Star.
London, England, 1831-10-06 00:00:00

THREE O'CLOCK.

Bank !Hock, shut. Three per Coat. Reduced, shat.
Three per Cut. Ounmile, I 0 11. Three and a Half
per Cent. 1818, shut. Three and s Hall per Coat. Red.
shut. Three and a Half pee Cent. New, 88i i i. Fear
per Cot len, shut. Long Annuities, Jan. MO, shut.
Anode" Jan. 1880, --. India Bands, 2 din par. £lOOO
g Hills, 118; Ada. 8; £lOO and MHO dn. le.
ialkalsr Account, —. Connie for Account, 81 Q.
FOUR O'CLOCK—Console en 81.

REFORM AND ANTI-REFORM PETITIONS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THHE EVENING STAR.
Stec,—The Editor of the Standard, in his excessive zeal
to uphold a bad cause, has thought proper to publish a
statement relative to the City of Worcester Reform Meeting,
totally at variance with truth. The assertion that only 400
of the lowest canaille (Anglice, rabble) is utterly false: at
least 1,600 dthens were present, and a more respectable as.
semblage never took place within the walls of the Guildhall
The petition emanating therefrom, previous to its being
transmitted to London, received in one day 2,200 signa-
tures, in spite of the denunciations of the Clergy and the
Body Corporate.
Such was the result of the Reform Meeting—now mark
the contrast, a attain Alderman, formerly a manufacturer of
British wines, but now an inhabitant of Berkeley's Hospital
—a retreat for decayed tradesmen the Town Clerk, (4 man
eery learned in the law, and an occasional contributor to the
Standard) the Mayor elect (Steward to Dr. Carr, the re
candy appointed Bishop of -Worcester, a zealous reformer)
and two muter glover., famed for their profound erudi_
tion honourable tnen--endeavoured to obtain a meet.
ing of the Corporation to get up an Anti-refornt Pe-
tition within the sacred limits of their Council
Chamber t—but the great majority of the Members
were too liberal and enlightened to respond to the call of
this political junta, and the attempt proved abortive!
A petition was however engrossed, and after lying two
days in the Grand July Room, received the signature of
82 individuals, including all the servants and dependents of
this aural Body!
The ridicule with which this coterie (contemptible
alike in numbers and intellect) have been assailed
for having thus unwittingly exposed the weakness
of their cause, and the soreness they feel at the Citizens
daring to defy their mandate, and presuming to express
their loyalty by an illumination at the Coronation of
the best of Monarchs, have driven these miserable imbeciles
almost frantic, and induced them to adopt the paltry re.
sense of endeavouring to traduce the characters of men, as
far their superiors in talent and every moral excellence, as
the numerical difference which exists between the signatures
to the Reform and And-Reform petitions. The designation
these worthies have thought proper to bestow on a respectable
class of men will long be remembered by the Citizens
of Worcester, and will never cease to be cherished by
ONE OF " THE RABBLE."
Worcester, Oct. 4, 1831.
wainemweamemmnsewt
DORSETSHIRE ELECTION.

Ist Day. 2d. 3d. 4th. sth. Gram.
Ponsonby 271 245 483 309 158 1466
Ashley . 243 449 433 211 133 1469
Minority only 3 !
CITY ELECTION.
FINAL CLOSE OF THE POLL
The LORD MAYOR . . . 3,258
Alderman THORPE . . . 3,081
Sir PIETER LAURIE . . . 2,698
SELECTIONS OF ON DITS

RELATIVE TO TUE LORDS •ED THE REFORM BILL.
Should Britain's Peers deliberate' so well,
That Britain's hopes subside in dull despair,
What will easue I think I could foretell—
Male je me tab' par respect pour kw Pairs.
Their temples tottering on destruction's brink,
Should Britain's bonzes blind resistance dare,
"'What will ensue, I could foretell, I think—
Male je me tab par respect pour les Pairs.
Vilest and wont, where few are wise or good.
Should Cumbria's D—e some' malengine prepare,
What will ensue, foretell I think I could—
Male je me tats par respect pour les Pairs.
His high hate of the tribunitlan crew,
Should Cotiolanus-Wellington declare,
I think I could foretell what will ensue—
blab je me tab par respect pour les Pairs.
Should Londonderry's head in Chancery
Fall but once more to Brougham's benignant cue,
What will ensue I could foretell, thinks I-.-
Male je me tale par respect pour les Pairs.
Age honoured board of oligarchal ill !
Be but thy scale made heavier by a hair,
I think I could foretell, ensue what will—
Maim je me tail par respect pour les Pairs.

The reports as to the probable fate of the Reform Bill
were more contradictory last night than ever. They were,
therefore, more conclude. in one sense, as proving that
nothing was distinctly known upon the subject.
Lord Winner:aye's appeal to the tradesmen of Bond-
street baa received a ready answer from that quarter, the
majority of the Inhabitant, having requested Lord Hoarse
to present a petition declaratory of their anxious wish for
Reform.

