Star.
London, England, 1823-04-25 00:00:00

I

was the duty of Government to support strong lan-
'
gU2 it with all the strength GOD had given this
country. That answer would perhaps satisfy the
Noble Duke. The Noble Earl then proceeded to
discuss the principle on which this cold negocia-
tion had terminated. Who could bear without sur-
prise, that where there was an evident intention to
make Spain. subject to France, his Majesty's Minis-
ters wee determined to preserve strict neutrality ?
After all he had heard on the balance of power, and
the ascendancy of England, it really was surprising
tp hear the Noble Lords and Ministers say, " Come
what may, though the scheme of Louis the Four-
teenth be again attempted, Great Britain will have
nothing to do with the war." The declaration that.
lee denied the power to interfere in the affairs of
Spain, was accompanied by apology, which should
never have been made. The Noble Duke said, be
was not prepared to in •ult the Sovereigns and their
Ministers, by the introduction of questions on which
hi knew there was a difference of opinion. Ile could
not complain of respectful conduct, but he cons-
plained that partiality, that favour, had been sliewn
to the cause of France.. The Noble Duke said,
there could be no difference of opinion on the
right of France to establish an Army of Observa-
tion.
Ifthat army was stationed there to watch
over and foment insurrection raised by France
herself in Spain, he, for one, should considor it a
measure most disgraceful to any civilized State.—
So late as July last, did not the Noble Duke know
that the King of France had pledged his word in the
face of all Europe, that the Army of Observation
was not maintained as any other than a precautionary
measure, for the purpose of preventing infection from
spreadinA itself through France? Such was the as-
surance of that King of France, whose word the
Roble Lords opposite so much relied on, that King
of France who so. eminently displayed his gratitude
to us for reinstating him upon his throne. Did he
Kt know. that Fiance at that very time had other ob-
jals in mtintaining the Cordon Sanitaire? Did he
ass know that the Jlegency of Urgel was in comma-
aicatiadwith the French army ; that their Agent was
psblisly received at Paris; and that the French army
vas to be used against the Government of the Cortes?
Dd he not know all this? If he did not, his igno-
rance must have unfitted him to negotiate at Verona.
The Noble Earl (Liverpool) in answer to a question
put by him (Earl Grey) admitted that such informa-
tion had been received by this Government, although
there was no positive proof of it, and that the period
nwhich it occurred was the Sth of July, the date
of that military insurrection which was now made
the ground of interference by the foreign Powers.—
Good Goo! was it possible to hear such.a ground
melted to justify hostility, and net feel surprise at
the assertion? The communications on that subject
made by the Spanish Government, through Admiral
Jabat here, were models of dignified simplicity, and
not to be denied. The Noble Duke asked how they
could disapprove of the Army of Observation ? He
(Lord Grey) could only answer that by putting
another question. Ireland was now in a state of all
but rebellion. How her condition was rendered worse
every growing year, might be matter of ftiture in-
quir,, and he skould now say it was owing to its
resent administration. Suppose, then, a French Beet
