Star.
London, England, 1823-02-05 00:00:00

WRITS.

The SPEAKER having resumed his seat, informed the
House, that since the prorogation of the Parliament in August
last, he had issued his warrants for Elective Writs to supply va-
cancies in the House, occasioned by the deaths of the Members
for the following places t—Slign, Dublin, Orford, Derby, Salop,'
Ross, Cambridge University, and Wilton.
Most of the new Members for these places appeared and
were sworn.

Writs were ordered for new Elections for the undermentioned
places, in the room of the following persons, who had accepted
offices under the Crown, and thereby vacated their seats:
For HARWICH, in the room of the Right Hon. N. Vansittart
and C Bathurst--Psyrusonoticit, J. Scarlett, Eig.--lbroN,
Right Hon. F. Robinson—CHICHIMER, Right Hon. W. Ilus-
kisson—Sv. GZRMAINS, Right Hon. C. Arbuthnot—NEw Wimp-
SON Sir Herbert TayIorCOLEAAINZ, Sir J. Beresford—Lavxn-
root.,the Right Hon. George Canning.
A new Writ was also ordered for Berwick, in the room of
Lord Viscount Ossulston, who had succeeded his father in the
Earldom of Tankerville.

The SPEAKER acquainted the Honse that, according to
custom, the Clerk had prepared a Bill for preventing clandestine
Outlawries.—The Bill was read a first time.

MISCELLANIES.
Mr. HUME gave notice, that on the 4th of March he shrttild
submit a mod in to the House respecting Tithe Property in Ire.
had, with the view to a Commutation of it.
lie al;o gave notice, that on the 6th instant he should move
for certain Documents and Correspondence which had taken
place in some of the Public Department; relative to the Office
of Vice-Treasurer in Ireland.

-....-..-.
Mr. 11F.NNF.T, on behalf of the Member for Essex ( Mr.
Weitern), gave notice that that lion. Member intended to renew
his motion of last Session on the subject of the Currency.
Lord JOIIN RUSSELL gave notice, that he should, soon
after the recess, renew the motion he had submitted to the
House last year, respecting a Parliamentary Reform.
Mr. 'MA BERLY gave notice, that on the 13th of March he
should move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the whole of
the Assessed Tares. his object in doing so would be merely to
obtain a repeal of such as could be given up without injury to
the public service.
Mr. WYNN, in the absence of the Attorney-General for
Ireland, gave notice, that on Thursday, the 20th instant, that
)(light lion. and Learned Gentleman would bring the Catholic
Question under the consideration of the House.
Mr. I'. MOORE intimated, that he trusted the Home would
attend to a regulatiini *lath he had endeavoured to introduce
the Session before last, to adjourn at latest by eleven or twelve
*k at tight—( Laughter, and Hear. hear !).
Tit X KING'S SPX/Clll.
The SPEAKER then re•sd a copy of the King's
B?retli: that part of it eahich referred to the efforts
to preserve pe.tce betweit France and Spain WAS fe.
Ceive4 with considerable cheering_
Cokinel CLIILDE moved an A idtess. firs: thought.
112 S,:cech w0u1..1 give the greatest satisfaction, par.

