Star.
London, England, 1815-03-21 00:00:00

bartering, trafficking system, which had disgraced
former negociations, had been going on. The treaty
of Paris in his (Mr. Whitbread's) opinion, had but
one blot; that related to the Slave Trade—on that
Treaty, the Noble Lotd founded his fame. He,
(Mr. Whitbread) now wished to ask the Noble Lord
if there were any secret articles in that Treaty, to
which Great Britain was or was not a party? If there
were any such, he would say, that the Noble Lord
had obtained fame surreptitiously. If the Noble
Lord knew that the fate of Genoa was decided at
Paris, then he had not told the House, and the eosin•
try, the whole truth ; and the House had a right to
complain. He was but an indifferent Diplomatist,
but he must confess, that in his opinion, these secret
a titles attached to Treaties were in-justifiable. The
secret articles of the Treaty of Tilsit had produced an
event, which was an everla,ting blot on our fame—
he meant the transaction vilich took place at Co.
penhagen. And in this free country, where alone
the world could be tried, in his opinion, the truth,
and the whole truth, should be told. Before the
Noble Lard lefr. this country the secGml time, there
were rumours atbat respecting Genoa and Poland.
Several respectable individuals of both those coun-
tries had -expressed their fears that their interests
would be sacrificed to what might be called by poli-
ticians greater objects; and' in konsequtnce of this,
the Noble Lord was reminded, beTore he went, that
Genoa was to be free, and that the dismemberment
cf Poland had sown the seeds of the French Rein-in-
tim. He had shown the Noble Lord, Lord W.
Bentinck's proclamation. The Noble Lord then
dwelt on one expression in it, but he was convinced
the Noi:ir Lout had not intended to equivocate upon
it. H. was certain the Noble Lord had* too much
honour to do so—he could not for a moment suspect
it. Those Gentlemen in the House who were not fa-
vourable in Administration, when they heard ru-
:slims respecting Saxony and Poland, had asked
questions and sought information ; and in reply to
their questions they were told it was impossible Lord
Castlereagh couid be a party to the affair of Saxony,
an ! equally impossible that he could lead bis'aid to
the transactions relating to Poland. Mr. Whitbread
observed, he had to ask the Noble Lord whether
certain papers which he would read to the House,
and which had been published, were authentic ?--
%Vhe: her oa the 18th or 19th qt December last Prince

Talley rand did address a note to Prince Metter-
nich, wh ch note the Honourable Member read, and
which called Piince Metternich and the other Mi.
sisters at Congress to recollect these declarations,
and to recollect eat the great object which die Al-
lied Sovereigns had professed to pursue, was the re-
establisllment of that system which twenty years of
revolution had interrupted. If this paper was ge-
nuine, it semi/ of itself justify the questions which
had been put to Ministers. The Noble Lord, on hi
return home, had stated in his place in the How,,
that all the great points had been adjusted at the
Congress, and that agreements bad been entered into
by all the ;pea Powers of the Continent. He would
now ask the Noble L'rd whether France had siapted
ono of these agreements; and whether, on the con-
trary, she had nut protested against them all Mr.
Whitbread then advtrted to what had been the con-

duct of the Allied Sovereigns tortnerly, when in al-
Panes with Bonaparte, and o.nteisded that they were
now pnrsipng the same bra: m. lle observed, that
in 181 ft, at which time Austria was giving her aid
to Bonapaiie against Russia and the most vital in.