Sued out at Fermi or Corunna, that persons con-
cerned in the out, ages in Ireland .were. assisted by
France, that vessels were dipatchefl there with arms
and ammunition, in such a case he asked ,if the ho-
Mor and interests of this country would riot: be con-
sidered as attacked ? These fasts_ as to trance. and
Spain, tnese crimes, were of. indisPatable notoriety.
11.de Villele stated in the Chamber of Deputies that
be had given money and arms to the insurgent
teaniards, that they had fomented insurrections
amongst them, and that their uraninite, views could
tube effected until the Army of Observation was
ready to go on. The Noble Duke shook his head as
din denial of this—la he (Lord Grey) not having
itimuch confidence in the French Government, was
Wady to believe rite statement attributed (o. ifinj:
-tit hest, however, tsar kknial was but a negative
pregnant—by no means specific—the utmost it went
to was, that the Fi each Minister said his speech
vurnistepresented. The Army of Observation was
net maintained for Any fair and . bona fide purpose,
but to protect those insurrections which were now
made the pretext-for entering into a war by France.
The Army of Observation was an offence against
Spain, and the British Cabinet bat ill discharged
their duty by affording it the slightest countenance.
His charge against the whole of the Negotiation was,
that we shrunk from doing full and amOle justice to
Spain. The Noble Duke said his conduct was mis-
wpresented—he repeated what was said by others
cheat the imperfections of the Spanish Constitution,
and that the friends of Spain said a change was ne-
Tory. But here again, as an Englishman, he (Lord
Grey) was filled with shame and humiliation that no
consideration was evinced on behalf of Spain. M. de
Qtateaubriand said, that a Second Chamber and
%het matters mast be conceded—or that the military
Mutations must go on. Was then the approval of
thisconduct consistent with the honour and the in-
tent of this country ? What was the object of me-
lation? To bring parties together, and by mutual
ft"asinus to come to some agreement. Here there
talk be none. France insisted on the alternative of
fissions or war. Spain could not yield to the
*lace in either case, and thence it followed that
ktdiati, n could be of no avail. Our interference
111 altogether unworthy .01 the British .character.
and reduced us to a state of humiliation greater than
heeler remembered. Through the course of a long
?aliLic2l life he had supported war where the honour
_Winter ens of this country required it, how-
", looking to its avoidance if probable. dagger
'oak attend it as the result. But now
.he saw no
'44 danger; now they were told that every interest
inthe
believe
was fast recovering (and he should be
glad
to so); and he admitted that the ismer-
latiaa of peace was most desirable; but this was a
Priaciple which required limitation. The danger ofa
yi', however formidable, however lamentable,must
met if the honour or the interest of the country re-
Tired it. What was the prinCiple asserted by the
'reach Government? Why, that odious and unjult
Printiple of dictating to Spain a change in her Consti-
tut'
ion as the price in her abstinence horn a war, while •
ef-
forts
tin French is'iag owed his restoration to the very ef-
lie did
by which Spain no.: wishes to govern herseil..'
not stop to look what was the Constitution •
of "'A.; by whom acknowledged, or attended with