The Duke of WZLIJINGTOW'S desire that the Hasse
should reject this Bill, but should not pledge itself for or
against any future bill, was exceedingly entertaining. Force
Lord Guar to resign on the question of Reform, and then
you shall have as good a bill from me. Admirable candour !
Disinterested policy !
The Bishop of St. Amph, on Tuesday night, was at-
lined with a second attack of paralysis, and ilex in a
dangerous Hate. We learn that it is the Bishop of Bristol
who holds the Bishop of Si. Asaples prosy, which under
such awful circumstances, he of course cannot feel himself
justified in using.
At the Dorsetshire election, the vote of a clergyman
named England has been declared void, by the assessor, in
consequence of the rev. gentleman having bet a sovereign
that Lord Ashley would be returned.
The Earl of Waldegrave has resigned his situation as one
of the Lords of the Bedchamber, with the intention of vot-
ing against the reform bill.
1 The Marquis of Exeter has resumed his notices to quit,
and last week selected Mr. Pilkington. builder, and Mr.
Lawson, coach.contractor, of Samford, on whom to vent his
lordly iodignation.—Smagford Ckampion.
We understand that a number of Clerks in the Govern-
ment Offices have left town, to support the Anti-Reform
Candidate in Dorsetshire !

Of all boroughs Done are so so Injurious to the nation as
those which are held by persons in other, who, in lieu of
paying a stated sum, are in the habit of feeding their consti-
tuents at an enormous expellee to the country, in the shape
of places and pensions.
A number of respectable tradesmen of Boston have deter-
mined not to pay a farthing more &rattled taxes until the
Reform Bill shall have become the law of the land.—
Boston Gazette.

The Norwich petition weighed 11lbs. dos. and measured
96 pude In length (nearly the height of Norwich Cathedral)
it was signed by 11,362 persons, between Thursday and Ss-
turday evening. The former petition received only between
6000 and 7000—Nortrieh Last Anglian.
Lord Harrowby took great pains to show the injustice of
depriving Corporations of their influence, and pointed out
the ease of the Borough of Tiverton, with which his family
had been so long connected. Neither his grandfather, father,
nor himself hal ever possessed an acre of Lind within 100
miles of the place ' • still much intimacy continued between
his family and the Borough fur nearly a century.
It is said that Awe of the Lords, on the sick of Minis-
ters, have gone over to the Tories ; namely, Lind Hill,
Waldegrave, Howe, Courtney, and Tankervilc. Another
report says the Duke of Portland.
The clause which allows 101. householders to vote, includes
not only those who pay that rent, but all those who pay
above that sum, including everything from 101. to 10,004.
There will be more voters who pay 201. a year and upwards
rent than who pay only 101. There has, indeed, b„en mon.
arms exaggeration on this point. In Gisagow, for instance,
with its 202,000 inhabitants, there are only 6,000 houses
rated at 101. and upwards, consequently there will not be
above 6,000 voters.
It mans, though the Duke of Wellington was prodigi-
cutely afraid of the Irish, and had, in 1229' a horror of civil
war, be think, the English may be easily managed- He has
a thorough contempt for them. If not encouraged by his
Majaay's government, they
_would not be formidable.
speech Ms not certainly added to his reputation as • statesman.
s -
Last night, a melancholy occurrence took place
In Chapel-street, Brompton. An aged Cobler, of the name
of Pearson, bad married a young and faunh wife, which
had created mach pleasantry among his neighbouri, especi-
ally as the nobler was a strict methodist, and some young
awn for two nights serenaded the couple with rough
moste, and lest night, with the consent of other inmates,
lin the at the home. The nobler on this imbed
'aide W MOM with kali@ in hand, and stabbed the two
hasesset of the ring tweak so severely that they wee De-
essendly Mated 3oneislaly to St. George'. Hospital. Use et
than this looming is eansidered in imminent danger, and thv
other is very ill. TM solider and his wife were conveyed
to Kensbigus watchisease.

TIIE PEERACI:.
_........--
Peers of the United Kingdom created from
the beginning of the Regency to the end of
George IV. 1811-1830 :
EARL Vane BARONS. BARONS.
VISCOUNTS. Colchester Ran fu rly
Gordon Her Farnborough
Granville Minster De Tabley
Exmouth ()monde Witarncliffe
Hutchinson Wemyss Feverahaut
Berafoed Clanbtassill Seaford
Ciancarty Kingston Lyndhurst
Combermere Silclwster Fife
Uoderich. Olenlyon Tenterdco
BARONS. Maryborough Plunkett
Lynedoch Oriel Melrose
Hill Stowell Cowley
Dalhousie Ravensworth Stuart de Rothesay
3leldrum Delamcre licytesbury
ROSS Forester R %eh...Tr y
Grimatrad Bexley Clanwilliam
Foxtord Gifford Durham
Melbourne Penshurst Skelmasdale
Churchill Tadcaster Wallace
Harris Somerhill Wytiford.
Prudhoe Wigan
Of these sixty-one recent creations, a majority
of about thirty will, it is said, be found voting
against the Bill.

Yesterday a Court pf Directors was held at the
East India Rouse, when the following ships were thus sta-
tioned, iris:—Asia, Captain George Bathee ; Sir David
Scott, Captain David James Ward ; Macqueen, Captain
Robert Lindsay; Dunks, Captain John P. WIWI' ;
Hance, Captain Charles 8. Timins ; William Fairlie, Cap-
tain Thomas Blair; Charles Grant, Captain J. R. Man.
demon—Bengal and China. Duchess of Athol, Captain
Edward M‘Daniell ; Orwell, Captain James Dal. 1
maple; Thomas Cootes, Captain James Alesand er
Christie ; George the Fourth, Captain Thomas W. Barron ;
Abercrombie Robinson, Capt. John Innes— Bombay arid
China. Marquis Camden, Captain Thomas Larkin.—Sr.
Helena, Bombay and China. Windsor, Captain A. T.
Proctor--St. Helena, Prince of Wales' Island, and China.
Edinburgh, Capt. David Manhall; Berwickshire, Captain
Frederick Madan ; London, Captain Timothy Smith ; Earl
of Balcanas, Captain Bryan Broughton.—China direct.