ticulaily those parts of it that regarded our foreign
policy—(Hear).—He rejoiced that every effort had
been made to preserve tranquillity ; and he could
not but say that any forbearance of this country to
I be mindful of the threatened interference of France
• with Spain would have been most disgraeeful—( Loud
cheers).—lle wished the Spaniards to be let alone;
though there might be occasions when one country
ought to interfere with another, but it was only when
existence was at stake. The successes of Spain, when
the efforts were kept within legitimate grounds, could
not be without interest to England ; he should be
glad to behold the extension of rational liberty, as
would the mass of this country—(Hear).—The com-
munication respecting the Slave Trade, and the re-1
ductions of the Estimates were most satisfactory ;
and as to the surplus, it would hereafter be a ques-
tion how it was to be applied. The fact of there
being a surplus was most gratifying. It was an un-
doubted proof of the flourishing state of the revenue ;
and it was consolatory to find in it the reverse of
some of the gloomy forebodings which they had
heretofore heard. The state of Agriculture, how-
ever, would merit their most serious attention. The
vim: remark applied to Ireland ; he wished to see
an end put to those religious and political feuds',
which distracted that country—(Hear).—He hoped he had said nothing unbecoming an independent
,'
Country Gentleman, but one warmly attached to the
general principles of his Majesty's Government.—
(Ilear).—lle concluded with moving an Address,
which, as usual, was an 14 echo" of the Speech.
Mr. WILDMAN seconded the Address. He was
glad of the opportunity of expressing the opinion,
that the various parts of the King's Speech afforded
matter for congratulation. It would have been highly
derogatory to this country to interfere in the internal
affairs of Spain. Ile trusted that peace would be
preserved there, and secured in the Eastern parts of
Europe—(Hear).—Ile was glad to find that the Esti-
mates were considerably reduce.l, and that a further
amelioration of taxes might be expected. The state
of our manufactories was most flattering ; and he
augured thence most favourably to the general inte-
rests of the country. Those interests might now be
deemed to be recovering from the effects of a cala-
mitous war. He trusted that the Slave Trade would
be finally terminated, and the creation of new colo-
Ries prevented. As to the state of agriculture, it
called for attention ; but he hoped that the farmers'
interests would be revised, and a good understand-
ing again established between the landlord and tenant.
He also hoped that the system of the farmers fore.
fathers would be restored. He concluded with thank-
ing the House for the attention with which he had
been heard.

The Address having been read by the SPEAKER,
Sir JOSEPH YORKE said he was prepared to
" third' the Speech. He was glad of the course that
had been pursued respecting our foreign /stiller. He
hoped all would endeavour to " preserve the peace."
Nothing would be more impolitic, more unjust, than
the threatened attack on Spain—(Cheers).—Those
Spaniards, too, had preserved for. Ferdinand his
Throne, when he had the baseness to truckle at
Bayonne; and the war, if commenced, would be most
base and unjust I—(Cheers).—And was any one so
green as to suppose that if war were commenced,
this country could remain neuter? It was an im-
portant and vital question not to be got rid of by an,
hour or two of debating, brought forward by his
IHonourable Friend (Colonel Childe), regimentals,
as if war btu! actually commenced !—(Laughter.)
Mr. BROUGHAM joined with the gallant Officer
who had just sat down, in the expression of his senti-
ments : which did him honour no less as a Legislator
than as a gallant Officer—( Cheers ).—He hoped all
would express abhorrence, unqualified abhorrence,
at the canting and hypocritical efforts and -proceed-
ings against Spain--(Cheers).---The conduct of
that 1-louse would, he trusted, be such as to give
comfort to Spain, and to all free men, and dismay
to those Allies who had dared, with sentiments of
religion and humanity on their lips, but who only
sought to promote their own base views, and to in-
troduce their own uncivilized or half-civilized hordes
into the contest—( Hear, hear).—He considered that
this country had arrived at a most important crisis—
as big with consequences perhaps as the commence-
ment of the French Revolution—( Hear, heat).—
Those who pretended to see the results, affected, he
feared, too much knowledge. The state of this coun-
try was most difficult. The ♦arious Meetings had
been important, and were viewed with umbrage by
some, particularly the Norfolk Meeting ;but he viewed
them as ebullitions of transitory feelings. The conse-
quences, if the measures were adopted,would be most
ruinous. But as to suspending distraints, it was
only carrying a measure of the Session of 1811 a
little further—a Bill to suspend distraints where thir-
teen shillings and eight-pence in the pound had been
paid; therefore they ought not to censure the poor
men too severely who had agreed to the Norfolk Re-
solutions. These however were proofs of the feeling
of the country, and of the necessity of reductions of
the taxes, and of putting an end to the delusion of
the S;nking Fund—(Cheers).—ln speaking of reduc-
tions, he was against any redaction of the Navy ; but
that observation did not apply to any other establish-
ment. As to our sending armies-abroad, that would
he impossible; but, if war against Spain were com-
menced, he feared it would be impossible for us to
remain neuter. To our ancient ally, Portugal, we
were bound ; and eventually, should war begin, Eng-
land must be dragged into the contest. He thought
we could not remain neutral. In his opinion, it
would be policy in England, after the documents of
'the Allies, to declare that, in the event of certain
occurrences taking place, England would immedi-
ately rush to the assistance of Spain—(Hear, hem).—
He thought such a course would best avert the evils
now apprehended. The Manifesto of the Allies was
of the most preposterous character; and in support
of such opinion, he quoted various portions of the
r Notes on the subject of the monarchical principle.
The conduct of his Imperial Majesty was most extra-
ordinary, for in 1812 he declared the Cortes to be
legitimate," which now he condemned—(Hear,
hear).—He (Mr. Brougham) hoped that the Spa-
niards would not listen to any such Manifesto, as
lung as they were threatened—so long as the bayo-
nets wei e held to their breasts—(Cheers).—There was
nothing more monstrous than the proceedings of the
Con-,,,,ress of Verona, which was in the teeth of pre-
treaties ; but all the nthdern proceedings were
Icopyrng the hypocritical treaties, &c. of the parti-