' what results; but when he leaked at the Constitu•
tion of Isl 2, when he found that fortwo years of her
great struggle the Government purposes were well
conducted, he thought it at least entitled to the for-
bearance if not to the gratitude of France. No man
more highly valued the Brit i,h Constitution than him-
self; but he was not still insensible to its defects.—
He thought, for instance, that the House of Commons
required a reformation; he had always been an ad-
vocate for it; but if he were required.by_a foreign
nation to change it, from that very moment he would
hold its defects sacred, and defend it with the last
drop of his blood from the haughty mandate of a
foreign Power. He had heard much of the protec-
tion of national rights, of justifiable invasions; but an
• invasion more truly disgusting, perfidious, or dan-
gerousthaa the present was never attempted. That
of Bonaparte was of this character; but still it was
defeated by the Noble Duke, aided by the exertions
of that heroic people who were now ready to be sur-
rendered up to France. With respect to our entering
into a war, he admitted we should previously have a
just cause and a distinct interest solo do. If remote
Powers, such as India or Africa, were invaded, we
might not, from their remoteness, interfere--k might
not, perhaps, be our interest to do so; but when
the thing comes to our own doors, when France was
invading Spain, we should not sit silently by while
her dominion was attempted. They were told the
only alternative of this country was war or neutrality.
Neutrality had not been fairly exercised : and war
could only be declined by the British Government
from one of two principles—either that there was
that general hatred of freedom which induced us to
countenance Fiance, or that, notwithstanding all
our boasts of power, and the high station we were
said to hold in Europe, that by the Noble Earl's ad-
ministration we were really so crippled, reduced to
such a state of helplessness, that we dare not meet a
war. War might have been the only alternative;
but he denied its being either necessary or immediate.
What then was to be done ?, Menace? No ; we
should have held a plain, open, and decisive lan-
guage: we should have said to France, your princi-
ples are unjust—your success would prove injurious
to this country; and if you pursue the career you
have commenced, we shall be obliged to go to war.
He said a war was not necessary, neither did he be-
lieve it would be the result of such language, when
what might be done was not done. It was not given
to human faculties to say what seed would grow and
what would not grow ; but his sincere belief was,
that the result of strong remonstrance would have
been a secure arid honourable peace, settled on the
surest foundition—the high character of this country.
There might be a war; and what were its dangers?
None. On the contrary, he thought it would lead to
a secure peace—to'a close connection with Spain—to
the,confidence and respect of Europe, which were all
kiss to us since the destruction of Napoleon. We
a:oast have seen Spain improving her Constitution,
and not increasing those divisions which were now
fomented by her perfidious enemies. United with
Spain, we might, by friendly councils, pro4uce peace
between her and her colonies on the ground of re- •
lathe independence. From this what advantages
would not result to Spain and the world, and parti-
cularly to our commercial interests. War was depre-
cated because of anticipated and dangerous results;
but could peace now be considered as secure ? Sup-
pose a war was ultimately rendered necessary, would
it be attended with less danger than before ? Wobld
we, by shrinking from what we ought to do, thereby
secure a peace ? The Noble President of the
Council had 'held forth a most extraordinary opi-
nion that .the military occupation of Spain could
not lie Considered as threatening or dictative.—
But did any man believe that the wished-for restora-
tion of the King of Spain would be effected without
tie ill will of Spain, and that France must not leave
an army in Spain in the same manner as Austria had
done in Naples? That France might not succeed,
i God in his 'nifty grant I Spain, however, was crip-
pled and if Fiance; liagued and confederated with
Austria, Prussia, and Russia, held possession of Spain,
Spain irritated by our base conduct, in the event of
leer success,. would turn round upon us, and then
;what security should we have, in peace? Russia,
with her 800,000 mer, could come forth and give us
the peace of the tomb, the silence of the grave, and then
say she protected the liberties of the world. When
silence and despair should be thus produced—when
liberty was banished from the earth, who could say it
would be secured in this its last asylum ? How then
could Ministers meet the indignant reproaches of a free
press, expressing the opinion of every honest man? Sup-
pose, however, that the war should take another turn?
Suppose Spain to excite revolutionary feelings in
France—in that case should we go to war to support
the Bourbons against the result of their own mis-
deeds ? Suppose the Russian despot were able to set-
tle the Western Provinces of Europe by his benevo-
lent bayonets, could we remain at peace? Did his-
tory, experience, or the present condition of Europe,
justify the hope of peace? He sincerely believed not.
He had already occupied more time than he intended,
but he could not remain silent on such a question.
He wished to relieve himself from the imputation of
supporting the unjust invasion of Spain; and he ad-
' dressed their Lordships in particular, to except him-
self from any participation in the foulest disgrace
which ever fill upon..this country.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, there was some-
thing specific and distinct in the Noble Earl's speech,
which would lead to a clear reply. He would ven-
ture to say; that before the speech of the Noble Earl
who hid j4st sat down, no person in that House
could knows-whether the Address was for peace or
war. He hid indeed expected that the Address pro-
posed would contain something distinct, plain, and
intelligible; that.some proposition of no uncertain
nature would fairly be brought under the considera-
tion of their Lordships. The speech, however, of
the Noble Earl atoned for the deficiencies of the
address, and by its reasoning, which had at least
the merit of .manliness and candour to recommend
it; supplied the well-intended obscurity of the wily
document—(Hear).—The noble Earl bad in fact
contended, that our condition of waging war with
France should depend on. the invasion of Spain.—
This was what the Noble Baron should have put into
his address, but his indisposition to' do so arose, he
supposed from the desire—disappointed and destroyed
however by the Noble —g4rri candour—of catching a
few votes The caution, with. which the bitibleßan Baron
concealed his real object wai no reconimendatio. , lie