SPEECH OF GENERAL PALMER,
M.P. FOR BATH.
IN THE MOOSI OF COMMONS, 4TH OCTODF.R.

General PA LMER saiishat, as the present was,
his first opportunity of speaking upon the question
of reform, he hoped to be allowed to state hie opi-
nion of the general measure ; and as in what he
bad to say he should abstain from any argument
already urged in the debate, be trusted it might
be considered a claim to the indulgence of the
house, and an earnest that he would trespass as
shortly on its time as the deep importance of the
question would allow him. He had ever held the
same opinion of the absolute necessity of reform,
and to the full extent of the present measure, and
could not express it more strongly than in the few
words of the late] Mr. PITT, which he begged to
quote as the text of his argument to support it.
" Without a Parliamentary Reform the nation
will be plunged into new wars. Without a Par-
liamentary reform you cannot be safe against bad
Ministers, nor can good ones be of use to
you. No honest man can, under the present sys-
tem, continue Minister." Such were the words
of the late Mr. PITT before he came into office ;
and although the present state of the country was
solely to be ascribed to the continuance and enor-
mous increase of the abuses of the system under
his administration, the bon. member firmly be-
lieved that Mr. Ptrr, when Minister, would have
adopted reform, but for the causes which prevented
it, and compelled him to abandon the attempt. The
same excuse was to be made for each succeeding
Government; and although be had ever opposed
the system, and must have continued to do it un-
der whatever ministers, it was but the truth to say
that hitherto no ministry could have carried the
question of reform, for the reason that, whatever
the feeling of the crown or the aristocracy, the
general feeling of the people was against it; but
now that their eyes had at last opened to the ne-
cessity of the measure, and the public voice had
called so loudly for it, the commencement of the
present reign, with other fortunate events, com-
bining in its favour, bad been the golden opportu-
nity for any Government to have carrisi it.
In the first place, what more fortunate than his
Majesty's accession to the throne, at that so criti-
cal a moment, being just in the nick of time to win
the hearts of the people by that endearing conduct
which, however natural in itself, was so unlike all
precedents, that it had happened to follow, and not
precede the great events at Paris, would have de-
stroyed all its charm, and all the good arising from
it, in that reciprocal :attachment and sympathy of
feeling betwixt the Crown and people, the best se-
curity for the interests of both. Secondly, the
glorious revolution at Paris, which not only bad
done immortal honour to the moral character of
the French people, but the greatest service to the
present question, by at once removirg those fears
which had been so long and deeply impressed on
the minds of all classes in this country as to the
danger of reform, looking to the example of the
former French 'evolution. Thirdly, another revo-
lution in Belgium, net being, as in France, the im-
mediate consequence of an act of tyranny without
example, but arising out of the deep resentment of
the people at the oppression of their government,
which the example of Paris bad occasioned to burst
forth, not only in Belgium. but more or lees through-
out the Continent ; and lastly, the situation of the
Holy Alliance, who, in spite of their treaties, and
the sum of two millions thrown away by this coun-
try at the peace on fortresses to maintain them,
were unable to combine against France or Belgium,
having enough upon their hands at home.
For all these reasons, the opening of the late
Parliament by the King's speech had been the
golden opportunity for any Minister to declare the
intention of relorm, and, above ail, the individual
to whom the country, owed the deepest obligation
for the a.'option of that previous measure of the
same moral and political character, but of far
greater difficulty—Cstholic Emancipation. And
it was in the firm belief that the same necessity
which had determined the late Minister upon the
Catholic question had equally resolved him to carry
reform, that the hon. member had looked with
satisfaction to his continuance in office as the surest
means of obtaining it; insomuch, that be w..uld
have had not only the Crown and people with all
the strength of Government on his side, but the
same zealous and disinterested support of the
Wings which they had given bins on the Catholic
question, and which would have enabled his to
catty reform in the same triumphant iletaser.—
But however mistaken in such belief, be hoped it
was all for the beet that the muse of reform *as
not in the bands of those who, in carrying the
'Catholic question, declared it to be against their

i
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1
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I

