so emir cat thematic* mash ta in the world."
JIM it'ePposto that them. gips* wisanspilas. esparaddil
to
;bit heliep *CO taxation. have hipirsorill W ibec's"l. p".
Aloud dirpetblie distress.. That AIN probahhloss and wsoliet•
liipeold foe his benefit of iarulreelsese• gesitigthst id me
rpm* of prodicing artificial MO Pekes, "llstn, haw____
. .

7

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1•

herZsTtien-y7A-t—theTsam--e.tTese."; he?. a"drongmucuons.Plicleure7l I irdepuenTennitiTolfi. all
that question as one which related wholly to the thus itiderations, incept tl
when the eventmustteke place. He would give the sub-. Parliament and- the
jewel' the consideration. in his power;. and, when a re- like himself, we:. to
solution was adopted, all the information would be pro- taken. He milled
(limed which might be necessary to Justify the measure. hi Was an, usurper
Lord HOLLAND did not mean to make any obeervn- breaker' of eke* prom
don, but only to ask, bane the measure was completed- nese He, 11•4 lwoki
for acknowledging the usurper of Portugal, wbp had usurped, the trouts tb
shown all along the utmost hostility and 4 even' perfidy, her usurped' the crowd
towards this' country; be only wished to Rik whether the log most, solemnly tb