Star.
London, England, 1830-03-09 00:00:00

METROPOLITAN REFORM MEETING.

A description of this important Meeting at the Gardens of the
Eagle Tavern, City.mad, was given in THE STAR of yesterday.
The following is a report of the proceedings upon this interesting
occasion. At one o'clock,
Mr. Hulce stepped forward. After some time he was enabled
to make himself beard. He begged to premise that all would en
deavour to preserve silence and order, that none would make a noise
by crying out " silence !" nor create disorder by calling out
" order !" He wished they would leave it to him only to call out
silence and order —(cheers and laughter.) He now had merely to
propose that Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P. do take the Chair.—
(load applause.)
Carded unanimously. and with immense cheering, amidst which—
, Mr. O'Coutezee stepped forward. He said he was truly proud
of the high honour they had just conferred on him—the honour of
presiding over a Nleeting of honest British subjects, who were too
good to suffer themselves to be ruled by an Oligarchy—too intel-
tectual not to see the wrongs inflicted on there—and too patriotic
not to look for constitutional redress.—(Cheera.) This was not the
first time that he had had to address a meeting in the open air ; on
the contrary, as they might have heard he had often had so to ad-
dress his countrymen ; and, on all those occasions, his countrymen
had permitted him to address them with a cap on. He had the
self-same cap with him (holding up the before.described cap).
and, with their permission, he would do in England as he had
, done in ireland.—(Cries of " Do, do,")—he would wear his cap ;
but if it should be deemed a mark of disrespect, he certainly would
not wear the cap, great as would be to him the convenience of wear-
ing it.—(ltenewed cries of " Do, do! wear the cap.) Mr. O'Con-
nell (haying mounted his comfortable cap, amidst mingled ap-
plauses and merriment of the immense meeting) proceeded :—He
said he held in his hand the requisition to the Lord Mayor, to al-
low this meeting to be held in the Guildhall, but it seemed his
Lordship had declined to allow the meeting to be held, though
he had permitted the meeting about the Spaniards : his Lord-
ship seemed to prefer the Spanish to the English, and in that
he thought his Lordship showed very bad taste--(Cheers
and a laugh.)—He could not sympathize with any man, whose
tender mercies could see foreign calamities without being alit e
to those at home; and who could not be animated by the
distresses and calls of those who had been deprived of the
benefits of the freest Constitution in England, by the efforts of an
Oligarchy--an authority who had usurped to the few those powers
and benefits which were intended for, and of right belonged to the
many. He must again say, that having been called to the chair of
this meeting, it was the proudest circumstance of his political life.
lie had not been move gratified since he had escaped from the po.
litical degradation to which he was once subjected ; since the break-
ing of those chains which, with the blessing of Gon, they had
destroyed for ever. He differed from them somewhat
in accent—this language had a touch of the Irish mountains,
and therefore, perhaps, he might not be all they could wish ;
but the selection they had made in desiring him to take the
chair was to him a source of consolation, comfort, and tri.
umph. He also thanked them for the honour they had con-
ferral on him, because it afforded him an opportunity of
vindicating the principles as a Radical Reformer. (Loud cheers.)
He was, in the first place, a radical refonner of the abuses in the
laws—of the chicanery, expense, and delay in what were called the
law courts of the country. He wished the law to be clear and in-
telligible, and the administration of it cheap, expeditious, and un.
vexatious. lie would open the worts to the poor as well as the
rich, for the poor wanted law as well as the rich—perhaps much
more. It was a saying. that the courts were open to all—they ought
to be ; but, as Horne Tooke said, the London Tavern was open to
all, as well as the courts, but what was the use of that to the poor ?
(Loud cheers.) He wanted to see open to the poor, courts of law
where they would not be fleeced, and taxed, and shorn as they now
were. He wanted to see those tolls broken down which now
blocked the roads to the courts of law. He would say, Laid ray it
boldly, that no government was a just government that did not pay
the coats of the people obtaining justice. The government paid
the judges, the army, the navy, and for collecting the taxes,
and for Heaven knew what ; and he would add, that the govern.
ment ought also to pay all the officers and costs, so that the people
might obtain justice free of expense. He wished to see a very ra-
dical reform in those courts. (Hear.) As to the House of Commons,
as it was called, he wanted to see a radical reform there also. What
the people wanted, and what he wanted too, was a "people's house."
(Cheers.) What they had now was an instalment of the House of
Lords, sitting in another chamber. This was the first time, and it
was a cause of gratitude with him, that he had this opportunity of
speaking—that be could make a public profession of his principles on
the English stage of politics ; and all would admit, he trusted, that
his first appearance was characterised by all becoming modesty and
diffidence. (A laugh.) When he first appealed to his native
county of Clan for their votes—and where he obtained such tri-
umphant numbers of fearless, unpurchasable votes, ir. spite of
the frown of landlords and the proffers of money—he promised
the honest, independent, and bold men of Clare that, if elected, he
would still take every opportunity to obtain a people's house of
Lament. And he made the like promise to the women of Clare.
A laugh.) He was now in a country where the women were famed
car
or their beauty and angelic loveliness, and who deserved all the
admiration we could bestow on them. But they were not more
lovely, nor more deserving of the admiration of man than were the
women of Clare ; and to them be had promised that he would go
back and tell them what efforts he had made to promote the cause
which he had so near at heart. He should have the opportunity
of telling them that he had realised his promise—that the op-
portunity which presented itself he had not suffered to f 0 by.
He would now tell the meeting what were the objects of his
pursuit. When young—when his blood flowed rapidly in its
course, he raised his voice in the cause of liberty ; and now,
when he might be said, as far as years were concerned, to be sinking
into the "sear and yellow"—when the blood was receding from the
cheek, his heart beat as watmly as ever for liberty. (Cheers.) Not
from feelings of personal ambition—not from mean and mercenary
motives, for the sake of lucre—no, no, so help him GOD ! to achieve
unadulterated human liberty, to procure the largest sum of human
happiness, and to put an end to a monstrous oligarchy—(cheers ;)
to procure a just equality of just laws for all, which could not be
obtained till the oligarchy was destroyed—that oligarchy which was
the cause of heaping sufferings on millions who did not deserve to
suffer. lie vowed that while he lived he would not cease his exer-
tions to obtain such liberty ; and he would urge it by means of
me -able and rational agitation. (Continued cheers.) That had
been his vow in Ireland, and Ireland had triumphed: he had joined
in the exertions for Ireland, and that country was as free as they
were. He had felt that the oppression endured for centuries was
monstrous, and that the interference between man and his (Jon was
blasphemous. He considered the act criminal (hear.) He felt too
sincerely in his own person the value of having opinions respected,
not to respect the opinions of men who sincerely differed from hint ;
but he always set that man down as a hypocrite who professed to be
sincere in big religious opinions, and yet maintained that the foree of
law was required to protect those opinions (hear.) Well, then, he had
succeeded in emancipating his country from that degradation ; and
now, as was the case of Mr. Pelee, as regarded the St. Eller. having
won one make, Englishman beheld hint ready to start tot another.
(Loud and continued cheers.) And what was the prize for
which lie would now contend % Ile would tell diem in one word
three times repeated. It was " the constitution, the whole consti-
tution, and nothing but the constitution."—(Cheers.) To gain it
he would have them adopt measures similar to those which sue-
ceeded In Ireland, the object being the end of the oligarchy. Should
he ask them whether the House of Commons represented the
people, why they would laugh at him for putting the question, and
he should not be able to refrain from laughing while he was asking
the quntiou—(Much cheering and laughter.) Two thousand persons
—2,00/0 persons, be it known—returned a majority of members sn
the Commons House of Parliament, to represent the Interests and
feelings and rights—whit remained !--of 30,000,000 of people.
Oh ! eternal shame on those who had done these things ; and.
Oh, more eternal shame on 'those who bore them—who suffered
such a system to last ! Ifs man stole a sheep lie was hurried off to
the Old Bailey, and justly ; but those who deprived them of their
rights, who thus afflicted millions, why they could—go home and
pray.—(a laugh.) But the people of England were too good, and,
be would say, too proud to submit to such a state of things any
longer. Impossible ! What, England, who had set the example
to all Europe of:having a limited monarchy, submit to the present
state of government ! Courtiers. it was true, sometimes appeared
to be strong as well as proud ; but they were weakness itself when
opposed. That great charter which was their just boast was °b-
tallied by the nobility, aided by the hiahops.—and he wished
they had a few bishops to co-operate with them just now—(a
laugh.)—othat great charter was not only obtained by the barons
and bishops forcing it front the monarch and the timid courtiers.
Eternal justice sanctioned the deed ; the hand of Heaven earetioned
it though many were not able to sanction it by their hand-writing.
it that per'od, in 1215, the people wsye supported by the no-
bility, and the nobility sided with the people. He would
give horoor where honour was due The nobility aided the
people, and the great charter was obtained without the spill-
Mg of blood. He had always thought that no
was to be ob-
tamed where thee were obliged to resort to the shedding of blood.
It only tetded to strengthen power—to call forth some military
chieftain, and make him master who had before been the people's
champion. Regal tyranny and royal despotism had been success-
fully resisted, and a guard established in safe prerogative--well.de.
fined prerogative, giving a principle of " fixity" to the Constau.
don, and entries the people, if they had an honest House of Cow-
Mons. But what did those barons—what did the nobility, when
the contest was over ? Why they turned off the people with
whole aleL.thej had succeeded; left the people,
sad began
- to shave the. peados amongst duaniWiee. They web tbiellear.'
Ivalves to themselves—the Hoot of Le e& to themselves ; they
usurped the House of Commons. Thee an °dime oligarchy have

