Star.
London, England, 1822-05-08 00:00:00

•

caps, but 1614'4 aiteration'aeiorahli to oiretlM.:/ thee 2,500.000 quiet utter[[
stances. It appeared th=e the Honourable Member of that glut 800,000 tiositits
for portarlingtbn .6 fir agreed with-the Honourable house&
It "is o.4lelesukt, that
Member for Somersetshire and the Honourable Mem- not fetch eillseittill n v
I theirs for threepence a pound. and
her for Wiltshire, 4 to propose that a fixed duty should
.
be continued under any circumstances of the market. by it, after paying the freight and
But he (the Marquis of Londonderry) would contend lash cheese experienced a similar ,
that it was impossible to have a fixed duty after the was in vain to look at this question simply with a
Prices rose to a certain height ; and he would not reference to corn ;- and if protection was not carried
hesitate to say, that from his own views of the ques- much farther, the agriculture of the country could not
tien, he should prefer a flied duty, without any support itself. This was the time then to protect agri-
port price at all. It was quite clear that, in the pre. culture, and it was absolutely necessary to do so. As
sent unnatural state of supply, no fixed duty could to the public creditors, it was unjust that they should
be adopted, for it must be regulated with reference receive the whole of their interest so long as the coun-1
to the price in the market, which now was not to be try was in its present dreadful state—(Hear, hear);
taken as a standard for ordinary years. He could and it was high time also to cut off the tail of the
wish that the House were to get rid of the complexity Right Hon. Secretary's Bill, which passed three years.
of the law with respect to the averages; but this was ago. It was with these views he should now bring
not the time for making the experiment. Public opi. forward the Resolutions he had to propose. It had
nion was against it. How could he persuade those to been said that we could grow our own consumption;
try it who were against lowering the prices of corn and, if that was the case, what necessity could there
from 80s. to 70s. the quarter? If he could for a mo- be for importation? It was treating the landholders
went bring himself to believe that it would be wise with the greatest levity to legislate on the principle
or prudent to adopt the propositions of the Honour- of the Resolutions that came from the other side of
v.ble Member for Somersetshire, or that of the Hon. the House; and he believed the day was not far dis-
Member for Wiltshire, he should readily give either tent when the landed interest would be annihilated,
his support; but he found that both were at variance unless they stood firm by each other in defence of
with every principle of sound policy. He tame now their rights, and in opposition to the miserable sys-
to consider the more moderate duty proposed by the tems of economy originating. with Ministers. The
Committee, that of 12s. and he might be allowed to Hon. Baronet concluded with moving, as an amend-
inquire what must be its effects, if there was no change meat, a Resolution, declaring that it was expedient
in the duty till the price rose to 80s. the market price for the protection of agriculture against foreign com-
being 90s. ? The duty of 15s. as proposed by his Petition, that certain rates of duties should be laid on
Right Hon. Friend, with the 10s. additional, would importation, higher than those already proposed. it
make a charge of 255.; and supposing the price to stated the duty on wheat at 355. per quarter, and
be 90s. in the market, 255. taken from it would leave Proportionate duties on all other articles of foreign
655. to the foreign importer. It was then to be con- produce being of the same kind as those produced by
sidered what quantity of corn would be thrown into English farmers.