Political feeling•, and solely from the necessity of
the ease : but of that party who had ever been the
friends of civil and religious liberty, and to whose
eloquence and lebntir in the cause of both, the public
were mainly indebted for every liberal measure
adopted hitherto by Government. It was, therefore,
under all these circumstances, looking to the state
of parties in that house, and to all which had
been said both in and out of it against the present
Ministers, he had risen as an old, "arm, but still
indi•j•endent friend, not only to defend their Bill,
buy Also their motives in accepting office for that
glorious purpose. nM .inst the heavy but unfounded
charges of their opponents. To this effect he
:soald very shortly state the grounds on which he
made the following declaration, in the race of the
,‘resent House of Commons and the country, viz.
.1; oei the time he first came into Parliament, 23
yew.; since, there had been no question before it
involving the dignity of the Crown, the honour of
Parliament, or the interests of the people, wherein
his Honourable Friends the Whigs hail not
strictly done . their duty ; whilst all that had
tended to degrade the Crown and Parliament in
the ryes of the people, and to bring the country to
its present state, had been the sole act of their
.pponents. In making this declaration he would
only trouble the house with two cases in support of
the subjects of which were of a painful nature,
but so deeply important to the question, that he
jested his whole argument of the necessity of the
Reform Bill entirely upon them.
The first took place in the session of 1809, be-
ing the memorable inquiry into the conduct of the
Duke of YORK, as Commander-in-Chief; upon
which important question, he must first observe
that this case was in itself the strongest example
of the want of reform, because it could not have
happened with it—for in a reformed Parlia-
ment no minister would have advised that uncon-
stitutional act of the Crown, in the appointment of
one of its own branches to the command of the
army ; whilst, under the existing system, he could
not oppose it—and thus it had been to the present
time, that for want of a real representation of the
people in Parliament, to enable an honest minister
to do his duty as the constitutional adviser of the
crown, he had only held his office at the joint will
of the crown and the aristocracy, commanding the
majority in that house ; and he did not hesitate in
saying, it was to this abandonment of the prin-
ciples of the constitution, by destroying the ba-
lance of its parts, that the whole public debt of the
country was solely to be ascribed. In proof of it
he would refer to the speeches of the late Lord
CHAT/IAM and Mr. PITT. whose words he had
quoted ; and in repeating them, where he says—
`• without reform the nation will be plunged into
hay wars," he would ask the ministers who wrote,
and all who had read the KING'S Speech, at the
opening of the late Parliament, if any thing could
have prevented war but public opinion against it?
With respect to the whole proceedings of this inquiry,
which did more to degrade the Crown and House
of Commons in the eyes of the people than all the
previous questions in Parliament, he would assert
that the conduct of the Whigs, in their painful si-
tuation betwixt the crown and people, was in strict
accordance with their duty; whilst the Ministers
of that day, to support the system, or to keep their
places, sacrificed the honour of the House of Com-
mons, toi,the personal feelings of the Crown ; first,
by making themselves parties in the cause wherein
they sat as judges; and, lastly, when the truth
came out, in prevailing on the house to deny it,
in the face of evidence which spoke for itself in the
minds of the whole country ; and thus, in setting
public opinion at defiance, they raised a feeling of
indignation throughout the kingdom which nothing
but the retirement of the Duke from office could
have removed.

.- - -
And here—to prove what was of more impor-
tance to the question of reform than the character
of the ministers—viz. the character of the people
in their firm attachment to the crown—and to
show that all the excitement of the public mind on
that occasion was solely against the Ministers and
the House of C, mmons, and not the crown in the
person of the Duke of YORK—he must mention
the extraordinary fact of the re-appointment" of
the Duke to office, without any expression of pub-
lic feeling against it ; the reason being, that the
people having carried the question of truth against
the ministers and House of Commons by the re-
tirement of the Duke, their resentment au' sided
with the removal of the cause ; and thus the re-
action of public feeling took place—the Duke
having ever been popular with all classes, front the
proverbial kindness of his disposition, and the
openness, sincerity, and manliness of his character
—and considering how much he had suffered more
than his conduct merited, the people, who did
not understand the constitutional question of his
appointment, were glad to see him back in office,
as the only means of removing his disgrace. But,
fur the country's sake, would that the public mind,
that was now enlightened upon the subject, had
been as well informed at that period, or rather at
the time of the Duke's first appointment to the
command of the army in Flanders, at the com-
mencement of the war of the allies against France
—because the same public opinion, which in spite
of the ministers, and the whitewashing vote of the
House of Commons, drove the Duke from office,
might have prevented that unfortunate appoint-
ment in tl:e first instance, which, looking to all
the political and constitutional mischief that ne-
cessarily glen out of it, be considered as one of
the main causes of the present distress of the
country.

•
And now, in conclusion of this case, he must
menti. n an instance of public virtue in the
Whig Aristocracy of that house, which, in his
opinion, was without a parallel in the parliamen-
tary history of the country—namely, the conduct
and speeches of the two noble lords, the mover
and seconder r f the motion of censure against
Ministers in the Session of 1811, for advising the
Crown to tit, re-appointment of the Duke to otEce ;
ss herein. looking on one hand to the trying situa-
tion in v. hich their own elevated rank must have
placed those noble lords with respect to the Crown,
and un the (Atter, to the unpopularity of their
motion both in the House and country, for the
reasons he had stated, he had evor considered
their conduct on that question to have established
tin it characters in that house es the firmest and
most uncompromising defenders the Consti-
tution, and tte real liberties of the people ; and
in saying ithe must add,that if hehadhad no other
gr. undo for his confidence in the present govern-
ment, it wopld have „ken sudicieut for him, the
tact of their Chincelior alit, Exchequer being one