taken from the people their just rights, and those advantages
secured under the great charter. That oligarchy now nominated
.1 majority of the House of Commons • and It was against the
odious monopoly of power that he warred and would war. It
scented as if the honourable house were :disposed to laugh
at themselves. At the beginning of the session they passed
what they called one of their sessional standing orders, de.
claring that it was a high breach of privilege for any peer to
interfere in or influence the return of members to the House of
Commons. About half an hour afterwards one member was avow-
ing that he had purchased a seat from a peer; and soon afterwards
another member, the son of a peer, was spoken of as having
walked across the house, followed by eight or nine peers, all of
whom were returned by one and the same influence, and that in-
fluence said to be a Peer. What then became of the standing order
about the breach of privilege ? Ile was for restoring the House of
Commons—for having it what it was intended to be ; he desired
that the House of Commons should be no longer a dead letter; and
lie would have those punished even worse than sheep-stealers, who
should deprive the people of their inalienable rights. Only think of
the modesty of the 2,000 people who returned so many 3lembers to
the House of Commons ! They were more capable of choosing
proper representatives for the twenty millions : they had more
good sense, more discrimination ! yes, virtual representation was
better than real representation. Insolent proposition ! But the
people, to use a familiar adage, knew where the shoe pinched.
How were those occupied who returned, or were returned by such
means' How did they think they were occupied? Why, in
getting one brother made a Bishop ; the wife of so and so's cousin
made a General—others made Lords of the Bedchamber, or
" Grooms of the Stole !"—(Laugh and cheers.) AU places were
occupied, no matter what they were, so long as salaries were at-
tached to them ; nothing appeared too degrading for noblemen, as
they were called, and their nominees and dependents to accept, so
that salary was attached ; the cash was accepted, the degradation
was unnoticed. Ah ! but the system " worked well." So said
Canning and other humbugs of that description—(Loud cheers
and a laugh.) But how did it work well ? Why, as the Grave.
digger in Hamlet said by the gallows, " it did well fur those who
did ill."--(Cheers and laughter.) But how had the Parliament
worked for the people ? lily, it hail loaded the country with
a debt of 800,000,0001. Who before had ever even thought of such
a debt !-a debt of 800,000,0001. (Hear !)—a debt so enormous
;hat it would take a man 52 years to count out the money to pay it :
a debt larger than all the money that was ever coined in the world.
lie would turn to the Oligarchy or any body who said the system
worked well, and hold up before them " eight hundred millions of
debt!" (Hear, hear, hear.) They might have grown rich while
that debt was contracting, they might have raised fine palaces,
and had rare men), nights and days while they were fastening
that mill-stone around the neck of old England. (Hear.) That
debt might have worked well for them, but at last what had it done
for the people ; to what state had it reduced them ? Go from Land's
End to John o'Groat's tavern, as far as the Giant's Causeway ; go
from one end of the country to the other, —(hear, hear,) and they
would find that the people were lunged into deep, dire, crushing,
afflicting, universal distress. 11 ho imposed that distress on the
country, or the industrious people of England ?—Was it the
fault of Englishmen that they were in distress ?—(Cries of no, no)
Were they not as industrious as ever ? Were they not as intelligent
as ever ?--(Hear, hear) Had they not continued to make vast tin.
prevenient in manufactures and machinery ?—(llear, hear, with
some noise at the gates leading into the grounds, owing to the peo-
ple pressing forward to get in.)
Mr. HUNT stepped forward and begged to state that he had
just received a letter stating that there were upwards of live
thousand persons on the outside, who, though anxious, were un-
able to get into the grounds; he begged those present to move a
little to the right and that would afford some relief.—[They did
so, and in the move broke down some of the barriers in front of
the gallery, which afforded some additional space, enabling many
to get under or nearer to the gallery, which for a time created some
alarm among the ladies lest the roof should give way. However all
tentained tolerably safe, and order was soon restored.)