' thought, to the adoption of his address after this ex- teed?
~,_, H. belie." very little, unless rise people of Spain inlet
posure. But he Was willies g to meet this questione of France against the Constitution, and tlamano SUM
ofcli--.shb:srtoyf
acin,uald.orivrtgroe the
tke event which carriedinto effect the
with perfect fairness—he was willing to try the' deli-
rUraincicetheanNdobthleatEarrorinflorhgeert
berations of the Cabinet, as they were seen in the that Spain wasij
almosty at 1P,(;,4,•P. eve
Papers before their Lordships—upon the fair result localities she was the strr:•igeq Power in Hurope to resist
theh attack of a foreign entsny ?' The vent detect/I as well at
in-; the vertnue,ostofd•
that they were calculated to create upon even the
characteri ci.mbine to model her eon-
most
not
ructions given to his Noble Fi tend, the 1);Ike of I therefore, madness ,tol snu'otporuse tl'.%aitl'l'VotCeitceoct:!ttimnev• erliobvitaaliti. •
Wellington, were, that to any inteiference with Spain, th•tt kind of dontitticni over her wlleh would be dangerous to
tihie balalnede of power or.inimicalln the interests of this country.
come what may, his Majesty would not be a party. tpdoentothtihsesuo,lects cnt;nserdivte that
l. a powerful appeal
This was the result of the deliberations of the Cabinet might be
upon what he readily admitted was one of the greatest To them it could he sa!d,''"Yeou formerly nigiste°rt"etril:ditini.hertahlfiPosf.
questions upon which a Government could ever be Spain, and you preserved her by your arms tiom the grasp of
France. You saved her from the power of a foreign despot—
called upon to decide. They decided for neutrality ;
,nycloairebyuotuifntohwe prepared to witness hand mpendinz.t captivity r‘ .
q.atemstiotno,
sanadi if
and, upon that decision, all their subsequent conducttai.t.uincdeersestmd o
nut
hung ; that was the key to all their acts thiough. war were to arise,) were thus
:lean
out the negociations which ensued : and upon this To send out a fleet would he of no use. To sweep titre seasp "of
point arose the greatest misconceptions of those her commerce, and to take all her colonies would be nothing at
all, white she wask entering Spain
.with 100,000 or 200,000 men.
who dissented from the -propriety of that conduct.
They said, " Oh ! you're for neutrality, but yet you chanyce olfusstuccesse. thAantd war,1
came to
oo rtdheer
division toh lve
ina
might act as if you intended war." Whether they ‘'l.)aerreaagi22 rt4hreY can
Spain. To assist Spain a foreign eyitemy was nne thing, and
determined rightly or not in choosing neutrality, tott aNbsesoikstleher with one-half of Spain against herself was another.
made Lord had asked, whether they should/410w themselves
would be a question for after inquiry; but Navin"
dar.tycutoityaniyn despoticsn
thate xenrtoi
nothing
Ledrtaivnly not;hi
adopted neutrality, he contended that the only true and he hat anop
course was to use all the means in our power to avoid more pain than that Circular of the three Ifywersg,i Aeaustrima,
war. Was peace, then, best to be obtained by a high Prussia, and Russia, which had received a most distinct answer
Londodnderry. Looking, however, at the state of the
and haughty tone towards other Powers, or by tfLit fwmonarldi-°wridth to
tthheeirctornufleoctnuwrh‘eic‘hvaws
tahsatnoosfewaging
frank declaration and reference to the true principles tween thesebringguided
of the question which they had thought proper to by the British Constitution, which was a compromise between
the principles of Mon..rchy and Democacy-a-(Hear hear).--a.
make? His Noble Friend had said ti uly, that they
that ground their policy should beta middle urea neutral
had no occasion to put forward principles--they had course; to keep free from either party in the struggle—to stand
only to refer t,, them. The true principles for which upon our own Constitution—neither to be on one side the abet-
'
, they, contended had already been put forward in 1820 tors of despotism, nor, on the other, the supporters of those
and 1821. Upon one occasion they were advanced wild and anarchical doctrines, which would be the no less cer-
I n opposition to different pi inciples laid down by taint
th.destroyersPuu of liberty. In all such qdestions as the pre-
sethe duty
.of the Go-
other Powers. The Note of Viscount CaqiereaA, vernmentn to take was applicable.kea sle revie wlr
was
of what the interests of
of 1821, was in answer to a Circular previously ts- the country required; and if it we-e put to the country, whe- •
then, upon this occasion, we should choose war or
sued by the Allied Governments. Throughout all peace, he was
convinc that ed ninety-nine Inch out of a hundred would my— • the recent negociations they had expressed their op- " ternain at peace." The whole question was one of chances,
position to the conduct of France. They had all along and the just course was to let the chances of peace be preferred
declared their opinion upon the injustice of her con• to the chancs of war—(Hear, hear).