of the truly noble lords of whom he had been
speaking—the other noble lord being, happily for
reform, and singularly, under all circumstances,
his present colleague in the representstion of
North a mptronshi re.
The last case was that of the equally memorable
proceedings against the late QUEEN ; wherein,
upon all the important questions in the House of
Commons, the conduct of the Whigs was dictated
by the same constitutional feelings as in the case of
the Duke of YORK ; whilst for the other house, it
were unnecessary to say how ainch the country
and the late QUEEN had been indebted to the
powerful eloquence and support of the same party,
for the abandonment of that most dangerous of
measures for the character of Parliament, and the
honour, interest, and even safety of the crown,
the Bill of Pains and Penalties. And here, in
answer to the heavy, but utterly unfounded,
charge which, in both these cases, was brought
against the Whigs, and which had been renewed
on every occasion of their defending the cause of
the people, by accusing them, as at the present
moment, of endangering the safety of the crown,
for the mere sake of office, he would appeal to
candour and common sense, whither the noble
lord at the head of the present Government, who
bad distinguished himself above all others (at least
of the order he belonged to) as the powerful de-
fender of the late QUEEN—was it possible that the
noble lord, or others of the same pace, or the pre-
sent Lord Chancellor, the present Attorney Gene-
ral, or any of the Whig party who had stood for-
ward as the defenders of the QUEEN, could in so
doing, have entertained a hope of office, not merely
at the time, but during the lives of the late Kin°,
the late Duke of YORK, or the next in succession

to the crown ; but, happily for the country, their
honecty had been their best policy, and the more
fortunate at the present moment, in the proof it had
given to the people of the heart and head of that
individual whose name he need not mention.

And here—to return once more to the people,
who in this case, as in the Duke of York's, were
accused of disaffection to the Crown—he must beg
the attention of the house, not only to the total want
of truth in these charges, both against the Whigs
and the people, bet to the proof of their being the
sole invention of the Tories, to support their sys-
tem, and to prevent then, as they would still, the
only remedy for its evils by the present measure of
reform ; for having shewn that the Whig aristo-
cracy, whose own existence as an old r depended
on the Crown, might as well have been charged
with the intention of destroying it, as of getting
into office by opposing it in the case of the Queen,
so he would equally prove that the people might as
justly have been accused of the desire of office, as of
disaffection to the Crown. But before he produced
an evidence, so fortunate for their cause, that if
he were one of those who ascribe chance to PRO-
VIDENCE when it happens to their wish, it could
tempt him to believe that PROVIDENCE in this
case had lent a hand, he would first ask, why the
people, in the case of the Queen, were not to be
actuated by the same feelings as the Whigs, and
to express the same indignation at the conduct of
the Government, without being accused of that
disaffection to the Crown, which dell charges, was
the most unfounded, and inconsistent with the na-
tional character ?

And now, to set the question at rest, he would
produce his evidence of their loyalty, not merely
(coin the ranks of their accusers, but out of the
mouth of the present leader of the ultra-Tory party;
being the unanswered and unanswerable speech of
the right honourable member for Boroughbridge
against the Tory Ministers in the session of 1821,
upon the memorable question relative to the omis-
sion of the QUEEN'S name in the Liturgy ; at
which time the learned gentleman was the new and
aspiring member for Oxford ; being then in the
prime of life, with his lungs in their full strength,
and not in the dying state he had latterly declared
himself; and hon. members who had only witnessed
the last efforts of his eloquence might form some
idea of its former character, when assured that
all the pelting of the storms of his abuse against
the present Whigs had been like the dropping
of " the gentle rain from Heaven upon the
place beneath," compared with his bitter reproaches
of the Tories of that day, for what he had called
their unconstitutional, illegal, radical, and revolu-
tionary proceedings against the Queen; concluding
with a declaration that, if the Bill of Pains and Pe-
nalties had been brought down from the Lords,
he, the learned, but not yet right hon. gentleman,
would have moved as an amendment, to entitle it I
" A Bilt to deprive her Majesty of her just rights
and privileges as Queen Consort of the Realms."
and yet, " within a month, or 'ere those shoot
were old" in which he had so nobly defended her'
late Majesty, be walked over to the same Tory Mi-
-1 'slimy, and took his seat as Solicitor-General. The
hen. n:ember hoped he had thus proved that the
conduct of the people in the case of the Qaeen
was dictated solely by the honesty of their hearts,
and that sense of justice which led them to defend
her cause with the same zeal which Ministers had
betrayed it, and to show her all the respect in their
power, to console her for the treatment she had re-
ceived ; 'and here, in conclusion of this last
case, he had been strongly reminded of it, in the
contrast betwixt the present people and those of
former times, by the speech of his hon. friend the
member for Aldhorough, who began his attacks
upon the bill in Committee, with a comparison be-
twixt his own humble talent and that of preceding
speakers in the debate, taken from a speech in the
Iplay of Richard 11. which, after describing the
flattering reception of the usurper Bolingbroke,
upon his entry into London, with Richard a pri-
soner at his heels, proceeds to state how the citizens
treated their unfortunate King ; and, if the House
would allow him to add a quotation to the many
which had been given in the debate, he would repeat
the passage which his honourable friend has called
to his recollection :
" As in a theatre the eyes of men
After a well-graced actor leaves the stage.
•
Are idly bent on him that enters next,
Thinking his prattle to be tedious;
Even so, or with much more contempt, men's eyes
Did scowl on Richard. No man erred, GOD save him ;
No joyful tongue gave him his welcome home;
But dust was thrown upon his sacred head;
Which with such gentle sorrow he shook off—
His face still combating with tears and smiles,—
The badges of his grief and patience--
That bad not GOD, for some strong purpose, steeled
The hearts of men, they mast per force have melted,
And barbarism itself hare pitied him."
Such was the reception of the unhappy Richard by
the chinos of those days, when uu-kinged by
Bolingbroke ; but he thanked GOD, the present
citizens took a warmer interest in behalf of till