Mr. O'Cosew ELL resumed. He would take up his address
where he had left off: He was telling them—indeed he was
thinking aloud," that the industry and the ability of En.
elishmen had remained the same ; they were as economical and
intelligent as ever, and there were masses of capital in the coun-
ty, if they could only be used. All the mischief was attri-
butable to the people not having proper organs in the house to
represent their interests and feelings. He would have that defect
corrected ; he would cut down the sinecures and useless places, and
he would have those reduced who reduced unjustly sixpence too
much, and not only make them return the blllpence, but a'
halfpenny for the interest thereof. (A laugh.) This country
would never have known its present distress if there had been
tale play between man and man ; all had arisen because the
people were subjected to the afflicting scourge of an Oligarchy. He
would say, and he would say it openly, though he hated regal
tyranny with all a freeman's hate, he would prefer it to the rule of
an odious Oligarchy. Such tyranny would be easier to be borne
than the grinding rule of an Oligarchy that fattened on the miseries
of a people. The Oligarchy met them at every turn. Whatever
they saw, tasted, or touched, was poisoned by taxation. In the
shoes that they wore they trampled on it ; the hat that sur-
mounted them was likewise the subject of tax. During their
lives they were taxed in every way, and in every direction ;
and when they died they could not go to their graves without
Kting taxed. Would any body tell him that if the represen-
tation were in the state in which it ought to be—that if they
had an adequate House of Commons, the people ever could have
been brought into such's state ? If such a house had done such
things, he thought they would pretty soon have been kicked out_
(A laugh.) But the oligarchy taxed them and fleeced them ; they
het realised the fable of the dogs and the wolves; they had de-
stroved the people's guardians, so that the " wolves^ had been able
to do what they pleased. They were in the situation of hungry
wolves descending from the Appennines, when the dogs were gone,
and the watchmen asleep. It' the food of the people were taxed,
ei.y was it ? To put money into the
_pockets of' the rich.
lie heed the cant about tree trade. It gave cheap silks to
the higher orders. while another law existed taxing food (hear )
He hated cant of every sort ; but the cant about free trade
was to him peculiarly disgusting—a free trade for the luxuries of the
rich, and secure tax on the necessities of the poor. Then, what
eats the remedy for all this mass of mischief and evil ? He thought
there teas too much good sense in the country to put up with such
evils thud, longer: he would repeat, the English were too proud to
endure them. M'hat ! had the iron so entered their souls that they
would permit themselves to be as branded slaves? (Cries of" No,
no.") Then what was the remedy? Parliamentary reform—
radical reform. (Loud cheers.) What he meant by radical reform
'"as. that every man should vote for his representative, and that no
nuan should be eeprivitl of his vote but by the verdict of a
jury, on being proved to be a lunatic, at somewhat less expense,
t"'' than 30,0001. lie :tad ever insisted, and would ever Insist
against the principle of property deciding the representation ; and
Y 4 they who talked about property being represented, maintained the
r,:lits of the boroughs where there was no property.—(Hear.) Was
nut an insult to their common sense ? rhe property in the
..or.oughti was a tietior.—in plain English, a lie.--(A laugh.) It was
e di:a was put upon two legs and majello walk. He maintained
:oat it was not property but men that were to be represented ;—not
weep, bullocks, ace. but men ;—not tundholders or landowners,
hat human beings who wanted to be represented. (Much cheering.)
What was the use of 20,000 inhabitants of M estminster, sup-
posing they returned two honest men. having the two votes,
it they were to lie neutralized by two votes sent from the
ploughed fields of Batton or Old Sarum ? All admitted the Eng.
hsti to possess common sense : some said they were nut quite so
a;ute as the &well, the matte: ear a sort of disputable point ;
~titers said they had nut so much Latin as the lash, and could
• et live so sparingly as a Frenchman, who could make a good
Lreakfast upon a frog ; but all admitted that the English had
evolution sense : then could anything he so insulting to that con.
u•, le sense. a, such a system of voting, or such principles of de.
fence ? There was not common sense in it—no, nor common 'Uneasy.Why bad it lasted I' Because they had never had
public own adequately to espouse their cause. Those who had ap-
peig(d hail either got comfortable among the irhigs, or sold the
cause they professed to support : but he thought better days and
b tter prusy._ets for the people wereapproaching. He trusted that
should ace the days of " merry old England" again. He also
co,,tentlol for universal surtage.--(Lheers.) lan, nut property,
7u vases be represented. All books laid it down as a principle that
etre justly enforced, because they were assented to by the
„I?le through their representatives. And where was the man not
ht let to tax ? lie mute be without hie nose and ey.:s, and have
Mouth
Quti
,bewed : that was the only kind of Englishman not
content that
alien they found a fellow of that kind, he would 11
ht the Hat " virtual" representation should do for him.
assent of a people were required for a tax, to im.
t17..91t latx without such assent would be a tobhery. On
tinie u.keeene,iii.eipie the pople were liable to be celled out was
slicer to of the country —and that was just ; but it was
cell them out without the. demand was made by
le:r . Tee:mauves. The prple of universal suffrage
mc.cithcy
in %yet:moral, just, and hunest principle. Of the grades of
he idimincuo.
n‘rePt3esciannttioioua
mlieanrevery
coheres; ;al
o
r
d wads no
more
elan a than, asst often much less ; but while be respected those d-
-ileums which roust arise in • society
from liirtuous, intelligent,ie or
4dustri
eel conduct, he contend for the eternal equality of man.
,ote
bos.isiu.al right to be represented? He should eontentfor .the
eNoiri It was the most important of all. Without it, ex-
cl., ca suffrage would be an evil voters would be conveyed in
ej jansdts •
.but with the ballot, the bribe, the command, tics, (flown of Aura—all would be powerless. He shootd Newly contend
o ballot lie had been 30 year', in ncht"i"g one object. lib'
,Nly had• .
boo a stick of living to be about 90—so that he had