terests of Great Britain, she was then, by the Secret
Articles of a Treaty entered into Kith die French
Rule:, to receive the sarie indemnities which Con-
gress was giving her for a direct contrary con-
duct. It was a display of suck principles ;:s these,
which, if any thing would do it, would set up that
Gaut which the united strength of Europe had for a
time succeeded in pulling down. He had expected,
that adversity would have taught the allied Sove-
reigns wisdom, and that they would have learnt the
impolicy, if not the impossibility, of being magna-
nimous at Paris, and tyrannical in Poland and Ge-
noa. He had expected to see Poland restored to
independence. Finland restored to Sweden, and
Norway given up to Denmark ; but these expecta-
tions he now found were visionary. He had been
told, he knew not whether it was fact or invention,
that on an observation being made to the Emperor
Alexander on the subject of Poland, that Sovereign
replied, “ he had five hundred eliousand men there,
which would at once settle the affairs of that coun-
try." Mr. W. then adverted to the affairs of Saxo-
ny, and to the Proclamation of Prince Repnin ;
which stated, that Dresden and Saxony were to be
delivered up to FreJerick William, in full Sovereign-
ty, with the concurrence of Great Britain. It was
said, that Lord Castlereagh's name was to this do-
cument, but when a question was asked on this sub;
jeer, the answer was, a desite not to attend to News-
paper fabrications; but no contradiction had been
given to the fact by the Nil& Lord. He now wish-
ed to know from the Noble Lord, if Prince Repcin
was or not authorised to use his (Lord Castlereagh's)
name. It bad alto been stated, that a fortnight
after etis,• the Noble Lard delivered in a Note, con-
taining a strong protest, against the giving up of
Saxciiiy, and consenting only to the giving up I part.
He ( Mr. Whitbread) now meant to contend, that
independent of their declarations, the Allied Powers
could have no moral right thus to distribute at plea-
sure whole countries and their inhabitants. There
was ano, her circumstance connected with Saxony,
which he must mention. That was one relative to
two Officers of distinction in the Saxon troops, who,
having fought gloriously against the French, pre-
s.nted a Memorial to Congress, praying that the
rights and independence of Saxony might not be in-
traded. 'Their answer was, that military men had
no right to protest, and they were sent to a dungeon.
(Hear, hear.)—Mr. Whitbread then adverted to the
steisidiary Treaty of Chaumont, and observed,. it
had been stated that the Treaty was entered into for
the purpose of maintaining a large force in those
countries whose governments were not yersettled, and
whose tate was to abide the termination of the Con-
gress. Yet Austria had already taken possession of
several of the Italian states; the Venetian States, &c.
(ile4r.)—He (Mr. W.) could call these proceedings
by no other name than usurpation!, as bad as any of
which Bonaparte had ever been guilty. In the
TreAty of Paris it was said, Holland was to have
compensation. Was there any secret article which
said Holland was to have Belgium ? In chi Tieaty

with the Viceroy of Italy, it was raid ftaly was to b•
free, except such parts as had formerly been alknstrian.,
How surprised then, must the House be. to WI
Austria taking the Venetian States, to which she
could have no claim but what she derived from die
tyranny of Bonaparte. Mr. Whitbread then adverted
to the opinion given by M. Fox on this subject, of
transferring whole States and their inhabitants, from
one Sovereign to another ; and observed, that, like
that great man, he must enter his protest against this
traffic in the human race, whether white or black.
The Honourable Member observed, the conduct of
Austria towards the Milanese was only calculated to
increase that antipathy which had always subsisted
between these people and the House of Austria, and
to sow the seeds of future war on the Continent. Mr.
Whitbread then adverted to oar transactions with Mu-
rat, and contended that but foi the aid of the King
of Naples, the French influence would still have pre-
dominated in Italy, we bad entered into a treaty by
which we bad guarantied to Murat his Throne, yet
now we contemplated forcing him from it in favour
of the King of the two Sicilia. This was impolitic
and unjust; we had indeed former treaties with Fer-
dinand, but as we must either break our faith with
him or Murat, be (Mr. Whitbread) would prefer con-
tinuing the latter on the Throne, rather an attempt
to do what we could not do, place inand there
against the inclinations of the people. The last
point to which he should have to advert, would be
that of Genoa ; though this last was far from being
the least atrocious. Mr. Whitbread then proceeded
to animadvert, in strong terms, on the conduct of
the Allied Powers towards that State, and particu-
larly on what had been the conduct of the Govern-
iient of this country towards the unfortunate Genoese.