Qum:, so unjustly and illegally degraded by the
Ministers ; and, whatever their opinion, the feel-
ings of the people did honour to their hearts, and
the worst misfortune that could happen to the
Crown would be the want of them.
He had thus endeavoured to do justice to the
present Ministry, and the people ; he hoped also to
have shown that the distressed state of the country
was solely to be ascribed to that system, which
the late Mr. PITT, with the best intentions, on
coming into office, was unable to controul—for it
was but justice to his character to state the fact to
those who might not know it, that Mr. PITT, as
Minister, had arranged, and would have effected,
that great measure of reform—the abolition
of tithes—but for the breaking out of the
French revolution, which unfortunate event
defeated his intention, and compelied him
to the war with France in spite of his endea-
vours to avoid it. And thus reform was of neces-
sity abandoned ; for war was the steam-engine that
multiplied the power of the system, and all its ex-
pense and patronage the fuel which supplied it;
whilst the loans that were raised for its support,
being expended in the country, increased its trade
and commerce ; and by giving full employment to
the people, enabled them to bear the taxes to pay
the interest of the debt. Thus all went smoothly
for a time, and thus corruption, " as if increase of
appetite had grown by what it fed on," continued
to spread, until the whole nation became so iden-
tified with the abuses of the system, and the enor-
mous expenditure of the Government, that the
evil was left to cure. itself, as it had done at last,
for want of the means to prolong it; insomuch,
that it was only the general distress of the people,
and their utter inability to bear longer the burden
of taxation, which, in opening their eyes to the ne-
cessity of reform, had roused and combined their
efforts to obtain it.

And here he must tell the Right Hon. Baronet,
in answer to all his speeches and solemn warnings
of the consequences of the present measure, that
it was this conduct of the people, the happy change
of Ministers, and, above all, the unexampled firm-
ness and wisdcm of the Crown, which had saved
the country from the calamity which the continu-
ance of himself and colleagues in office must
inevitably have produced ; for if they believed in
all they said of the danger to the Crown and House
of Peers from the present bill, what must it really
have been, if the Crown and present Ministers, in-
stead of gaining by their conduct the hearts and
affections of the people, had opposed their will and
power? for he had shown in both these cues that,
as to the question of reform, the people had always
the power they had at last displayed—viz. public
opinion, together with their weight in the scale of
the constitution, in spite of its abuses, and the de-
fective state of their present representation in it;
for had he not proved that, 20 years since, public
opinion removed the Duke of YORK from office ?
and again, did it not stop the proceedings against
the QUEEN ? and what but public opinion, and his
own declaration against it, removed the late Minis-
ter; and if the public mind bad been as enlightened
40 years since, and had spoken out then as it had
done now, he sincerely believed, without joining
in the praise or censure of the late Mr. PITT, that
as Minister, with the people at his back, he would
have carried the question of reform ; and thus, by
controlling the power of the Aristocracy in that
house, would have prevented all the increase of
the public debt, and have spared England and
France all the misery which the unnatural war be-
twist them, as regarded the interests of the people,
had produced.
But as the excess of evil produces good, so both
nations had become the wiser and the better for
their misfortunes ; mid, looking to the glorious
example of France, he rejoiced that England had
been actuated by the same spirit, because he was
convinced that all the people asked was justice,—
and that, with the i-nowledge of their power,
they were too enlightened, and knew their real
interests too well, to abuse it. And here he
begged to make an observation relative to the
attacks which bad been made upon the friends
of the measure, as the pledged supporters of " the
BILL, the WHOLE BILL, and NOTHING BUT TEL
BILL," according to what had been called the
cuckoo-cry of the people ; for, although the wor-
thy aldermen so attacked, had justified the pledge,
and defended their constituents in calling their
colleagues to account, and had been ably sup-
ported by other honourable members, yet others,
the friends of the bill, had disclaimed sad;
pledge, and bad asserted the freedom •of
tb9kr dotes. Upon this important question
be must beg to say that, in agreeing to the
independence of their votes as to the Government,
he must deny it totally, as to their constituents ;
for what was the meaning of a representative in
that Louse, unless to represent the voice of the
body who sent him there ? And although of ne-
cessity, he was mostly left to his own discretion,
because occasions, like the present, seldom occur-
red, yet, when they did, public meetings might be
well called a farce, if the representatives of the
people were not to be bound by their decision, but
so set up their opinioni against the declared sense
of their constituents. As to the charge against the
worthy aldermen of being slaves, the cap only.
fitted those who had no constituents, or none but
slaves t' represent—viz. the members of the no-
mination boroughs, who were as much bound in
honour to vote according to the politics of their
patron., or resign their seats, as he, the represen-
tative of the Bath corporation, would have been
bound to do the like, had not his constituents sa-
srifiud their private interests to his feelings of
public duty; and, in answer to the honourable and,
learned members and others, who had spoken so
warmly on the subject, he would ask whether, if
any one of them, like himself, had been the friend
of reform, he would be sitting in the seat he now
occupied.
As to what they had called the cuckoo-cry, he
must beg their excuse for thinking there was more
sense in the cry than the epithet they had given
it ; and if they must have a nick-name for it, they
should call it the goose-cry ; for, as history said of
Rome it was that which saved the capitol ; so fu-
ture history would say of England, it was this
cuckoo-cry, which, in carrying reform, had saved
the constitution. For what had been the origin
of the cry ? Before the reform bill, the cry ;was
for short Parlianifnts and the Baikal. And Jure,
in defence of the people, ha must say a few- words
upon that' subject. He had always been a friend
se the ballot,
.witboat trestioning the ainteritraf
-otherfefisrpieis, Went , airless it; and, la di:.
&Tosco to their prejudices, he ,!toped the MOO
• :