about 42 years to perform the work which he was now undertaking.
The ballot he wanted, and he never would be satisfied without it.
The duration of parliaments, too, must be shortened. As to the
septennial act, as they who had been elected for three years voted
that they should sit seven years; they might as well have voted
that they should sit for the terms of their natural lives. (Hear.)—
That act was s great evil. As to the duration now to be pro-
posed, he differed from some person. The experiment of electing
for two years had been tried in America, and had succeeded ; and
he was, therefore, for adhering to what had been successfully tried,
in preference to the proposition for annual parliaments. But, on
this point he would not differ from those who honestly sought uni-
versal suffrage, and vote by ballot. (Cheets.) Having these ad-
vantages, there were no benefits which the people might not
expect to result. The parliament would then be the people's servants,
not their masters. Taxes would be taken off. Parliament would
not expect 60,000,000/. taxes to be collected in gold-8,000.0001.
or 10,000,0001. would be cheerfully paid ; and that amount would
be large enough. But, to obtain the advantage now sought, he I
would not have them resort to brutal violence or physical force ;
that course would only increase the strength of their enemies ; and
would prevent good men from joining them. The Duke of iVel-
lington had found the peaceable resistence of Ireland too strong for
him. He would ask of Englishmen to frown their enemies into
submission, not to strike—to look them in annihilation. He would
have them exert all constitutional force—no more. But in law as in
war, nothing was done without a treasury. If they paid a penny
a week, or a shilling a month, where Ireland had raised 30,0001.
England would raised a million ; and how such a sum
would enable them to break down the Aristocracy, and to
compel the boroughs to be defended by 20,0001. at a time, where
little or nothing was now expended. He recommended them to
continue petitioning, for every petition would cause discussion, and
the sentiments would get into the newspapers, and cause converts.
tion. The newspaper reports were things that no Attorney-General
had yet the audacity to prosecute.—To attack through the medium
of parliamentary debate was the safest way of attack. He, however,
as long as he lived, would set his face against prosecutions for libel.
He stood up the other night in the House of Commons in
defence of the Press of his enemies against prosecution. In con-
clusion he would call on them, with clear hearts and clear heads to
support him in beating down the Oligarchy ; in obtaining legal re-
form, whereby be should rescue the people from the harpies of the
law ; and in procuring constitutional reform, whereby all might be
represented. He contended for liberty, dear liberty ! which first
took its station in this country, and which was dear to Englishmen.
And where liberty was oppressed,whether trampled on by the gilded
spur of nobility, or borne clown by an oligarchy, those who crushed
liberty were his foes. For a thousand years it had triumphed in
England ; and England was yet too good to be trampled on by an
oligarchy. Let all unite, and England will be what it ought to be—
eG Great, glorious, and free,
First flower of the earth, first gem of the sea."
(Loud and long-continued cheering.)
Mr. HENRY HUNT then addressed the meeting, and said he
was not much in the habit of making apologies, but he should be
compelled to address them very shortly, owing to indisposition from
severe cold. He sincerely congratulated then in having at last got
a member of parliament who was for annual parliaments, universal
suffrage, and vote by ballot. Their petitions would now be pre-
sented ; and that for which they had long contended would be
eloquently supported. This was the fifteenth year of peace, and
the distress was greater than ever : did not that demonstrate that
something must be done ? With the leave of the meeting he would
get the secretary to read the proposed resolutions.
Mr. HAND, the secretary pro lent., then read the resolutions,
and the objects, rules, and duties of the Metropolitan Union :
which we published in the Slur of yesterday exclusively.
Mr. HUNT again stepped forward, and spoke of the immensity
of the people. Besides the thousands present, he understood there
were about 10,000 who could not get admission. He repeated their
petitions would be presented, and pointed out to notice. He should
propose a short one for the house. The committee, 20 in number,
have given the fullest consideration to the Resolutions, and they
had been supervised by a sound constitutional lawyer. Ile was in-
formed that it was the intention of a gentleman to move an amend-
ment. The Committee had selected from amongst the friends of
Reform 36 names, to he submitted to the Meeting, for the purpose
of forming a Political Council, with power to increase their
number up to 50. He had received a letter from Mr. Carlile,
who had acted, he must say, with perfect fairness, having stated in
open committee, the suggestions which he meant shortly to submit
to the meeting. The committee could not concur in the views of
Mr. Carlile.—(hear, hear.) That gentleman had, however, acted
fairly and openly, in stating that it was his intention to move an
amendment • and Mr. Carlile was as much entitled to address the
meeting, and to submit a resolution to them, as he was himself.
It wax for the meeting to declare whether they would sanction the
views of Mr. Carlile or those of the committee. They would, of
course, hear Mr. Carlile, and decide upon his proposition, which
was, he understood, that two persons of his selection should be
placed on the Political CounciL Those persons were Mr. W.
Cobbett and Mr. R. Owen, the first of whom he characterised as a
strong bad man, and the second as a weak good MAR. (A laugh.)
This was a curious way to promote union. (A laugh.) If the
meeting only examined the rules by which it was proposed to govern
the Union, they would perceive that one of them was to choose just,
upright and able men; and yet, in the face of this, Mr. Cathie
would propose two men, one of whom he describes to be bad, and
the other weak. (Cheers.) Mr. Hunt then proposed the first re-
solution, and retired amidst loud cheers.
Mr. FRENCH said he should not do justice to his feelings, were
he to remain silent upon such an animating occasion as then pre-
sented itself (cheers.) He felt too much ardour, his heart expanded
too warmly with the glow of liberty, to be prevented from giving
expression to the delight and exultation he experienced at seeing so
many of his fellow-countrymen assembled to obtain a restitution of
their rights (cheers.) They beheld in the chair sitting, if he might
be allowed the expression, in conscious pride, the great emancipator'
of Ireland (great cheering.) Yet he had not yet completed the
great work of his patriotic fame. More remained to be accom-
plished, for he had yet to liberate Englishmen from famine, and
from a proud and unrelenting oligarchy (great cheers.) Mr. French
now became inaudible, owing to the pressure of the multitude from
without seeking to obtain admission, which created so much noise
that he was eventually obliged to give way, and sat down content
with seconding the resolution.