He adverted to the Proclamation of Lord William
Bentinck, and to the conduct of General Dalrymple,
and read a letter from Lord Castlereagh to General
Dalrymple, in which the Noble Lord, after declaring
the deep interest which the Prince Regent of England
felt in the fate of the Genoese, and the anxious desire
he felt to promote their happiness, laments that cir-
cumstances should have rendered it necessary to give
them up to the government of the King of Sardinia,
advising them, however, at the same time, to make
themselves content, and they could not fail to be
happy. This was a ;mint on which he particularly
called on the Noble Lord for explanation. He con-
sidered this as the most insulting document which
could have been penned, and one which .must have
been felt as such by the unfortunate people who were
the subject of it, and who had been taught to expect,
under the powerful auspices of this country, a resto-
ration of their happy constitution, as it existed in
1797, and as it was given them by their ancestors, in
1576. The Genoese had, by their Ministers, protested
against the arrangement made at Congress; but
Congress had persevered, and the Genoese, under the
protection of this country, had been sacrificed. The
Hon. Gentleman observed, he had one question now
to put to the Noble Lord, and that was, as to what
had been done on the question of the Slave Trade,
and whether the Noble Lord had done any thing at
Congress which would redeem him front the charge of
iuke waranness,which was imputed whim whilst atParis?
It bad been said that whilst at Paris the Emperor of
ttusbia bad offered him his powerful aid, and that it
eras only owing to the Noble Lord that this tragic was,
aot entirely done astray: He wished thretlifible Lord
to explain what lie bad done at the Congress of
Vienna on this important subject. The Honourable
Member particularly alluded to the provisions which
Clad been entered into with Ferdinand VII. on this
' subject, and read some of the additional articles of
the Treaty in question ; and observed, if the other
Powers were not more sincere than Spain was, little
hope could be entertained that this abominable traffic
would ever be put an end to. He could no: help ad-
vetting to the awful situation in which France was
now placed. The Sovereigns of Europe seemed to
have thought that the Exile of Elba was totally for-
gotten ; and that such was the general abhorrence
of all Europe against his tyranny, that they were at
liberty to play what pranks they pleased. But the
same causes which had first raised him, had repro-
, duced him. He was aggrandised by his enemies,
but was himself the cause of his own fall ; and if
he was to be again seated on the Throne of France,
he (Mr. Whitbread) would say, it was through
the conduct of the Allied Sovereigns. One more
question he would ask the Noble Lord, and that
was, whether the Proclamation, dated Burgoing,
the Bth of March, and signed onaparte, was ge-
nuine or not He had been told by one who had seen
it at Paris, that it was there considered genuine.—
By the Treaty ofJontainbleau, the title of Emperor
was reserved to him for his life; the duchies of Par-
' ma, Placentia, and Guastella, were to be settled on
his wife and son; and he himself was to receive a
certain sum yearly from the French Government.
He (Mr. Whitbread) well knew the limited consent
which Great Britain gave to that Treaty; but it was
signed by the Emperor of Russia on the one band;
and by Marshal Ney (that very Marshal who was
now sent against him), on the part of Bonaparte.
If ever there was a Treaty that prescribed to its Ra-
tifiers the line of fair conduct, it was this Treaty.
In his Proclamation Bonaparte stated that the sum
agreed to in that Treaty had not been paid to him ;
that the territorial provision for his wife and son had
never been §-lade; and that the Congress intended
to remove him from Elba. If those statements were
true, what a case had he made out against the allied
Soyereignsl and what an appeal might he not make
Ito Marshal Ney who had been sent out against him !
For Louis XVIII. he (Mr. Whitbread) bad the
greatest respct. He had conducted himself with
moderation and good faith ; and whatever had !wen
done amiss, he believed had been the act of his
Government. If therefore, Louis should be de.
*Toned, his own conduct would have as little to
ago with it, as it had in placing him on die
Throne of France.—( Hear, hear.) lie would repeat
his former protest against this country interfering
with the internal affairs of ranee. Whoever got
the upper hand in this struggle for that country, lie
trusted , that their conduct would be moderate, and
tkat in either alternative of the Bourbons or Bona.
parte succeeding, it wcald produce a peace with this
country; not a peace fouotted on the infernal traffic
of human creatures, but a peace equally consulting
the interest of all. He then concluded by moving
that a humble Address be presented to the Prince
Regent, praying that he would be graciously pleased
to' der to be laid before the House accounti of the

piegrue toads by the, el at Vienna, as to the
transfer of territory, anr=ltatters connected with,
111°wfaiLr.e.i.64.7:::':17:drtefangled
the
tbattswiresiation.