Lord Ate...raft arid the Marquis of Lausnows supported
duct, upon the falsehood of the principles she was
the motion. •
acting upon, and upon the danger likely to result from Lordtendn
LLENsert : HOUGH replied; and the House divided
her acts. lt had, indeed, been confessed by the Go-
on the A
vernment of Spain herself, that we had dune as much Contents
for her as she could expect us to do at Verona.— Proxies
To those who thought they ought to have adopted a
menace upon the chance of preventing war, he would
sat, that this was not a case in to hich such a course
was practicable. He could understand the advan-
tage of using a menace with such a view, when the
question in dispute hid a distinct and single object.—
As for example, supposing that the island of Minorca
were captured, a remonstrance could easily be made;
a menace might follow, and that menace could be
carried into execution. There was something for
which we were contending. But in the present case,
for what purpose could you resort to menace ? You
might threaten her—true. You could say, if you
invade Spain we are determined tc go to war. Well,
but France dots not for the present invade Spain,
and
.40 far yofir menace is effectual ; but she re-
tains her army on the frontiers, and how can you
' justly require the removal of an army, prepared,
as all must know, to enter Spain as soon as cir-
cupstances made such an invasion favourable?—
W 7 might in this way—by resorting to a menace un-
worthy of the national honour—defer hostilities forst
month or two; but no man could reasonably expect
that we could thus, and far ever, suppress all hosti-
lity. The Noble Earl said, that he (Lord Liverpool)
had formerly been prodigal of the military exertions
of the country. He, too, had a memory upon. thsit
subject. In 1808, he considered the situation of
Europe to have been changed, so as to require the
greatest possible military efforts on the part of this
country. He was then in his Majesty's Councils,
and he thought it right to recommend that Spain
and Portugal should be made the theatre of war.
And he (Lord Liverpool) remembered that the /41,,b1e
Earl then opposed our making war with Spain
against her invaders, the French. He recollected that
the Noble Earl then foretold, that in a few months
thete would not be a single soldier left in Spain!--
[Earl Guest—" I beg pardon—l said no such thing."
He (the Earl of Liverpool) did not mean to say that
these were the words of the Noble Earl; but he con-
tended that inch was the sense of what lie then said.
He perfectly well remembered that when, in answer
to some questions put to him respecting the state of '
our armies in the Peninsula, he stated his opinion as
to their successful exertions, the Noble Earl said he
only desired that those words should be remembered.
It was now objected to that this country should have
recommended any alteration in the Spanish Consti- I
tution under a foreign menace: but was there no dif-
fer
ence between the dictation •f a hostile Power and
the suggestion of friends? Did they ask the Spanish I
GoSernment to concede to their enemies by changing
what they thought it would be wrong to change, I
or even that which they considered doubtful? No ;1
but only such parts of their Constitution as they were
all agreed upon as being itnpracticable—(Hear).—
The time, however, at which this recommendation
had been made, was said to be most unfitting. The
objection he thought came with a singularly bad
grace from the Noble Earl. He remembered that at
a time when this country was engaged in a war of ter-
rible magnitude, and, he believed, with a mutiny in
her fleet at the same moment, the Noble Earl and his
friends seceded from their places, because they could
not Rffect the most important alteration that ever was
proposed to be made in the British Constitution,
under the name of Parliamentary Reforrn. The sup-
porters of a war policy always overlooked the diter-
ence between Spain as it was now, and Spain in 1808
—then a united, and now a divided country. It
was a farce to say that the civil war ndw raging in
Spain was created by the French Army of Observation.
It might have fettered and harassed the Government
in its endeavours to put it down, but there was no
man who knew Spain, and had passed through it, but
knew that it was a divided country, and could hardly
tell which was the largest party. He would not un-
dertake to say which formal the majority. He ad-
mitted that a country like this ought always to be
prepared for war, but before entering into war, tho.e
who directed its operations were bound to weigh all
the chances of success, and of the effect which either
success or -defeat would have upon its interests.
Noble Lords opposite seemed to speak of the con-
quest of Spain, as if it were as easy as for him to
walk .across their Lordships'. fluor,t Hear, hear),—
Ile thought it must appear to every man that these chances
were In favour of Spain. lie believed that the French army
I must reads Jlattrid, but hoer nit further would they pro-