Mr. O'Coxsfem. said he trusted that the meeting would listen
with attention to the gentleman who was about to propose to them
an addition to the resolutions. As an Englishman he had a right
to be heard.—( Hear.) It would be very deplorable indeed if die-
union were to be created; but they could not prevent disunion by
not hearing their opponents.—(Cheers.) He implored them, there-
fore, to hear Mr. Carlile, and if he gave any reasons for what he
proposed, some of them would answer him as well as they were
able.—(Cheer.)
Mr. CAILILE said he did not come forward for the purpose of
creating disunion, fur nothing was further from his wishes than to
excite any thing like want of union. So strongly were his feelings
in favour of union, that he was willing to throw all else overboard
that could clash with those feelings; and hence it was that he had
proposed the name of Mr. Cobbett, an individual with whom he had
himself clashed more than with any other man in the kingdom. He
had also another reason, which was this :—Mr. Cobbett was un-
doubtedly a man of great talent, and his name would have great in.
fluenee in the country, for he was extremely popular. At all events
he thought it was a subject well worthy for the meeting to hear and
to deliberate upon.—(Cheers.) He treated them as a deliberative
assembly, capable of judging for themselves, when he proposed
Mr. Cobbett-.-not because he admired the man ; but let Mr. Cob.
beet be what he would—

Mr. O'CosrxELL here stepped forward, and asked Mr. Carlilt if
he lad Mr. Cobbeu's authority for proposing his name?
Mr. CalLti.t--Certainly not.
Mr. OTowstsr.t. then said, that he did not think it right to ills.
cuss the merits or demerits of an absent person, who, if spoken
harshly of, had no means of defending himself.
--

Mr. CARLILZ said he would not treat the Meeting as if they had
merely met for the purpose of passing a set of resolutions and a peti-
tion, for they would remember that the acts of that day were to be
followed up by other acts of still greater moment. He hoped they
would bear in mind that it was not his intention to supersede any
thing done by Mr. Hunt and his friends, but rather to strengthen
what they had taken up. He waived all opposition to the reso.
lotions, which he looked upon as being less faulty than those of the
Birmingham Union, his intention bring to move only an addition
to them, and not any amendment. The distresses of the country
were sot altogether owing to the wars with America and France,
for they were also to be ascribed to the previous war which was
waged against the liberty oldie people. He begged to remind the
people that this country never had a House of Commons which as-
serted the welfare and rights of the people before the time of Jamas
the First. In the reign of Charles the Second it became necessary,
in order to preserve the privileges of the aristocracy, that
House of Commons should be corrupted. Hume, the his.
torten, speaking of this period, said that the nation was di.
sided into two parties—the court and the country, and that the
former, by means of giving places to lame members of the Com.
mons, brought them to their interest, and proceeded in this way
until many were bribed from their duties to the people. ' This was
the origin of corruptioa in that house, and it went on gradually in-
creasing until at last it has ceased to represent the people. Mr.
Carlile then concluded by proposing a resolution to the effect, that
in the reign of Charles the Second, successful Abets had been made
to corrupt the House of Commons, and that since then the Inda.
mice ef the,lreers had compktod what was then begun.; that this
led to distuss ; and that ministers had ackeowledged that they
could not legislate remedially, the present proposed Vnion became
necessary.

Mr. ELLIOTT seconded the Resolution.
Mr. HUNT. as mover of the original resolution, begged to my a
few words. What was it Mr. Carlile proposed ? That the House
of Commons was corrupt. Why he (Mr. Hutt) thought it was an
admitted fact that that house was corrupt, without going back to
the reigns of Charles and James to find it out. (Cheers and laughter.)
[Just at this moment a pick-pocket was seised in the crowd, and
brought, without any disturbance, beneath the hustings, where lie
was given into custody.] Gentlemen, said Mr. Hunt, we have ftund
a pickpocket, and we have secured him, and If you will only do
your duty we shall eventually secure all the pick-pockets. (Great
lauAliter.)
31r. O'CONNELL now came tot ward to put the resolution to the
meeting. He said that Mr. Cathie appeared to think it a great
evil that a foreign Prince had been called into this country ; but for
his own part he looked upon it as an occurrence which we should
always be proud of; for we had cashiered a Prince who was a ty-
rant, and called one in whom we thought to be well calculated to
secure the liberties of the country. I:, another part of the resolu-
tion he found the words " capping the elintax."—(Roais of laugh.
ter.) Really Mr. Carlile was what they called in Ireland a comical
blade. He should propose to them the previous question, namely,
whether Mr. Carlile's amendment should be put.
The previous question was then put and carried by an immense
majority, after which the original Resolution was put and carried by
acclamation.