CIVITLEIMAGIII now row. One of the,
for him to perform
'following the Honourable Gentleman through all the,
paatinee of cite House by
question that
before them. It was not merely as the question
itself to his mind; but it had become matter of yes-
ollgthhits country,beu" Vhatwtlairie decuttyth::f bomeneotuitirgaindt presented
itself
tion, whether any vestige of character was left to the
councils of our Allies, in whom at present our own
honour and interest were bound up. He must so-
lemnly pretest against the novel system of any Hon.
Gentleman getting up upon a morbid
ter jealousy of the
cthoaunncgilasromfehid snacotemtmtenryt,sanildlu upon
s
information, thus proceeding from day to day to
tratedno chieflybet by ilr" luiedist
charge the Government of his country, and the Al-
lies to whom that country was bound, with excesses
of all kind—(Load cheers.) If the Hcnourable Gat-
&wan chose to put Government on such a defence
as this, their answer must necessarily be given at
hazard, or else the Ministers must he prevailed on to
disclose what, were it known, could not prove other.
wise than injurious tothe public service—( Rea& her.)
As far as related to his own case; however, he dis-
claimed the cover of a Minister; if he was sent as a
negociator, it was because he was presumed to be
acquainted with the sentiments of his Majesty's Go-
vernment, and especially with those of the illustrious
Prince who is officially at the head of it—and it the
good faith of the country had been committed with
foreign States, and even lost, he confessed that he
considered himself as pre-eminently responsible for the
act. Willing as he was, therefore, to meet the attack
of the Hon. Gentleman in his presence, face to face,
still he must declare, that the attacks made on him
by the Honourable Gentleman in his absence were
most unwarrantable— (Hear. hear.) With respect to
one article of accusation, the non.abolition of the
Slave Trade, whatever might be the surmises of the
Honourable Gentleman, it was his desire to see that
odious traffic abolished; he had omitted no exertions
to secure the abolition ; and he trusted the House
would be convinced, from the documents and de tails
which he should presently have to submit to the con-
sideration of Parliament, it would be seen that, taking
a high moral tone on a subject so interesting to the
feelings of the people of this country, that the Go-
vernment had been disposed to make considerable
sacrifices—that we have even gone so far as to pre.
judice our interests with France, Portugal and Spain.
It was not indeed to be expected of those Powers,
that they should come sooner to a detei mination on the
abolition of the Slave Trade than we ourselves had
done. All he could obtain from France was, the
actual pledge of its being abolished at the end of
five years. Spain had entered into no engagement
on this point ; but he was authorised in stating, that
the great Powers of Europe had signed an Address
to the nations, in which the traffic in question was
characterised as a pest that ought to be swept from
•the face of the earth, and that it must be aneifel deo
with the least possible delay. The House was agreed
that it was in effect no light thing to have the final'
sentence thus passed oe this electable WAG stn, s
moreover, that only two Powers had conditioned
for eight years. He sincerely believed that the Mi.
nister of France was inclined to relax as to the pe-
riod of five years, if that relaxation could be made
without such a shock to the public feelings as
it was impossible for any Government to give.—
This affair was not terminated at the Congress ; it
was possible that both Spain and Portugal would be
influenced by the progress of opinion, since the for-
mer had already consented to relinquish all trading
in human flesh that did not strictly belong to her ;
and other trade, it was always in our power to pre-
vent. France, indeed, had made every effort to ob.