Non-Contents
Proxies

Majority in favour of the Amendment
Adjourned at Half•past nvo.
HOUSE. OF COMMONS.

16
-142

19
--48
-94

Mr. CANNING presented certain additional Papers relating
to the late negociations.—Ordered to he printed.
Several Petitions Were presented against the Southwatk Court
of Requests 13i11.—Laid on the table. •
Mr. BROUGHAM, seeing one of the Lords of the Admi+
ralty in his place, wished to uric a question, that for the sake of
the national honour he hoped would be answered iu the nega.
rive. It had been stated in the Public Journals that a Siranish
corvette had been captured in the West Indian Seas by a brench
cruizer. He desired to know whether the Admiralty were im
possession of any informant' upon the subject 7 As the intelli.
genee had reached this country, this capture must have taken
place si; weeks ago, and the letters of marque and reprisal must
have been dated at a time as much antecedent of the capture, if
the cruizer was authorised by the French Government. In that
case there had been the grossest perfidy on the part of that Go.
vernment ; and if no letters of marque had been granted, the
crew of the French ship had been guilty of an act of piracy for
which they were liable to be hanged up by any one who met
with them. To make the thing more palatable it was stated
that the Spanish vessel was insured in London.
Sir G. CLERK said that the Government had received no
other intelligence of the circumstance than that which the Hon..
and Learned Gentleman had referrzd tr.

Mr. GOOCH presented a Petition from the Chairman and
fifteen Magistrates of the County of Suffolk, expressing their
satisfaction that the House had turned its attention to the
im-
portant subject of the Game Laws.—Ordered to be printed. .
Mr. SWANN presented a Petition from Penryn, praying a
remission of the Duty on Coals carried coastways.
Mr. G BEN FELL trusted that if the country remained, as
he hoped it would, In a state of peace for another year, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer would remit this tax.—Ordered to
be printed.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL presented a Petition from the
County of Kent, complaining of Agricultural Distress, and
praying for relief.
&r T. LET 11 BR I DGE hoped that the House would attend
to the prayer of the Petition.—Ordered to be pristed.
•

Mr. MAXWELL presented a Petition from .the Ship.
Owners of Leith against the Strattraer Harbour BilL—Orderrd
to be laid on the table.
Mr. KENNEDY brought in a Bill for the Regulation .of
Scotch Juries.—Read a first time, and ordered to be read a se-
cond time on the 2d of May.
Mr. MAXWELL moved for a Return of the Number of
Persons confined for Debt in the Prisons of Scotland, in the
years 1818,1819, 1820, 1821, and 1822; specifying the number
of debts under LI, under £2, under £.5, and under £2O.
The LORD ADVOCATE said, he had no objection to the
motion, but should render the Honourable Gentleman every
assistance in bit power.—Ordered.
Lord STANLEY row to put a question to the Right Hon.
Secretary for Foreign Affairs. In the Note of Sir W. A'Court
of the 9th of D:centber, in answer to M. San Migu.-I's applica.
tion for the interference and mediation of this country, it did
not appear what had been the conduct of the Government.
These were passages left out in the copy of the Note presented
to the House, so that it only stated the fact of such a cortnuni-
cation having been made. There was another question which
be intended to have asked, as to the disavowal of all views of
aggrandizement on the part of France; but he saw among the•
documents last presented, a Paper which disclaimed any idea of
that kind.or of restoring anything in the form of a family compact.
Mr. Secretary CANNING said that the application men-
tioned by the Noble Lord was not made in the form of s Note
requiring our interference, but consisted of a verbal cow:lonia
cation. The answer which this Government had made, was
that of transmitting a divatch to Sir C. Stuart, within forty- .
eight hours of receiving the intelligence.. with instructions to
make it the foundation of negociatioos with the French Go.
vernment, and then of sending a copy of that dispatch to Sir
W. A'Court, to shew how they bad acted. Those parts of she
dispatch which had been kept out of the Papers before the
House, bad no reference whatever to this subject. As to the
second question, the Noble Lord had answered it himself.
MISREPRESENTATION.

Mr. V. FITZGERALD said, that he was desirous of cot►
reefing a misrepresentation which had appeared in several public
prints relative to the debate of Tuesday. He was stated to have .
interrupted discussion upon that occasion, whereas the Min.
Gentleman opposite, who had called him to order, knew that
he was anxious to prolong it. This was a subject which very
much affected his personal feelings and character, and therefore
he had troubled the House with bringing the subject. back to
their notice.
Mr. CALCRAFT said, that the Right Hon. Gentleman was
perfectly correct in the explanation he had made, and that be
was cwt aware of such misrepresentation having been made.