Mr. GRADY, in rising to propose the next resolution, said he
would not usher it in by any observations on the advantages to be
derived from it. He thought, and the meeting, he believed, began
to think, that the productive classes of the community were daily
progressing from a state of half to a state of perfect slavery. (Cheers.)
fire present proposed Union had for its object the uniting of all
honest men in preserving themselves from the encroachments of
those in power ; men who had, by means of corruption, got pos.
session of the whole wealth of the nation—men who were con.
tinually telling the people that they were represented by the
honourable house—(alattgli) —men who were always ready to take
away the rights of the people, but never to protect them. (Cheers.)
The last week afforded a strong instance of this. A petition was
presented to the house from the catholic% of Galway, praying to be
placed on the same footing as the protestants of that town, who ob.
tained, by a seven years' residence, the right of voting for a repre-
sentative in parliament. What did the duke's man say on that oc-
casion ? (Great laughter.) Vi'ould he raise the catholic' to a level
with the protestants? Oh. no ! He said the consideration was,
whether they would notreduce the two religions to an equality by
taking the rights of the protestants away. What was the rule with
them? It was this—Should we give to them we strengthen the rabble,
and we had better be always ready to take away from our own
faith their rights, rather than add to the strength of the people.—
(cheers.) lie would ask them, when they read the debates in the
newspapers, if they were not satisfied that no good was to be ex-
pected from that house ?—(cheers.) He would ask them to look at
the divisions of the house, when millions of the money of the
peeple was being voted away. The seventy-nine placemen were
then sure to be in attendance, though it sometimes happened
that, if a set were made at a person holding some 2001. a-year,
that the policy was then to let him be crushed, by way of throw.'
ing a tub to the whale.—(cheers aad laughter.) Their object at
present was to get a rent, as well to recover lost rights as to
preserve those which they still retained—to protect the liberty of
the press from the fangs of an Attomey-General, whether Whig or
Tory. (Cheers.) The liberty of the press was the only vestige of
liberty remaining in the country, and even that was precarious,
when it depended upon the will of a Crown Lawyer. (Cheers.) If
the liberty of abusing the Government were to be taken away
from John Bull, he would be deprived of the only one he had
left him. People talked of the censorship of the press in
France, but they should remember that the people In France were
well fed, and that they had not an aristocracy grasping the whole
property of the kingdom, in order to transmit it to their first-born,
while the rest were to be portioned out upon the people.—(lmmense
cheering.) In France, by means of the electoral colleges, the'
people had a majority amongst the members of the House of De.,
puttee. Now he would ask of what advantage it was to us that we
had the liberty to speak, but had no majority upon any subject '
whatever in the House of Commons ?—(Cheers.) There was not an
individual In England, with an income of only GO/. a year, who did
not pay 351. of it in taxes, direct and indirect; and thee would conti-
nue to be the case so long as Lord Lowther could put seven coun-
ties in his pocket, and: so long as such boroughs as t 'ld Sarum
could send two members to parliament. flow, then, could they
remedy those evils ? By money. It was by money the people's
rights were purchased up, and by money must they work out their
restitution. These were his reasons for supporting the resolutions
that had been proposed by his friend, Mr. Hunt; and being confi.
dent that a great and glorious change was going to take place, he
could not but hail its approach with feelings of the most enthusias-
tic kind (cheers.)
Mr. 31er, in seconding the resolution, expressed a hope that
every one would come forward to aid the Union with their pockets,
for every one had some means. It was only by union that they
could eftict any thing; but if they were united, it would be impos-
sible for government to resist them.
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried unani-
mously.
Mr. HUNT now came forward, to move that the 36 gentlemen
named by the Committee should he appointed as a Political Coun-
cil, with the power to increase their numbers to 50, and to act until
the Gth July, 1830, at which time a new Council would be elected
by the people. Amongst the names were those of Mr. Hunt, Mr.
O'Connell, Mr. J. Wood, Mr. J. Hume, and Mr. Otwsy Cave.

Mr. HETHERINGTON seconded the resolution, and said that,
now the people had begun to act for themselves, some hopes might
be entertained for the recovery of their rights. If they gave their
support to the Union it would be impossible that the country could
be any longer kept in such a state of destitution and misery as it
was at present. (Cheers.) He hoped they would all support the
first attempt made by the people to do their duty.
The resolution was then put and carried.
Mr. OltaDY proposed that Mr. Hunt should be appointed Tha-
-1
surer of the Union.

Mr. CLEAVER, in seconding the resolution, which was carried
also, :arid that all that was now required was " a long pull, a strong
pull, and a pull all together."
Mr. SAVAGE, in proposing the next resolution, alluded to what
had been said in the House of Commons as to the prosperity of the
retail dealers, and said, if they were prosperous, he, as one of them,
could say that their prosperity was obtained out of the very vitals
of the poor. In order to do away with this state of things. it was
necessary to adopt firm, but at the same time, legal, peaceful, and
constitutional means. (Cheers.)

Mr. WARDEN, in seconding the resolution, hoped they would
aid the new rent, and thus provide the sinews of war, bearing con.
stantly in mind the good old Scotch proverb, Many a miekle
makes a muckle." Cheers.

This resolution was carried unanimously.
Mr. Hawn, in proposing the next resolution, said that at so late
an hour be would not detain them by many observations; but one
was of too much importance to be withheld. From the present
meeting they might date a circumstance which had never before
taken place--he meant the union of the radical reformers of Eng-
land and Ireland.—(cheers.) The question was, whether the time
had now arrived when resistance became a virtue and obedience a
crime ? He did not mean a resistance by open force, but by
legal means--by a steady perseverance in what was now pointed
out.--(cheers.) If they adopted such a course, and persevered in
it, he would venture to predict that, as yon sun was setting on that
doy's proceeding+, so would the sun of liberty the from them to
illuminate the whole empire.—(cheers.) He then racved the next
resolution.