tain a local abolition of the traffic ; while Portugal,
and this was an important fact, has bound herselt to
abolish it immediately North of the Line. Thus we
had delivered one half of Africa trom this tremendu-
ous scourge; and as much had been done, tor this
cause, as, under all the difficulties that hang round
it, could be effected. Of this asaimptiot: the anise
would be convinced, when the documents he already
had alluded to came hereafter before t,ierri. Apolo-
gising for any infirmity of recollnzion, and impress
sing on the House the magnitude of the subject,
the Noble Lord next adverted to tha proceedings
of the Congress at Vienna, which, he observed,
was assembled for the express purpose of carrying
into effect ti.e Treaty of Paris. The real question
was, therefore, whether the Allied Powers had
carried that Treaty into effect ? Upon this head
be would endemic ur to repel the foul calumnies of the
Honourable Gentleman, proceeding doubtless from
his general misinformation, but which had been most
prejudicial to the common cause.—(Near, hear).—
Had every practicable step been taken to ensure the
repose of Europe ? This was the simple question :
and on its issue he was prepared to maintain the mea.
sures of the Congress. Certainly he knew of no
pledge, however, for the revival of Governments
which at that moment had ceased to exist in any
tangible shape, and from the restoration of which
nothing but danger was to be apprehended—nothing
but a renewal of those revolutions which had shaken
so many Governments to their fouldation. If such a
pledge had existed at all, in the form of a declaration,
he should have been ashamed to have accredited it, as
the representative of this country. But the great ob.
jcct of the Congress was of a very different kind—it
was convened chiefly to reestablish the. Nlonat cli•cs
of Austria and Prussia, and to organise Gvrma,iy, so
as to present a barrier to the surrounding
.it ties
While he admitted that the omnipotence cat pcpula.
tion should not in such calculations be permitted to
oac
consideration
rocdoewitri
ot lninee
principle
vemrusbeofre of
necessity
iinciiimo
i relinquished
sdlhiiatiyiv,eaytiletyst the former
justhue Agri Li!
tion. of force. It was asser,rd, that we stood
pledged for the independence of Genoa, and this was
coupled by the Hon. Gentleman with the
disentanglePrncla-
ytoesatt
dheemoqi
fftutcesdthtietohnyaotokt
weGeoecfnaolial.erdfarnoocmiel, tttlhthaeot
peopleti of Italy.
mation of Lord W. Bentinck : but he wished to
glitheoyf
t ttema v mustl
ee r
ahssaudmaendsweredthe
who should governshality,c aolrl still the
it!riecemi e as tot;
caotn
int
io.
of sovereignty, so as to settle
tution was fattest for it. We at t.lat period had' not

an any in that part. In no country did the people
thew a more 'Blandest disposition in favour of 'Le
French ; Otis was the fact, and we were not mari;ed
so an effort that was never made. Even on the event
Odor campaign in Russia, the Italians still remained
as devoted to Bonaparte, and she at last owed Lot
independence to the arms of the Allies, and never to
her own efforts—(Hear, far).—So far from depend
ing on the rising of Italy, Lord W. Bentiro.k
in fact, detached to Spain. Whatever were the
sures with respect to Genoa, they were not ado! t J
with interested designs, but from a moral pulicr.—
(Lae:hies and cheering from Mr.
were tssken in pursuance of the Treaties Lf KepL.
Litz and Relchenback ; which were direcod "to
restore the territorial importance of Attstia 12
Italy. Every man of intelligence must be awao
it was impossible to reconstruct Austria and
via, without putting the northern part of It. iy
wider a Sovereign that was net ltalian. lie eel.
tainly bad read Lord Wru. Bentitick's Prot:arra
lion. and a cortimunicat:Jn was made to Loot on
which he wrote to his Lordship. FL ook the ear.
hest opportunity to satisfy Murat. though he nen/
believed that the Proclamation .:imed ac Italian lade.
pendence. Ti:e proetnium called on the Italieri tc
throw off the French yoke, and return to the lode.
pendence of old times. What old times 1 He erukt
not mean the times of Rome. He therefor haj of
letter then advised Lcrd Bentinck to
more circumspect in future acts, He trustrd heist
now relieved the country from :he charge of bnc
faith towards Italy. His Lordship said toot cruk
produce a writtel statement of a es.iircrsati
the President of Genoa, which skewed chit the Go
'mese were prepared for the union with Piedmunt
He must protest against the doctrine, that fraud wA
practised on the credulity of Europe. It wa,,utii;„
to make France a deliberating power in the Treaty
and France had conducted herself in such a mantle:
as, he trusted. would create a practical feeling in th
Honourable Member to preserve that Governmen
so conducting itself towards this country.—(ll: ,!