tinning Powers—treaties that were half sermons, half ,
romances. The partitioning Powers, after having
seen massacres, agreed to such treaties, and ordered
the performance of Te Dewn—(Hier, hear).—Re-
sides, the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle agreed not to;
interfere with the affairs of countries not compre-
hended in the Alliance, except on invitation. Cer-
tainly Spain had not invited such interference.— 1
The whole of the documents were sources of fear to ,
all Governments—(Hear). It was dangerous to have I
such Assemblies of Princes to meddle with the afftirs
of other countries, to criticise their proceedings, for ,
scarcely any matter was too small for consideration)
of these armed Legislators. The Colonies, the ruin-1 '
ously great Loans, the Taxes, and " Agricultural 1
Distresses," would have been mentioaed, if this coup- '
.try- were obnoxious to the Allies—(A laugh and hear).
Nay, the Emperor Alexander had the " audacity" to I
accuse the Spaniards of shedding blood within the 1
precincts of the Palace, in resisting the Meeting of 1
July ‘29—(Cheers). That Meeting was against the i
lawful Government. The greatest danger was to be
apprehended from such Congressional interference, I
especially that of Alexander; and the language was
clear, for reasoning there was none—we have bun- '
dreds of thousands of armed mercenaries, and we 1
will chastise you into submission. Spain answered '
with frankness, which defied craft—we are millions 1
of free men, and we will not stoop to reason with I
you. Such courage abashed all interlopers, whe.
ther it was the Goth, the Hun, or the Calmuc ; it I
destroyed all their craft. The Notes were a species 1
of personal insult, and yet how manly were the te-
plies ! Prussia, before she set out against Spain, ought
to have kept promise with her people ; Austria I
ought to have been jest to King George before he I
was generous to Ferdinand, and have paid back part 1
of the twenty millions of Loan ; and Russia, before it 1
became so shocked about blood spilled in the pre-
cincts
of the Palace, ought to have thought of blood
that had been shed in the Palaces at hotne—(Clteers). 1
I Such topics ought not to have been touched upon.
The Allies had severally been beaten ; they had kissed
the hand that had subdued them ; but hardly had
they gained the erect posture of men than they began
to meddle with the rights of other nations. Alexan-
der had truckled on all occasions, and was ever ready
to take anything in the way of partition ; and after
l'having courted an alliance with Bonaparte, who had
defeated him, no sooner was that individual down,
than the policy of such person was copied—(Hear).
—He regretted that the King of France had given
momentary countenance to the proceedings against
Spain ; but, as far as Russia was concerned, he thought
it was a strange thing to behold Spain struggling for
Liberty, and being told to accept a Constitution from
a Tyrant—(.Hear, hear/).—lf France did go to war,
judgment was passed against the family of the Bout-
bons—(Loud cheers).— The " armed critics" did not
like free institutions, even the institutions of this coun-
try were objects of jealousy. It behoved free States
to resist the principles of this Holy Junta. England's
duty was clear. Not rashly to commence war; but
if Spain were over-run, must not Portugal become a
victim ? And were we not in treaty with Portugal ?
He would not say, Go to war l but he would say,
repeal the Foreign Enlistment Bill—(Loud ekeers).—
Look to free States as our best Allies, and resolve to
support the honour of the Crown and the best prin-
ciples of Freedom !—(Continued cheers).
Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, he felt some re-
luctance to offer himself at all to the attention of the
House, after the deep impression made upon it by
the speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentle.
man who preceded him. He was, however, desirous
of rendering his acknowledgments to the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman for as able a speech as had ever
been heard within those walls—(Hear, hear); and, in
the course of which, without meaning to say that
our Government had abandoned them, principles
were clearly and eloquently laid down, such as were
to his (Sir F. Burdett's) mind of vital importance to
the honour and future safety of our country, and
which he trusted Englishmen would ever be the fore-
most to defend—(Hear,hear).—Wisely, in his opinion,
had the Hon. Gentleman passed over the subject of
agricultural distress, and every other subject that
might be so much more advantageously examined in
detail, to consider what was truly important. On
this there happily was not much diversity of senti-
ment. After the Speech just delivered, he knew not
how there could be any real or conscientious differ-
ence. It identified itself with the wisdom of the
question, and the King, and the Allies too would
find, if this Speech spoke the truth, that there were
what there had not been for a long:time, a united
Parliament as well as a united People—(Loud cheers).
The Non. and Learned Gentleman had quoted a great
authority, though hardly greater than his own ; and
of him (Mr. Broughs6) he might say, in the language
of that patriot and philosopher Cicero, nihil laudan-
dum non digit, in enforcing principles necessary to
avert as great a danger as any that had hitherto
threatened civilized humanity—( Hear, hear).
Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that in the principles,
as well as in the manner, of expressing the feelings
of his Honourable Friend, he completely concurred.
The ability with which those principles were laid
down justified the opinion which arose from a
previous knowledge of the talents of that Gentle-
man. It was not his intention to enter into de-
tail upon the questions embraced in the Address.
The same motive that led him to hope for unanimity
forbade him to allude to many of the topics. But
as one subject, and that of vital importance, was in
a particular manner adverted to, he was bound to
make a few observations, which, however, should
not deviate into any of the other questions that might
require future discussion. He considered it the more
unnecessary to examine the details, as no man was
pledged; in concurring with the motion, to any line
of conduct upon the particular merits of the various
subjezas it embraced. The greater past of the Hon.
Gentleman's (Sir F. Burdett) speech was directed,
not to the policy of this country, but to that of our
Aliies. The time would come when a lull explana-
tion of the conduct of the English Govessment, with
respect to the recent transactions on the Continent,
would be given. It would be found on 'all future,
as well as on all past occasions of disputes between
foreign nations, the national character of, this coun-
try would be sustained; by an observance of the
principle, that every S:ate was the best page of
the node of reforming itself, -and of the cotinic lie.
cessary to be adopted for- its-pertnaisent-.security.
The righti of State's, lstrovvir, like the tights at ia.,