111 r. Wm.x z a seconded it.
Mr. Hurtr now came forward to propose that a petition should
be presented to the House of Commons founded on the resolutions
they had agreed to. In 1815, he said, he had taken some trouble
about getting up a meeting in the county of Wilts against the
Corn Laws. Upon the occasion a petition was agreed to, which
was signed by 30,000 persons. The House of Commons was in too
great a hurry, however, foe they passed the bill; and ,Nlr.
Gobbett said that it was all over, for the bill was passed. He
(Mr. Hunt) however, said, “ let us petition the House of In-
eumbles."—(A laugh.) He wished to petition the House of In-
eurables, to save them from the House of Coninions--(Chems.)
The late Lord Stanhope presented the petition. He had sprit
SOL upon this petition, is which there was an immense quantity of
parchment, but, years afterwards, he bad been offered this identical
petition for one shHling.—(Cheers.) It had, no doubt, been on
the table of the noble house, and kicked about under it—but at last
1 he was offered it for a shilling, as an original document.— (Cheers
and laughter.) From thenceforth he resolved never to spend M.
on puchment upon a petition to parliament. A piece of clean
paper would answer the purpose quite u welL—.(A laugh.) Mr.
Hunt then read the petition, after which he said that, by adopting I
it, they would give to their honourable chairman an opportunity to
introduce an interlude to the great question of reform, which he
had already fixed foe discussion upon the 6th of May.—
(Chews.) He would ask if there was any man in that meet.]
log who believed that any thing could be done without re-
form ? It was not for themselves alone that they sought reform,
but for their opponents also, for unless they possessed the con&
dens of the people how could they survive ? The law prevented
Mon from saying any thing which would being the hen. house
into contempt, but he would just suppose that the King or the
Doke of Wellington was to become a sort of Oliver Cromwell, and
should go Alum to the house and throe& the members into the
ictil
Thames ; would any of the t mosting weep at such an event ?
((Gies of " Not no no.")z bad a.%weted the question fairly,
and theftanoWor woo a proof vett only by reform that the
House of Commons could be eoliill*ed In the heart* and feelings
of dm people, and tlierefure it woo f their own safety as much as

for the benefit of the people that they were called upon to agree :3
it. (Cheers.)
The following petition ,was then read :
To the honourable the House of Commons of tie Mike!
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament
assembled.
" The petition of the Intiabi•ants of the Metropolis
assembled in public meeting, at the Bowling.green
of the Eagle Tavern in the City-road,
" Humbly showeth,
" That your petitioners have long suffered under accumulate l
difficulties and intolerable distresses their industry has become ai sot •
tire, their skill and capital arc without profit, their suffering. 3'o
daily increasing, their resources are wasting, and they are witlniut
prospect of change or relief.
" That, having long reflected upon the primary and immediate
causes of their misfortunes, your petitioners ascribe them entirely to
the want of radical reform in your honourable house, the tnentber-
which, not being chosen by, or duly sympathising with, the peno !.,
have, for a series of years compromised the nation's welfare by err,
neous and pernicious measures, and by a policy which prefers per
sonal and particular interests to the general welfare of the whole of
the community.
That to the want, also, of radical reform of the representation your
petitioners ascribe the ruinous war with the American colonn,..
which ended in their separation from, and entire independence v.,
this country.
" That to the same fatal cause your petitioners ascribe the late
bloody, long-continued, and unjust wars against the liberties ef
France. which your petitioners believe were waged and carried on to
prevent that reform at home, for which the people had so long and s.
earnestly petitioned.
" That to the same cause, also, your petitioners ascribe tit..
enormous debt of eight hundred and fifty millions, and the opprm.
sive and grinding taxes annually required to pay the interest of the
same. To the same cause, also, your petitioners ascribe the up.
holding of the unparalleled and prodigal establishments in time oi
peace, by taxes drawn trent the people who at the same ime are sat-
, feting the severest, the most cruel, and most degrading privation.—
privations abhorrent and inconsistent with the character of English -
men, and disgraceful to the nation at large.
" That to the same cause also, namely, the want of Radical Re-
form in die Commons House of Parliament, your petitioners ascribo
the utter neglect and shameful disregard of their distresses, the p:o.
fessed inability to relieve them, and the total indifference with %hie!'
the petitions of the people have been hitherto received, and the as-
cumulation of fiscal statutes diminishing their personal indepe..-
dence, and restraining by innovations of every kind the privilegts
which hare heretofore been the birthright of all Englishmen.
" That your petitioners therefore pray that your hour honuurablr
house will restore, in purity of form and efficacy of practice, th,-
rights and civil privileges assured to them by their ancestors in
ntagmt charm, in the petition of right, and in the bill of rights—
the fundamental principle of which all the kings of England,
from i dwartl I. down to George IV. have, by their coronation
oaths bound themselves to maintain, and which guarantee our civil
liberty, by providing that no man shall be taxed who is not repre-
sented in Parliament, and none shall he imprisoned or fined except
by the verdict of his equals, and which also guarantees property Ly
protecting, even for debts to the Crown, a man's tools and means ct
obtaining future subsistence.
" That your petitioners further pray that your honourable house
will not continue to oppose such measures as may be proposed for
your own Radical reform ; and your petitioners make this prayer,
not only for their own benefit and the advantages of their fellow.
countrymen, but for the preservation of your honourable house it.
self, which can only exist in power and honour through the voices.
Influence, affection, and confidence of the people."