the market by such a regulation ? The value of corn Sir FRANCIS BURDETT rose. He was disposed
on the Continent was entirely below the standard of to agree to what had been said by the Hon. Baronet,
former years; and here he wished to correct an error rather than what had fallen from the Noble Lord.—
in to which 'some persons had been led respecting a
Ishe Hon. Member had, however, made a complaint
statement of his on this subject. He had never denied that there was no disposition to hear him on behalf
that corn roiolit be'brought into this country at 30s. of the landed interest. He could say on his own part
the goat ter, for corn was now in a state of unnatural that he certainly had paid the greatest attention. He
depression all over the world, and Ile knew that it considered all the measures proposed by the Noble
might be got out of our own warehouses at 355. but Lord on this subject futile. The Hon. Member had
it was to be observed that this was not a remunerating the merit of taking a clear view of the subject, when
price ; and legislating, prospectively, not for an un- he proposed duties on corn and other articles which
natural but a natural state of things, the House would must prohibit importation. The Honourable Mem-
not take it as a standard. He had said, that accord- ber wished corn might rise again to 120 s. a quarter—
ing to the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend, the (A cry of "No ! no !") Sir Francis Burdett then oh-
foreign importer would base a clear [mice of 655. served, that if the sum was not so high, the Honour-
Now let them see what quantity of corn this would able Member was not consistent. His opinion was,
bring into the market. It would certainly bring in all that if the price of corn could not be kept up to that
the corn in the warehouses, which at present was an the country could not be relieved. He was not cer-
immense quantity. This, lie thought, was a risk that tarn whether the Noble Lord was more in earnest or
ought not to be run in an unnatural state of the market. less in joke than he was yesterday. The Noble Lord
A fixed duty would certainly be desirable ; but it was had been trifling with the House, and if he (Sir Francis
oco to be reconciled to the price in this country, which Burdett) had a musical. voice, he might sing—" Cease
must always be influenced by that on the Continent. your funning!" The Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had
—An influx of foreign corn must invariably keep the been doubtful whether this measure was to be ic know-
roar ket down, and he knew of no remedy against the ledged as one of his progeny, or whether he should
elect of importation but to take, in aid of duty, an declare it was no offspring of his, and abandon the
import price. He was willing to allow that it might character of foster-father, for the purpose of acting
be advantageous if the principle of an import price the part of midwife. It was to be lamented the mea-
could be got rid of altogether, but at present that was sure did not " catch the vital air and die r.-(A laugh).
quite impossible. The Noble Marquis, after recapi- The Noble Lord had told them to consider what ought
tulating some of his former arguments upon this to be the amount of duty upon importation ; his opi-
vino then proceeded to read two extracts from the nion was, there ought to be no duties at all. Before
Report of the Agricultural Committee of last year, they applied a remedy, they ought to inquire the cause.
with the view of shewing that though the Committee —The Noble Lord, who ought to be the best judge
thought a fixed duty advisable, yet it could not be upon the subject, appeared to have the least infor-
adopted in the circumstances of the country, nor mation. The Noble Lord threw himself upon any
could anything more be effected than a modification person that would be kind enough to give him infor-
of the existing law, suited to the necessity of the occa- mation. The measure was recommended because it
sion. The Committee said that we had not arrived at would do no harm, but that which did no good might
that state of things in which a sound and permanent do a great deal of harm. Time, which was to act as
principle could be adopted with respect to, the Corn a physician, would increase the disease. It was main-
Laws. His own opinion certainly was, that no such tained by a Noble Earl in another place, that super-
alteration had taken place since last year as would abundance was the cause of distress, and that the re-
admit of the experiment being now. made. lie had duction of all the taxes would not afford relief. If
no doubt whatever that if we were in a natural state that was true, there must be some circumstances in
of things, the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend the state of the country beyond remedy, and then
might be adopted with great advantage ; but as the they might ask what measures had brought it to that
circumstances of the country now stood, it did not state? He could not agree to the view taken by the
appear to afford sufficient security. He knew that Hon. Member of political economy. It was the ap-
that e were many who wished, if possible, to get rid plication of sense to objects connected with the in-
of the Corn Laws by some measure which should be terest of the country. What the Honourable Mem-
conclusive. Such a measure was certainly very de. ber meant by it, be did not know. He supposed the
sirable, but he was persuaded that this was not the Honourable Member meant low prices—(A laugh);
time for carrying it into effect. All parties were but with respect to superabundance, that declaration
anxious to come 'to some decision, and the Hon. was not supported by facts. The Agricultural Re-
[ember for Portarlington evinced as great a dispo- port said there had been no superabundant harvests.
sition to accommodate as could be expected from an The fact was, the departure from free importation
individual tenacious of a particular principle.— had lowered the price. Since there had been no im-
However, that lion. Member proposed two points of portations the evils which were the subject of corn-
duty, which appeared incompatible with each other. plaint had increased. The currency of the country
But now he thought that the House could not do bad diminished, •so as to occasion considerable dis-
better than to take a measure of adequate precau- tress. Many had been ruined by it, and left like fish
tion suited to the character of the present times. The in a pond after the water had been drawn off. The
proposition which he had himself submitted to the Corn Laws had been mischievous. Reduction in every
Committee he thought calculated to open a more branch of the public expenditure ought to be made.