dividuals' required interference, when other nations
becameliable to distinct intelligible d rimer from the
course pursued for the establishment of those rights.
With respect to Spain he would declare, that he saw
• nothing in her existing institutions which wan anted
interference oo the part of Great Britain. There was
no adequate cause of interference on the grounds
stated in the Speech of the King of France—Warr,
Irear).—He cherished the hope that peace would still •
continue to exist—that what must strike every re-
flecting mind as the most complete means of estab-
lishing the interests of Europe would prevail. If he
spoke with reserve of the policy pursued by the Go-
vernment of this country, it was because he cherished
the hope of the continuance of peace, to preserve
which all the efforts they were capable of making
should be vigorously made (Hear, hear).l,-In
this hope he considered himself sustained by the fact
that the Speech of the King of France merely spoke
of the possibility of a war. In his (Mr. Peel's) mind,
it should be the policy of su!sjects and Sovereigns,
after the devastations of war, to direct their atten-
tion to the interests of themselves. England was
acting upon this principle. So far from viewing
with jealousy the improvements of the States around
her, she justly considered that the interests of all
would be ..best promoted by the free interchange of
the blessings u Inch PROVIDENTS had poured upon
them. Atter the establi,hment of national indepen-
dence, by military valour, the next object became
the prevention of another war, and to that event
he looked, as be said before, with hope—(hear).—
He was sure the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. BrotThatri)
would regret the wai mth of feeling which led bins
to an invective against our Allie,, and that he would
recollect that, against the atrocious individual whom
he had called a "resplendent character," those Allies
had joined England, in one common cause, for the
benefit of mankind:. The Right lion. Get:damn then
stated that Russia and Austria had hitherto acted
consistently in their conduct towards the different
States with whose internal management they had in-
terfered, whatever opinion might be entertained with
respect to the act of taking military possession of
Naples. He was happy to make it known to the
House that a reduction would take place in .the esti-
mates of the year, and that it was, he believed, the
intention to make a limber diminution of the taxes.
—The Chancellor of the Exchequer would take an
early opportunity to give an exposition of the state
of the country, and the nature and extent of the con-
templated reductioas, which, he apprehended, would
particularly affect the Asses el Taxes—(Hear, hear).
' He did not believe that national relief would spring
from a remission of taxation. To the increase of the
prosperity of the manufacturing interests he looked
for the recovery of agricultural prosperity. He should
say no more than that he rajoiced to see the preva-
lence of unanimity in the House upon so important
an occasion—( Hear).

Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said* he ro e for
the purpose of saying a few words, not adverb, ly to
the Address, but upon the subject of part of the
Speech, of the general structure of which he certainly
approved. The Hon. Mover had already expressed
his (Sir J. Nlackintosh's) opinions so well, as to render it
unnecessary to dwell upon the abstract merits of the
question.. His Hon. F. ielid (Mr. Brougham), ton, had
added to the-impression, by animadverting with sar-
castic justice upon those who claimed a monopoly of
moral stud. hbnourable feeling—against those who
had undertaken a war against the rights of independ-
ent Sta:es—a war VI bid) was to involve all Europe,
and to affect must especially the honour of his Ma-
jesty's Crown—a war levelled at the glory of. this
Nation—(diem, hear). The wot ds that fell from the
mouth of the King of France mere nothing less than
a declaration against the character of the People of
England—a slander against his Majesty's pretc: ions
to the Crown—a denial of the pretensions of Wilhani
the Third to the Sovereignty, and of the rights and
privileges established by Magna Charta. Such
was tie course pursued by those whom he was
ashamed to hear called the Alics of this Nation.
The doctrines just promulgated were introductory
of a new law of nations—that three or four great
States of Europe had a right to make war upon people
who might adopt institutions which they considered
necessary for their internal management. This was
a making war against independence. The Austrian
Government had grounded their interference or their
lordship paramount over Europe. The Russian de-
finition of the territories of that nation included those
countries over which Russia had no natural or na-
tional controul—calling them the Western. Province of
Muscovy. Whet e would be the stop or limit of those
aggressions ? The King of France was adopting the
same principle. The conduct of that King reminded
him of the determination to complete the intention
of Louis XIV. Here the Hon. Gentleman quoted
the remarkable words of William the Third, which
were prophetically adapted to the present circum-
stances of Europe—that by placing a French King on
the Spanish Throne, all Europe would he oppressed,
the Monarch becoming independent of France, and
all countries in alliance being, with the name of peace,
at the expense of maintaining war establishments
that England must, by such an event, suffer in trade,
and in respect to that part which she ought always
to take in the regulation of the affairs of Europe.—
Those observations arose from a consideration of the
policy of Louis XIV. and met with the approbation
of the Parliament and the whole Nation. The aggres-
sion against Spain and Portegal by France, upon the
principles contained in that Kiog's Speech, was .a
most wanton and base attack upon. the liberties of
Nations. It was to t.e hoped that Eirgland would
not be provoked into any conduct which might set ve
the views of her bitterest enemies. 'lle loftiest troi,hy
of British illdepeilJellCe was the independence of
Spain ; and tho.e who dared to interiere with the
struggles of the latter for her own internal security,
aimed a destructive. blow at the highest glory i f ttie
former. They might say that they would not atta:-k
Portugal ; but the time %%wild come when their sin-
cerity would be put to the teat, and when Portal
was destroyed, where then would they point the r
attention? Myriads would pour into the wester a
territories of Europe, and the Muscovite army wetild
be seen lifiing the shore horn clicniterdain to Cattli.
Mr. DENM AN hoped, in Gob. name. Astir Ma wit; tick
place, this country would beihNtlngaisllol.lll snaoly twinissn
iq „wilt:ion to, the Ante.. 1t was be., rt7bitakitig
a'n,w War, hilt ►e was glid tb:r. tiaj:lizy 'tau Abel:tied he w..*
Imo pasty Tel tilt &Wier et she allies .tio vase. it,
however, t1..3.115e Sei.aseioat gute,still turbo. , s:w► deszribsil •
spislloll.pi Ault Wu,* begat entered 1.1 in,c7 art this Cv4ll:.y
)2 .4.