—The Honourable Gentleman had redeemed man
parts of his speech, at which he felt sorely indignato
by the testimony borne to the Monarch of Frarte.-
He hoped the throne of that Monarch would be Ili
held, as far as was found consistent with the inhere,
of a great nation, and that peace would be confirme
to the world. He must here solemnly protest again
this most unusual and indecorous practice, of lai
gaining ground in the House, not of arraigning a
Ministers of Kings, as was customary in former time,
but of running down Monarchs by name.—(lla
hear, hear.)-1-Ic, indeed, could not answer for tl
consequences which might result to us from th
source, if the good sense of the House did not co
rcct the evil at once ; nor was it possible to calcula
how far such language might deprive this count'
of the benefits to be derived from an arnicio
intercourse with foreign States. The
able Member had asked, why he had .
Vienna, mice he had not waited to effect the pu.
pose for which he had been sent there 1 To this !
would reply, that he had gone to Vienna because I,
had been ordered there, and had come back
the s :me reason ; he was engaged in the docher4.
of a trust which had beep committed to h carp
sad be hoped it would appear to the house th •
he had discharged his duty in that respect for ti.
best interests of his country.—(Herr, hear, htar.)--
lt had been asked whether France was a comem it?
party to all the arrangements. He would say stn
was, and had honestly discharged the trust which its
confidence of Europe had reposed in her.—(flaw,
hear.) —lt was most unjust and dangerous to ha,
the actions and intentions of the different Powers
the Congress argued on, and brought before the pa,
tic prematurely and upon partial documents.—(lfoo
hear )—The different Powers of the Congress
acted for the joint and separate interests of their rl
term countries ; and he had no hesitation in wino
that he would prefer the determination to which Ca
gress had come with regard to the affairs of Eurcir.,
to the proudest ideas he ever indulged on the stare
if carried by the preponierating influence or a
Power against the particalar sutaest ot anodic': wh"
may be afterwards to resist that determination. We.
respect to Austria and Prussi r. which, if not retorts
to the ancient state which they should hold in EL
rope, there will be a blank which could not be tilled ui
Austria was weaker in 1805 than in 1792, but ta
Cher had gained much more than they had in 180:.
Prussia had nut gained more than 40 or 50,000 moo:
than she had in 1805. He wished particularly t;
call the attention of the House to the affair of Sac
ny, on which he differed from the Hon Member.-
He slid not wish to have Saxony entirely dismembr.
ed. but he would say, that it was by sacrifice on tt•
part of Holland and Hanover that it was restored
a kingdom. He was rot anxious to say any thin'
against the King of Saxony, but he marmot'
ed that never was there a kingdom coquet
ed, the disposal of which, in right of tonguest
was more justifiable than that of Saxony.-
With regard to Holland, he would say, that any a'
rangement made was not a concession to the Print
of Orange or Hanover, but for the general interns
No Sovereign had displayed greater wisdom than l
had since he was placed at the head of affairs
i.
that country. Hanover had also proved a no
sincere friend to the British Government, and it
troops had been most efficient in carying on
war. With regard to the policy which this counts
should adopt towards France, he would not ul
much now; but this he would say, that on th
issue of the present contest in that country Tull'
depend whether we should look forward to
ancient order of things, or that anarchy which Ill•
so long disgraced it and disturbed Europe, 4,'".
against which we had been so long struggling.
the whole, a great deal had been done toWeds tr.
' general pacification of Europe ; but if Bngar"ll
were:
h
elle flowad suffered to
couldit,dtattidisturb n
the
be t
e tr,iicluontJl:,
permanent.
Mr. PONSONBY said, that when the present sub'
jot was before tinder the consideration of the House.
he then said that it would be gut rid of at the aryl
of Lord William Bentinck, and lie found he 1"
right in that surmise; and that if information nel,
not afforded, lie would move for the instruction,
given to the Noble Lord ( Bentiack) by the predi
cesbuirr.ef thew.H NlToßbliteELA.orud,opi4posre.spelsy,
eindicated as
ughr
grounds and motives on which he had bro
*