ample field to commerce than that which they finally It was disgraceful, in the present state of the country,
agreed to ; but as the latter was preferred, he thought to have a Civil List expenditure of 2,000,0001. All
it proper to acquiesce. The Committee proposed a contracts ought to be revised and reduced. The
duty of twelve shillings, with an augmentation of i proverb said, " The least hair bears upon the camel's
five shillings for warehousing. Having offered these back !" When the people were suffering, the smallest
observations as to his own views of the subject, he relief was acceptable. He considered the Noble Lord.
should now submit the proposition of the Committee who reduced the Postmaster-General entitled to the
to the House, and he hoped that a difference of two thanks of the House. He expressed a hope that the
or three shillings in the scheme of duty proposed on Noble Lord would not fail to take up some other
a moderate scale, would not have the effect of em- point of useless expense: there was no difficulty in
batrassing the House, while deciding on so important choice. The Noble Loud might look to diplomacy,
a question. There was nothing which was more to and find ground for reduction of salaries. With re-
be deprecated than aggravated protection, and' any spect to the measure he really was fighting with—
impression of that nature was calculated to agitate " trifles light as air"—for no one knew whether the
and disturb the public mind. The Noble Marquis Resolution was real or illusory. Perhaps the Noble
concluded some further observations to the same Marquis would give this up, as !re did the other yes-
effect, by moving the third Resolution, upon which, terday. T Honourable Baronet then called upon
be said. the debate might take place. the Coun ry Gentlemen to defend their fields, and
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE defended the arguments transmit err estates to their children. They could
he had hitherto advanced on the question. He ad- not support"their rights and property by voting for
witted that it was the duty of the House to legislate miserable vacillating measures. They were treated
for the whole People, and not for any particular as. children. It had been said that faith must be kept
class; and he was greatly misunderstood if he was with the public creditor. He admitted that position,
supposed to advocate the contrary principle. If there but faith ought to be kept with the whole country.
ever was a time when the state of the country called There was no reason why the public creditors should
for a different system from that which now prevailed, receive more than they contracted for. The currency
it was the present. He thought that a duty of 355. ought to be looked into, and contracts with respect
could not be thought too high, when the state of the to the value of money put right. The Government
market was considered. An experienced merchant had appeared so imbecile, that they had lost the con-
in the City informed him, that he could supply him fidence of the cooptry. The Noble Lord had left the
with wheat at 265. the quarter. It was said, that the rudder of the State to move about in the storm. The
present law gave the landholder a monopoly, but this Noble Lord was a bold man--he expected to get into
he altogether denied. In February, 1819, not leas harbour by cessation of the tempest, but himself and

consideration still
gk morech r
e rntse necessary
presenceH ehad
uptinthotosu'sibtil,
ject, for their object wlionuecildninvoc)cwaibleY seen—r cheer,
from both silos).--Aad if that was their object, it
penance and magnitude
being a question of an im
no measuresgol
nthoettntotobeeestccluireddeefdt,timit wasits
vyecs
ptirevefesasendd
hpisartbeyliefeef
thatlin
alte-
ration in the Corn Laws could afford immediate rea
oalfwina
lief, because the distress depended upon low prices.
When he- first introduced a measure upon this sub-
ject to the House, he did not regard it as a ,but
as.a necessary measure, because he did not like the
principle of restrictions upoisthe corn trade. Yet he
felt that they were called, upon now to remove a spe-
, cific defect which exist in the present law, and that
ready to d 'The question really was,
he would be
Itght
whether or not the proposed' measure was calculated
to remedy that particular evil, which the Report of
the Committee of last year represented to be a
gtievous one, and one susceptible off remedy ?....
f his was the object of his Noble Fi lend in moving
the re-appointment of the Committee. If they did
not want to abrogate the law, they must restore its
,operatiou; and the scale of duties now proposed ap-
Med to him calculated to accompli-h that object.
n the Honourable Baronet attributed the distress
taxation, he knew not how they would account for
to
cwoerinl -asp rosdpuaci inn ga
ncdo upnott
ir i
ue
as .
ai,Y et
haol I
its existence, even to a greater degree, in all other
dthidesenoctogrunotwrietheiars
own supply, either had established, or were about to system
establish, a of restricting duties. With regard
to the subject to which he had first alluded, if the
Hon. Baronet thought the removal of the present
Ministers from power was the only means of relieving
the agricultural distress, he had better persuade the •
country, and if the country, the House, to remove
them. But he would' tell the Hon. Baronet, that his
taunts would not induce them to alter the course
which they conceived to be best suited to promote
the true interests of the country.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT expressed his doubt who&
ther, under the present circumstances, it would be wise
to tamper with existing laws upon the subject of corn.