bill might prevent its necessity ; but, in his opi-
nion, there could be no real freedom of election
without it. If it were not so, why had the ballot
been invented, and why was it generally adopted by
every club throughout the kingdom ? This dis-
proved the assertion that it was an un-English
practice; although it might be called so with re-
ference to the practice of the Constitution, wherein
the people were represented in appearance, but not
in fact ; but even as at present, where the people
had a voice, to substitute the ballot for the poll
would give the substance for the shadow. The bal-
lot, too, in his opinion, was as necessary for the
elected as the elector; and, like the quality of
mercy, which " bksseth him that gives and
him that takes," was the only real pro-
tection of the honour and independence of
both—it was the only protection of the elector
against the undue influence of every kind
to which he was liable in the exercise of that
choice, which, to be truly free, should be free as
his own thoughts ; and the only protection of the
elected against the necessity of asking what he
should refuse as a favour, and which placed him in
that situation with his elector, that ought to be as
painful to both as it was inconsistent with their
relative situations in life, and every true feeling of
public and private honour : it was the only effectual
means of preventing the expense, and all the other
evils, which open election contests must produce,
and again, for the same reasons, it removed all the
objections to short Parliaments. Such were the
reasons which, in his opinion, had justified the feel-
ings of the people in favour of the ballot, and were
the proof of their moral and intellectual improve-
ment; whilst the Reform Bill had done credit to
their hearts and understandings, in at once re-
moving all their doubts and fears, and inspiring
that confidence in the ministers which their con-
duct had so well deserved.

And now, what had been the origin of the
cry, but the conduct of the opponents to the former
Bill, which had compelled the Government to ad-
vise the dissolution of Parliament ; when the peo-
ple, thus appealed to by the Crown, most wisely
and constitutionally, not only chose for their re-
presentatives professed friends of reform, but, to
prevent all misunderstanding by leaving loop-holes
to creep through, or pins to hang a doubt on,
bound them to support " the Bill, the whole Bill,
and nothing but the Bill," or, in other words, to
vote for the whole measure of the Ministers, and
against all the amendments of their opponents,
who, in the opinion of the people, had no object
but to defeat it. Such then being the cause, what
had been the effect, but, simply, that the Minis-
ters, thus supported by the country, bad again
brought in the very same Bill, which, however
excellent in itself, would never have been
carried but for the cuckoo-cry of the peo-
ple, who, to follow the example of the
cuckoo, had turned the late Ministry out of
their nest, to hatch the egg of their own real liberty
in it ? And although this glorious triumph of the
people was not seen by the hon. baronet, it was
clearly seen, and as honestly confessed, by a late
member of the house, the oldest, strongest, and
most consistent tory in it—namely, the late mem-
ber for Dorsetshire, who, in a most candid speech,
told his late constituents, that however deeply he
lamented it, the bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill, was carried; thus declaring his opi-
nion, as plain as words could speak it, that the
bill, so carried by the voice of the people in that
house, neither mould, nor could, be oproed
elsewhere, and with this opinion the honourable
=sober fully agreed, for a reason so strong and
natural, that he felt no doubt upon the subject.
The first resolution of the House of Commons in
every new Parliament, declared it was a high in-
fringement of its liberties and privileges for any
peer to concern himself with the election of its
members ; end he could not believe, in the face of
such resolution, that any one of the many fathers
here referred to, would place his son in that predi-
cament, to compel him either to impeach his fa-
ther's conduct or his own. And here he must beg
to ask the noble lord on the other side, who had so
warmly expressed his feelings to the last— and of
whom, although he had not the honour of a per-
sonal acquaintance with the noble lord, if be might
speak es he thought he believed him to be " honest
as the skits between his brows"—he would ask the
noble lord bow be could reconcile to himself to be a
member of the house, solely through the means of
that interference, against which, in the name of the
people, he had so strongly and solemnly protested
—and ferther,if allowed to say it, as an old reformer
in the house whilst the noble lord was yet at school,
he was sure that when the noble lord's apprehen-
sions of the danger of the present measure should
subside ; and be was again a member of the house
—u no doubt he would be if he wished it, having
all the advantages of rk,roiserty, and bis own
personal merit to recommend hins--the noble lord
would be more satisfied with his new seat as a
representative of the pssple than the one he now
filled.