, . TAX Old COALS.
Mr. Aldirntan WOOL) presented a Petition from certain In-
habitants of Loodoo, and places adjacent thereto, praying fee a
repeal of the duty on Coals carried coastwise. He trusted that
the CTianceller of the Exchequer would give a pledge that this tax
' should be amongst the first remissioni of the public bun/sena.
Mr. Hosnoess and Mr. Alderman Ramon spoke is support
of the Petition.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that the
situation of the country prevented illy further reduction of rates
during the present year. The wOrtil? Alderman witibed bites to
give a pledge that tills sax should be tomdttui in the washing Secs
skin ;; but the same reason would Neeset his complying Wish
that reqiwst. It, the country continued u pane, andeZesame
flourishing state of the. routine Went on, he Auld' r

r

Ills duty to go into a general revision of the taxation of the coun-
try, with a view to give up such taxes as the general interests of
the country could best dispense with—(Hear, hear).
The Petition was ordered to he printed.
REFORM PETITIONS.

Mr. GOOCH presented a Petition from the County
of Suffolk, praying for Reform. The Honourable
Member said, he wished this and all proper Petitions
to be received by the House, but be could not agree
in its proven—Ordered to be printed.
Mf. COKE presented the Norfolk Petition. (The
one proposed by Mr. Cobbett.)
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR said, that this Petition was
calculated to prevent any one from supporting the
cause of Reform. He was surprised that such a Pe-
tition should have been presented on the present oc-
casion. He believed that Reform, properly effected,
would be the salvation of the country. But if such
principles as those contained in the Petition were to
be acted upon, they must lead to an entire revolution
in the property and Cpnstitution of the country. If
he thought that such sentiments were entertained by
any considerable body of the People, away with Re-
farm for him—he would oppcise it with all the means
in his power. •
Mr. H. GURNEY described the Meeting at which
this Petition was carried. He (Mr. Gurney) saw
Mr. Cobbttt, the I ligh Sheriff, and another I-loncur-
able
Gentleman, all three addres,ing the Meeting at
the same time; and from the contortiuns and violent
gestures which they used, and the confusion which
prevailed, be was sure—quite sure, hat no one of.
them knew that the other two were speaking. He
described Mr. Cobbett as a writer who addressed
himself to all classes of-readers, in a manner that
carried persuasion with it to an extraordinary degree,
at the same time exaggerating that which was true,
and mixing it up with a great deal of tlrat which was
false. The numbers who held up their bands in fa-
our of the Petition he thought were about five hun-
dred, and those who opposed it might be two hun-
dred. It could not be considered as the Petition of
the County of Norfolk.— The Petition was then read
and laid on the table.
Mr. COKE presented four Petitions from different 'Hundreds
in the County of Norfolk, disclaiming the above Petition, and
c:Elipluil.ing of Agricultural Distress. The Honourable Member
s rid ht.' should not have spoke a word upon the subject of the
Petition which he had before presented, had it not been for the
reitu: ks of his Honourable Friend (Mr. M. A. Taylor). The
Meeting was the must respectable one he had ever seen, and its
proceedings were orderly, until Mr. Cobbett began to address it.
The noise and confusion then became so great that all he could
hear from him at a few yards distance was, fill your bellies !
fill your bellies!"—(A laugh).—lt was not the Petition of
the County of Norfolk : he was convinced that a large majority
of that County would disclaim it.
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR said, that he thought it proper to make
the remarks he had submitted, because be felt that such send. ,
ntents ought to be reprobated whenever they were mentioned. I
Mr. JAMES rose to say that he was not one of those who
thought, like the Honourable Member for Norfolk, that the Po-
tion ought to be laughed at. He thought it did the County of
Norfolk high honour—(A laugh).—When he rose he expected to
be laughed at, but, neither in nor out of that House had he heard
any one who could contravert the justice and truth of the prin-
ciples laid down in the Petition.
After a few words from Sir C. %mix, Mr. Huns, and a
Member, whose name we could not learn, the Petitions were
ordered to be printed.
LA rumour was spread in the House that Mr. Cobbett was in
the gallery ; so that many of the Members crowded into the side
Lll:lies to have a view of Mr. C. Amongst the curious were
Lowther Mr. Lushington, Mr. Wemyss, &c. but Mr.
C. was not to the gallery. A respectable grey-headed gentleman
was mistaken for bim.l
Several Petitions were presented in favour of Reform.
ZIAMIXATIOW 01 THE lIMALIN UMW.