Mr. RICARDO said, that as he considered the dis-
tress of agriculture to depend upon the system of our
Corn Laws, he thought this the proper time for deli-
vering his sentiments upon the question. He con-
tended that there was an inconsistency in the argu-
ments'of his Hon. Friend (Sir Francis Burden), when
he admitted at first that abundance would produce
distress, anal decrease the value of produce. He was
aware that his Hon. Friend afterwards corrected the
admission, and said that abundance would not reduce
the value of produce beyond what it would be re-
duced by small crops with high prices. He afters
wards applied the first argument to the currency.—
Now the fact was, that an increase in the quantity of
any particular article did not necessarily reduce its
aggregate value. Suppose, for instance, that such
an article as superfine cloth were wholly unknown in
this country, and 10,000 yards should be introduced,
it would necessarily be distributed among the rich,
at a very high price. If this quantity. were then to
he doubled, and there should be 20,000 yards intro-
duced; although the yard might become cheaper, yet
the aggregate value of the 20,000 yards would be
greater than that of the 10,000 yards before the quan-
tity was increased. If they then doubled the quan-
tity to 40,000 yards, the same result would be ob-
tained; but if they went on doubling until they had
supplied all classes of the community, and they then
doubled the quantity again, then, undoubtedly, the
aggregate value would be decreased. The same with
respect to corn. Such an effect must follow, because
the consumption of corn must necessarily be limited.
But the currency was an exception to this argument;
because money could be applied to all purposes, and
its employment had no bounds. An increase, there-
fore, in the circulating medium would only affect
the prices of produce in a certain proportion, but not '
at all upon the same scale as an increase of any other
supply for which there was a limited demand. He
contended that our system of Corn Laws had pro-
duced the distress complained of, and that the Reso-
lutions he should move were calculated to remove
the evil. What he proposed was, that there should
be ten shillings duty upon the importation of corn,
and a bounty of seven shillings upon exportation. It
was impossible that there could be a greater relative
difference between the expenses of other countries and
rate grower of this than three shillings. Protection
ap to seventy Shillings, he considered to be equal and
fair, even under the existing distress. In calculatipg
that ten shillings would be a sufficient protection, he.
hid allowed for ail the particular taxes paid by the
home grower over those of other countries. The eiri.
dence taken before the Committee shewed, that all
the taxes did not amount to more than one.tenth.rsf
the produce, therefore a protectioo of ten per cent.
would place them upon an equal footing if others
paid no taxes at all. He proposed fixed duties, be-
cause he considered it an injustice to the farmer that
they should not be fixed. Indeed, he was advocating
the cause of the farmer, and was a better friend to bins
than many Hon. Gentlemen who pretended to be more
so. From the various arguments which he had heard
offered as to the cause of the distress, he could only
say that, in- his opinion, the consequence of super,
abundance had not been sufficiently appreciated. At
chat late .hour he would not enter at large into the
question of the evening ; but he would just bring one
fact under the notice of the Committee. He had care-
fully examined the Report of the.,Bank Committee in
the year 1797, which referred to the circumstances
of the Bank for a considerable time previous ; and he
found that in 1782, when the Bank had only eight
millions in circulation, three millions were withdrawn,
yet no considerable inconvenience was occasioned by .
'the circumstance. The Hon. Member sat down amid
universal cheering.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he had
no doubt that in consequence of the great import.
ante of the subject, the Hon. Member for Ipswich
(Mr. Leonard) would not press his intended motions
the Libel Bill. Al
for ,
events,
to sit v
Mr.

good., This wan an ataeupt to preattherit; as chil-
dren, and, when he found that he could not so treat
them, he turned his back, not absolutely indeed upon
himself, but certainly upon his friends. The Noble
Lord had been amities to place the mddle epon the
right horse, and he had no doubt that the horse was
willing to be saddled. The fate which had attended
this adopted measure of the Noble Lord, had also
attended many which were really his own. Early in.
the present Session the Noble Lord had embodied his
views of the state of the country in an harangue of
considerable length, and some of his propositions had
been given up almost before the close of his speech
—( Hear, )rear).—He had proposed to advance two
millions upon the credit of the Poors' Bates, for the
relief of this very agricultural distress, and that pro-
posal had been given up—(Cheers).—Never was
there an Administration in such a predicament. If it
was true that the House had confidence in Ministers,
then he would say that the House had by that confi-
dence lost, and in his opinion justly, the confidence
of the country—(Hear).—ln attempting to expose
the plans of the Noble Lord he felt that he was striking
a shadow—that he was eoMbating the air. He could
never know if the Noble Lord was in earnest—(Hear).