Having thus availed himself of the indulgence
of the house, he would no longer detain it than to
express in the fewest words hie opinion of the
present glorious measure ; which when the noble
lord, who bad so well deserved the honour of the
undertaking, first unfolded to the house, gave him
all the delight expressed by other honourable
members, but without the least surprise; being not
a jot more than he had expected from the Minis-
ters, and which to have been surprised at, were to
have doubted their honesty, firmness, common
sense, and the sincerity of their declarations on
coming into office ; for to have stopped abort of
what they had done, would have been only a half
measure, that neither could have satisfied the
people, nor have effected any real benefit for the
country ; whilst the present Bill had already paved
the way for all the good to follow it, by the confi-
dence it bad inspired throughout the country in
Ministers, who had sacrificed all their unconstitu-
tional power, looking solely for their support to the
good opinion of the people. As to all the
charges brought against them, he thought the two
noble lords, the mover of the bill, and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, who, between them, had
conducted it throughout, had, in all their speeches
Ally acquitted ministers of every unworthy mo-
tive ; whilst all the defects of the measure were
,solely to be ascribed to the necessity that com-
pelled them, in framing it, to preserve as Much as
podia. 'that ancient form of tbe representation,
which °obtained en the' anomaly, inconsistency,
sad iiiicetiat their opponents had so smell com-
plained of. Them defects the ministers must hare
endentanted to remedy as far as the case would

admit ; but the main object of their bill was
real representation of the people; and conside:-
ing the difficulty of the task, in prevailing on
many different reformers in that still unti•foreat,
house to consent to so strong a measure, it haq
been no less to his surprise than satisfaction 1.,
see it carried through the committee by sun!.
large majorities.
The clause for the division of counties,
which so much had been said, was, no doubt,
necessary compromise on the part of ministois, i•
such it could be called ; but with all his respect fe,
the opinions of those who had been the warmest
and most powerful friends to the bill, he could not
agree with their objections to this clause, nor tlic
danger to be apprehended frcm it ; insomuch tha•
the bill had given to the people all the power dick
wanted to protect themselves against it ; and a: t„:"
supposing the present to be a final measure, nc
honourable member could seriously believe it; tu.
it would be too much to assert of any act of Portia-
ment,and, above all, of the present bill—of so Belt
and complicated a nature, consisting of so many
clauses, and the effect of which, like that which
the removal of old London-bridge might have upon
the Thames above it, no human being could pre-
tend to say ; nor what must yet be done to prevent
any evil arising out of the great good which tit,:
destruction of that old, worn-out, rotten fabric,
and the old, worn-out, rotten system of the late
Tory Government, must produce. To this sincere
opinion of the bill, he would only add, that next
to the measure itself, he considered the govern.
ment to have deserved the greatest credit for keep.
ing it a secret to the last moment, and for giving
way to their opponents in the late Parliament,
upon the question of the new writ for Evesham, to
prevent the danger of betraying it in a previous
debate; and wherein be thought the right hon.
baronet and his friends had been caught in their
own trap—for unless to obtain their secret from
the Government, he could not believe they would
have moved their bill to disfranchise Evesharn,
upon the very eve of the reform bill, without wait-
ing to see if it were wanted. But howeser that
might be, the government had shown its sincerity
and good sense ; for with the intention of adopting
the remedy for the whole evil, it would have here
worse than useless to waste the time of the house
upon so small a part; whilst the conduct of the
Right Hon. Baronet and his friends had been like
that of the old lady, who, when making one hole
for her cat to go through, must needs make another
for the kitten ; for where was the use of both bills
And how, in the face of their own small measure,
could they oppose this great and glorious act, not
for the punishment, but the prevention of the
crime; and not like theirs an act of gross injustice,
in disfranchising the whole electors of a borough
upon the ground of the corruption of a part—thus
punishing the innocent for the crime of the guilty,
and reversing the maxim of the law, which declares
that better 99 guilty escape, than one innocent
suffer—and this too on the part of the late right
hon. secretary, whose labours in the Home De-
partment, for the general amendment of the laws,
bad been the theme of praise throughout the cowl-
, try—and yet upon the question of this glorious
measure, which, in setting the example of virtue
in the rovernment, had done more already to
prevent corruption, and to raise the moral charuc•
ter of the people, than the whole bundle of his
amended laws together, the right hon. gentleman
in the face of his Evesbam Bill, fights, tooth and
nail, against it; and thus in his justice,wisdom, and
morality, this " wise young man." this " upright
Judge,' this second Daniel," makes the example
of the single case, but defends the general prac-
tice. For how, in common sense, could he prevent
the corruption of open boroughs whilst whole seats
were openly bought and sold ? iVlust reason could
he give why the Evesham or Liverpool electors
should not sell their votes, whilst boroughmongers
sold their seats ? or why these poor and needy of-
fenders should be punished, whilst the practice was
permitted in the rich ? What but this plain
common-sense view of the case would have dictated
the words of their former Speaker, who, more than
twenty years back, upon the question of reform,
told the house, that the bare mention of the sale of
seats would have made their ancestors start with
indignation ? And well might the Government of
that day, to support the system and prevent the
exposure from such a quarter, do all they could to
stop the public press ; but now that the game was
up, the system being fairly worn out, and that
natural causes, with most fortunate events, had
combined the Crown, the Government, and the
people in the same just cause, he could not but
think that the right hon. bait. notwithstanding all
he had said against it, would do best, even ye', to
follow his own example,
.and, once more, make a
virtue of necasity, especially now that he eat
out of office, when, without without a question of
his motive, he might fairly pay the debt be owed
the Whigs, by helping them, as they helped him;
and thus, between them, carry the two great mea-
sures of CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

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