Mr. Hulce then moved the adoption of the petition.
Mr. Lov eve seconded the resolution; not that he thought peti-
tions would be at all effective, or of any other importance than as
they continually were placing before the House the abject miseries
and grievances of the people.
It was then moved that the petition be presented to the House of
Commons to-morrow (this day) by Mr. O'Connell, which was agreed
to amidst enthusiastic cheering.
Mr. O'CONNELL said there was only one part of the speech
of Mr. Hunt to which he was disposed to offer any opposition ;
he meant that part which referred to throwing all the members of
the House of Commons into the Thames, (Laughter.) His objec-
tion, however, was only fractional. (Great laughter.) It was con-
fined to the 668th part of the house. (Cheers.) He should wrong
other honourable members, however, if he did not say that there
were in the house several independent men, as honest and tea.
lows as there were others whom he would net vouch tor. The
proudest moment of his life was when the people of Clare had
declared so decidedly for him that no one dared to start in oppo-
sition, but that he was not then prouder than he felt at that
moment.—(cheers.) The people of Clare had witnessed his exer-
tions and had proved his honesty, but he appeared before them for
the tirst time. He could only talk to them of the sacredness of
his promises, but to the people of Clare he would speak of his ser-
vices—(cheers.) He would promise them, however, that he would
honestly, firmly, and perseveringly perform his duties, and would
endeavour to impress upon the House of Commons his own sense of
the zeal and intelligence, and manly and independent feeling, which
be had witnessed in that meeting.—(cheers.)
Mr. HUNT said that, after a struggle of 26 years, he was de.
lighted at witnessing the scene before him—at witnessing a
member of the House of Commons coming before' his coun-
trymen, and pledging himself to maintain and uphold their
rights in the House of Commons. Formerly, whenever a
great multitude of people were to be assembled, he (Mr. H.)
was generally called upon to preside, and upon no occasion,
when in health, had ever failed to do so. Then, however,
it used to be, " Oh, it is one of Hunt's meetings"— (a
laugh.,)—" one of Hunt's mob,"—(a laugh,) though he could
safely say that he never attended a meeting more disorderly or less
peaceable than that. (Cheer.) It was all Hunt then, but why was
It so ? Because men of talent, and of consequence, and of power,
never offered to come forward. (Cheers.) They would find in him.
however, no feeling of petty jeslousy, for he would be as anxious to
work under Mr. O'Connell as he was ever anxious that others would
work under him ; and as long as he had health he would never
matte to advocate the rights of the people. (Loud Cheering.)
There was one little thing which was worth noticing as a
sign of the times. On Friday the Age newspaper refused to
insert the advertisement for the purpose of calling this meeting, be-
cause they (the proprietors of the Age,) were not radicals ; but on
Sunday they declared themselves to be radicals, by crying out against
a long list of rotten boroughs. Another sign of the times : who
did the meeting think was anxious for inquiry into the state of the
public distress ? Why, lord Eldon ! (Great laughter.) Ile
wished to have a Committee appointed for that purpose, to
which' lie (Mr. Hunt) would say Amen with all his heart.—
(Cheeis.) The first inquiry, however, ought to be into his own
conduct, from the (lay when, as John Scott, he prosecuted Hardy
and others for high treason. (Cheers.) He hoped the Noble
lord would live to see stUi greater changes than he bad yet done.
He ( Mr. Hunt) had lived over the time when he was at the meeting
at Manchester, which was as quiet and as peaceable as that, and
yet at which 16 men were killed, and 680 badly wounded. lie was
confined upon a charge of thigh treason for some days, and tuba,.
quently that was changed for a charge of presiding over an illegal
meeting. He had his bail waiting for him, when he was suddenly
taken off to another prison. He was brought to trial at York, and
found guilty, and sentenced to two yeses and six months' imprison-
ment in the most infamous gaol in the country, where he was
kept locked up at four o'clock every evening, and until eight o'clock
next alarming, without hearing the sound of a human voice—(cries
of "shame.) He never despaired, however, then, nor did he
now. He was conscious that he had done no more ian his duty,
and he stood before them a living instance, that sending people to
gaol is not the way to alter theirprinelples—(thleett.) lie then
concluded by moving a vote of thanks to Mr. O'Connell, for his
able conduct in the chair.

Mr. GRADY, in seconding the resolution, said that Mr. O'Con.
nell was not one of those thinking rogues that rot in winding-sheets,
but he was a man fit to lead a battle for the freedom of the world.
Mr. O'Cowwu.L, OA anon al the resolution was carried, once
snore presented himself to the Meeting. He had, he said, received
letters front Mr. Hume, and from Mr. Otway Cave, regretting their
inability to attend the Meeting. Mr. Hume, he said, deserved the
wannest gratitude of the people; for though he was continually
overpowered in the divisions, yet he. by his perseverance, gave to
the country the benefit of the argument and of the sttuggle.—
For himself, he would say, that his Irish heart throbbed with
gratitude for the honour they had done him ; a heart which, he
might say, as regarded its principles and feelings, was baptised in
Ireland, but confirmed in hngland (a laugh.) %Yids regard to what
he had dune in Ireland, it was said that be had a kind of magic with
the people of Ireland. He admitted that he did conjure a little (a
Laugh); but his conjuration was this--he looked at what waa
right, and dick it, without caring for any influence whatever ;
and in the neat place, be resolved never to submit, but to snug.
gle to the last against what appeared to him to be oppressive.
This was the species of magic he had used, and he thought the
people of Enland would nowt be behind hand in this kind of con-
(ONft.n.) tR weal* make the good of the people this
Pais star of his conduct, and if he thought that they were
wrong, be would fearlessly tell them so. He wished to de-
nte* their confidence, but in order to acquire it, he could only
draw on futurity, but he could said, assure theta they should
never have cause to be ashamed of the ltbnotir they had done
(Great cheering.) He was a barrister and could give good advice
when properly Seed; and he could mute them that the Hely Al-
liance, in Congress mumbled, could not bestow such a fee upowitim
as had bees done by them on that occasion. He desired no other
title than that which they had given hint in beland•—tleman of
the people—(cheers) ; and he desbed WI other epitaph on his tomb
than " here lies the man of the people."--(elacera.) Having reeelv d

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