They ought not to separate the questions, but to look
at the whole distress. A first step would be to look
into the public expenses, and cut off every iota which
was not evidently for the benefit of the country.—
Again, they ought to reduce the state of things, and
especially considering the state of the country, to the
standard of 1792. They had heard much of keeping
faith with the public creditor, 'but it was as much
their duty to keep faith with the Public—with the
People of England—(Hear, hear).—The farmers
could not be relieved by palliative regulations about
importation. They should go into an examination
of the currency. They ought, then, to make every
possible reduction of taxation. And there was no
reason why faith should be better kept with the pub-
lic creditor than with the Public itself—with the far-
mer and the manufacturer. They ought to bear this
in mind, because they must come to it. The distress
could not come from over-production, as that would
be equally advantageous to the manufacturer and
the farmer; and not to them only, but to the land-
lord ; for each would, to the same extent that he was
a purchaser, be benefitted by a plentiful crop, or hurt
by a deficient one. Thus the whole population of
the country had inseparable interests, and the one
could not flourish without the other. On this the facts
and the arguments concurred. For the last three
years there bad been no import, and only average
'crops. Nay, they have absolutely had less corn.—
Paotrinence had not brought misery by its bounty;
but the quantity of the currency, and with it the cetn-
forts of the agriculturists, had diminished. After
what had happened, could any mortal have confi-
dence in the Noble Lord? Instead of one who could
thus be a broker in the schemes of others, they should
have a Minister who had large views, and who looked,
as it were, from the eminence of his own understand-
ing. They should have a Minister who would know
hOw to act upon an emergency, and not one who
was contented with merely procuring a vote of the
House—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord left the rud-
der to beat about at the mercy of the waves; but
'though he was an unskilful seaman he had a stout
heart. We hear the wind singing, we hear the roar-
ing of the storm, we think of stultified condition
of him who should protect us, and we tremble to find
the country in a worse condition than when we were
struggling in all the difficulties and uncertainties of
war. The progress of the country toward ruin was
irresistible; and so the Noble Lord should be checked.
The Noble Lord knew a great deal of the world, and
it could not be from ignorance of it that lie had made
these proposals. The Noble Lord had been all over
Europe. He had been at balls, and feasts, and Con-
gresses, with the first characters of Europe, and this
might have incapacitated him for the more sober
duties of his office. He would, however, say to him,

'.

" Ludisti-sada, editsti Batts, argue bibiati;
" Tempus abire tibi est !"
Whatever the Noble Lord might trust to, the House
and the country should not. Any Ministry at the
head of the affairs in this country, at this time, ought
to be able to look its difficulties in the face, and meet
them with corresponding vigour. This could not be
done by men whose only object was to get a vote,
and to stop discussion—who pretended, when the
principle of a measure was before them, that they
should postpone the debate to the details, and who
then said, that after the details they could not return
to the principle—(Hear, hear)—who had promised
for three years to the agriculturists to do something,
and who cow confessed that they could do nothing—
and who, when the latter complained, and justly com-
plained of high tales, refused to reduce the establish
meats by which a part of those taxes might be re-
mitted—(Hear). Nothing wise or beneficial could
. be expected horn the Government unless we had a
different set of Ministers. It was impossible that the
country could long go on under their counsels—
(Loud cheering).
Mr. ROBINSON thought that the Hon. Baronet
had chosen a bad opportunity for throwing out hi,
invective—(Cheersfrom the Opposition, retunsedfroin
the Treasury side). He did think that the Honourable
Baronet had dealt in invective, and that his oppoi tu-
nity was ill chosen—(Repeated cheers). If the Hon.
Baronet thought as he expressed himself of the Ad-
ministration, let him call the House to an unequivocal,
vote upon their conduct, and then he (Mr. Robinson)
should be quite prepared to meet him upon that ques-
tion. But when he considered what the present
question, was, and the great divergency of opinion
which prevailed upon it, it did appear to him that they
should not attend to the wishes of the Petitioners and
of the country, unless they confined themselves to the
coasideration of some specific measures, as applyini,
to the difficulties of the question, and not to go into
teat -sort of attack and invective in which the Hon.
