Star.
London, England, 1822-04-26 00:00:00

.

Awe powers against the sanction of the People.
Every tows who loved his country must be alarmed
at the danger which threatened the Constitution whge
matters went on thus. Having sliewn the practical
results of a corrupt system of Representationb he
would mention another result, which was more
grievous to the friends of liberty. The naturalim-
lancee of the Constitution was, that the Crown shotild
appoint its own Ministers--that these Minisrs
should have the confidence of the House of Corn-'
mons—and that the House of Commons should re-
present the sense of the People—(Hear, hear).—
This was the just construction of the machinery of
Government, and if any part of it was deranged, the
whole must be affected. Thus, when the Stuarts
were on the Throne, the Ministry did not possess the
confidence of the House of Commons, and the con-
sequence was, popular tumult and civil war. But
now the Ministers did enjoy the confidence of the
House, but the House had not the respect or reve-
rence of the People—(Hear).—They had seen tu-
mults and insurrection, and every symptom of dis-
order arising from an excess of popular license, and
justly creating the greatest alarm. They had seen
the remedies attempted to be administered, in the
shape of measures of severe coercion and restrictive
laws, backed by an enormous standing army ; and
they had witnessed the failure of these remedies to
remove the evil. In his opinion, the liberty of Eng-
land was the only basis on which that House could
rest. It was impossible to make the House of Com-
mons, which was intended to represent popular sen-
timent, a severe curb upon popular affection. They
could not hope that freedom would submit to be
shackled, or would continue to support them, if not
permitted to go at large, according to the policy of
our ancestors. England abjured the aid of a stand-
ing army to foster her liberties. This was the me-
lancholy case which resulted from an attempt to go-
vern the country by ether means than those pursued
by our ancestors. Acting upon different principles,
they had seen the Ministers obliged to Ova recourse
to other measures, in order to maintain their equili-
brium. This was an inconvenience which Govern-
ment itself ought to wish to get rid of; for if Parlia-
, ment represented the sentiments of the People, they
would have nothing to do but to submit their mea-
sures to that body, and take the sense of their appro-
bation upon them. Instead of that simple course,
however, as things now stood, they were obliged to
go through a narrower and much more difficult road
to arrive at the same point. During the 'whole Ses-
sion they were forced to occupy themselves in mi-
nutely studying the sentiments of the Borough inte-
rest ; and when the Session was over, they found all
their woik undone, because there was such a thing
as public opinion, and a free Press, which condemned
the Ministers, and the Ilouse which had sanctioned
their measures. Thus had they recently been seen
forced to reduce the numbers of their standing army
nearly one-third of the whole amount. He confessed
he had never seen anything in the present Ministers
which could lead him to impute to them any dark
designs against the Constitution of the country. He
Believed their policy was to do as little good, and as
little evil, as might be necessary just to ensure their
retention of place ; and he believed it was much the
same to them, whether their measures were adoptedo
as they first proposed them, or whether they after-
wards were obliged to alter them in obedience to
the opinions of others. It would, therefore, be more
convenient to themselves to find the HOuse of Com-
mons an echo of the public sentiment, so that,
by coming into that House, they could at once
feel the pulse of the People—(Hear, hear, hear),
Of the inconvenience of the course they were obliged
to adopt, however, he would borrow an example from
the present Session. It would be remembered that at
the commencement of this Session the agricultural
classes felt they had cause to complain of the embar-
rassed situation of their interests, and were of opinion
that some of the measures taken by his Majesty's Mi-
nisters were not altogether wise. What was the course
pursued by them under this dispensation ? Did they
endeavour to fortify themselves with public opinion?
Far from it. They applied fcr aid to a Party, known
in this country by the name of the Glenville Party.
The weight of the character and talents of Lord
Grenville, as their leader, remarkable for a rare union
of learning and eloquence, gave an influence to the
Party which they otherwise would not have possessed.
But many years ago, this Nobleman announced his
intention of retiring from public life, and without him
the character and influence of the Grenville Party
might be set down as nothing—(Hear, hear, and a
laugh). They might possess some credit whilst united
with him, but deprived of him, the People held them
in particular abhorrence—(Hear, and laughter),
Whether Tories, Whigs, or Radicals, all were ready
to club together their share of vituperation against
the Grenvilles. Therefore, in point of character, they
formed no accession to the Ministers. But it was sur-
prising to those who thus viewed the matter, to see,
all on a sudden, a surprising commotion amongst
this sect. It seemed as though an order had been is-
sued for a levy en inane of the whole of them and
their adherents, for the service of the Public. One
was sent to Switzerland, with a salary sufficiently
large to corrupt the whole Senate. Another, like a
second Bacchus, became the conqueror of the Indies
—(Laughter). They became, in short, the persons on
whom all the favours of the Crown were to be be-
stowed. But was there any disposition on the part
of the People at large to contribute in any way to this
addition to Ministetial force? None ; but there was
the accession of strength in that House of a certain
number of Boroughs. In another way also it was
advantageous. There was a certain rule which had
been obtained by our ancestors, as all their other ad-
vantages on the side of liberty were obtained—by
strong contest with power, viz. that upon taking
office the Members of that louse should go back to
their Constituents to ask their approbation. This was
avoided in the case of the Grenvilles. They had no
Constituents to present themselves before, and it
might have been rather awkward if they had.—
They might, for instance, have been asked if they
had altered their opinion on the salt tax; and, with
regard to Ireland, whether among the numerous and
remarkable variety of bargains they had made, they
had made any stipulation in favour of five millions
of their fellow-creatures, who were kept aloof from
an equal participation in the common interests of the
community? But the greater part of these Gentle-
men had no Constitution but one, between whom and
thapsselm ao doy,bt, there 'misted what Mr, Pitt