Sir FRANCIS BURDRTT postponed for a week the Com-
Willa of Inquiry respecting the recent Irish Trials.

AT ZETORM.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL brought forward Ms motion, detail-
ing the defects of the present state of the Representation. His
plan of Reform was similar to that detailed last year • to add 100
Members to the Counties, taking 100 from the Boroughs, atc.
He concluded with moving, that the state of the Representation
required the most serious consideration of Parliament. '
NORMANDY seconded the motion.

Sir EDWARD HYDE EAST opposed it.
Mr. RICARDO thought the people would never be properly
represented till the overbearing influence of the Aristocracy was
done away. This could only be done by adopting the system of
voting by ballot, and by making Parliaments of shorter duration.
lie denied that the House, as at present constituted, represented
the people. lie did not wish to say anything invidious of the
•Mouse ; but he must say, that, if elected by the people, the same
Gentlemen who now constituted it would be seen acting very
differently to what they do now; he would, however, support
no scheme of Reform which had not election by ballot for its basis.

Mr. R. MARTIN could not go the length which the Noble
Lord wished to go. He was, however, prepared to go part of
the way with him. If the Noble Lord would bring in a Bill to
try his experiment in the Borough of Tavistock, and two or three
others, that Bill should have his support. Notwithstanding
what had been said, he was convinced the House, as now con.
atituted, spoke the sense of the people.
Sir INEW PORT supported the motion, and strongly urged
the necessity of Reform.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE was now convinced Reform was be-
come necessary. He wished to have the Boroughs done away,
and more Members given to Counties. This change was re-
quired by the change of cireuinstances, the spreading of Intelli-
gence and wealth. Ile was convinced also that the Landed In-
terest was not properly represented, otherwise Agricultural Dis-
tress would never have arrived at the height it bad done.
Sir FRANCIS BLAKE advised the friends of Reform not
to split upon small points, but unite to carry the general ques-
tion, and then proceed to other parts.

The Gallery was then cleared fur a division, when the num-
• bers were—

For the motion - - - 169
Against it - . 080
Majority against the Motion 111.
On the Motion of Mr. Hums, certain Returns were ordered
to be laid before the House, relative to the sums paid into the
Exchequer under the Land Tax ltedemption Act.
A Return was also ordered of the number of solo commenced
in the Scottish Court of Exchequer, stating the names, and those
which were compromised, with the antoi.nt paid in each case.
Mr. GouLamm postponed a motion which stood for to-mor-
row, for the second reading of the Irish Compo►itioo of Tithes
Bill to Monday se'nnight.
The Counties Division Bill was read a third time and passed.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
Mouse adjourned at a quarter past Eleven.

LEGAL. ERA CAS.—The Carlisle Journal says_" At
the Lancaster Assizes,held last week, aviolent quarrel
ensued between Mr. SCARLETT and Mr. BROUGHAM,
in which both parties
,were highly enraged. This hot
renccntre occurred during the trial of a civil case, in
which Mr. SCARLETT, in his passion, designated Mr.
BROUGII si a frothy declaimer. .This called from Mr.
BROUGHAM one of the most severe and well-merited
chastisements Mr. SCARLETT ever received, and which
so enraged the latter, that, as an eye witness observed,
had the two Gentlemen been sufficiently near each
other, he (Mr. SCARLETT), would assuredly have
dashed his brief in Mr. BROUGHAM'S face. The Judge
said he must put a stop to the ttial, and call on a fresh
case, unless the quarrel immediately ceased."

. THE EVENING START

LONDON.

FRIDAY, APRIL 25, 1523.
Sr. 11faux.—Ifoliday at the Bank.
TUE FUNDS.
STOCK EXCIIANGE, TWELVE O'CLOCK.
Although this is a holiday at the Bank, the Stock Exchange
remains open. Consols opened this morning at 771, j, and after•
wards fell to 773, j, at which price they remain, with a heavy
Market.
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Spanish Bonds opened at .7.4 to Land are now 374—Cur:ent
Prices: Chilian 68, New Spanish 33i, Old 41, New Prussian
82, Old 82j, Russian 76, Danish 86, ColombLo 651.