Baronet had indulged. Although it might be true
that some Hon. Gentlemen on-the other side, and al-
though it might be true that some of the Petitioners
might wish for their removal from power, yet clic
reat majority of the Petitions pointed to a specific
course -of measures very different from the subject

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it, after paying. the freight and duty. The Eng- When the alrn of crating.-- interest of thedebt....4chmerfron
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.coitailits complained, he proposed for It was well to find that many Gendemen of site . .
cheese experienced a similar fate. Therefore it their relief that which he knew wuraht do them no eepressed themselves so unequivocal)._
y upon this stabl •
i in vain to look at this question simply with a goods This was an attempt to treat them; es chit- ject, for their object would now he seen—reheera
Tence to corn ;" and if protection was not carried dren, and, when he found that he could not so treat trout totk sites).—And if that was their object it
ch farther, the agriculture of the country could not them, he turned his back, not absolutely indeed upon being a question of an importance and magnitticie • I
port itself. This was the time then to protect agri- himself, but certainly upon his friends. The Noble not to be exceeded, it was still more necessary for
tare, and it was absolutely necessary to do so. As Lord had been staiioes to place the saddle upon the them to exclude frOm its consideration the presence •
he public creditors, it was unjust that they should right horse, and he had no doubt that the horse was of invective and party feeling---(Cheers) He had
:ive the whole of their interest so long as the coun- willing to be saddled. The fate which had attended always professed his belief that no measures of alts-
was in its present dreadful state—(Hear, hear); this adopted measure of the Noble Lord, had also ration in the Corn Laws could afford immediate re}
it was high time also to cut off the tail of the attended many which were really his own. Early in lief, because the distress depended upon low prices. .
ht Hon. Secretary's Bill, which passed three years' the present Session the Noble Lord had embodied his When he. first introduced a measure upon this sub- . k
It was with these views he should now bring views of the state of the country in an harangue of ject to the House, he did not regard it as a good, but
ward the Resolutions he had to propose. 'lt had considerable length, and some of his propositions had as-a necessary measure, because he did not like the ii,
n said that we could grow our own consumption; beenven up almost before the close of his speech principle of restrictions upoikthe corn trade. Yet he .1
I, if that was the case, what necessity could there —(Hear, hear).—He bad proposed to advance two felt that they were called, upon now to remove A spe.
ti
For importation? It was treating the landholders millions upon the credit of the Poors' Rates, for the cific defect which exist in the present law, and that
h the greatest levity to legislate on the principle relief of this very agricultural distress, and that pro- he would be ready to d - The question really was,
tit
. 1
the Resolutions that came from the other side of posal had been given up—( Cheers).—Never was whether or not the proposed-measure was calculated
House; and he believed the day was not far dis- there an Administration in such a predicament. If it to remedy that particular evil, which the Report of
t when the landed interest would be annihilated, was true that the House had confidence in Ministers, the Committee of last year represented to be a i
ess they stood firm by each other in defence of then he would say that the House had by that confi- grievous one, and one susceptible nf- remedy ? 1
r rhrhts. and in onoosition to the miserable sys- dente lost. and in his oninion justly. the confidence i rhis i.v.2e the...shiest., .c 1,:. M,,1,1. C.;...i ;., .....:... i

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•
, . •
• .
•
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Mil were impottea, Itee Cars 10.1411/1/14*14. It Akiktig &d in , avi itteettiime• seem hitt beaked_ ..=
yet remained in we the ' iffsirr)ow. . tilr ,Ifthtedeetiest of takation di iselleist
rif
to find that-so
they nahst do it by lowering &Ai
lilt English better easel 1111,p0UtiOni *lard f 1011•114811:24mna and atherr were to MI
mietlyt by till lie shoe libbn his ' of triding.-- interest of thedebt—(Cheets-frow the Oppesitiejo.-d:
when Dutchmen sold oft N would every, stand earned into Illeci,
1, and got a good.prefit
it and duty. The Eng- When . *En
he enittahts complained, he proposed for It was well many Gentiemen
opposite
lilac fate. Therefore it their rebel that which he knew would
,4e them
.0.0 ?spretred themselves so unequivocallv unrin thie enhl

to-morrnw respecting the Libel Bill. At all
ats, the Chairman might be directed to ask leave
it again to-morrow.
iwurrr Witkabtre) then attempted to address the