Star.
London, England, 1825-02-15 00:00:00

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Finste).—llow was it to be avoided? Is k not the
l
inevitable condition of Governments to take circum-
stances as they are? It is so, and the mixed affairs of
nations will not admit of Utopian fancies. The my-
dation: failed--the`mintry most have a Government,
And thit constituency of idministration was fot med
which existing circumstances commanded—( Hear).—
Are we, then, to be considered 'responsible for evils
which'[ do not deny, which eiisted before and at the
time of our formation, and for which it was i npossible,
from the very state of parties in this country,to pravide
a remedy ?—(Hear, hear).—Such being the real and
undeniable state of the case, with what justice can we
be now reproached fur having consented to take office;
•aad if we ought not to be reproached for the accept-
ance, why, I ask, are we to be considered 'culpable for
:remaining?—(Near, hear.)—But, say the Hon..ut:
Able Members opposite, .‘ You ate now a strong
:Administration; you are (as they s 'metimes admit)
deset.redly popular; you are in the progre.sive reali-
zation of a new system, therefore now is the time
for you, who differ with a part of your colleagues,
to turn round upon them, and break up the Admi-
nistration, or carry the point on which you dilFet.
—These are the taunts which have been thrown out

against us. Such are the grounds on which the Hon.
Members opposite have, during the present discussion,
'so repeatedly thrown ingenious-1 feel justified in say-
111g—unworthy sarcasms, when they assume that such
and such a measure is to be attributed to a pertinacity
of adhering to place, and fix upon any one Member
of the Cabinet as the sole author of such a policy. 1
declare unequivocally, that there exists not the slightest
foundation for such a charge. It is not just to fix it
upon the Noble and Lear ned Lord (Elton) who has
been:so attacked—(Hear). The Noble Lord at the
head of the Treasury would disdain such a policy (Hear,
hear, hear). Is it chargeable upon my Right lion.
Friend near me (Mr. Carmiag)? Nobody ever ven-
tured to attt ibute to him such a feeling—(Cheers). But
were we, who have given our support to the Repeal of
the Restriction Laws against the Catholics, to act upon
the instructions of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, to act
upon the recommendation of the Hon. Gentlemen, in
what a character should we present ourselves to the
country and the world. Were we thus to turn round
upon our colleagues, who on that question conscienti-
onsly differ from us, I should consider it nothing less
than an act of gl-eat treachery (Hear, hear, hear). IV
what a light would men who thus discarded the prin.
ciples of integrity exhibit themselves to an honest Par-
liament, and to an enlightened people (Hear, hear,
hart) What would be the result as to the very mea-
sure for which not a sacrifice of principle was made?
It is my bpinion, that men who could prove them-
selves so insensible to justice, would, by the act, in-
capacitate themselves from carrying any measure the,
pressed, much more a measure, which I do believe,
even under present circumstances, and the state of public
feeling, it is impossible to effect—(Hear, hear). S 6
far as my knowledge of the public sentiments extends,
and I have not been an inattentive observer on the
question, I do believe that at this moment there exists
in this country a strong indisposition against the Ca.'
tholic claims—(Hear.) And I do most sincerely be-
lieve,
thaethe increased repugnance to that measure at
the present moment is mainly to be attributed to the acts
of this Catholic Association—(Hear.) It is always to
be borne in mind, that the question passed even this
Howie with no very great majority. In the other
House of Parliament a very strong majority decided
against it. Amongst the great body of the clergy, a
very powerful opposition to it prevails. Such a feeling,
without casting any reproach on that respectable body,
is most natural, even were we to suppose them insen-
sible to higher interests, and only actuated, which, I
am persuaded, is not the fact, by the interests of their
'order. Was it not natural that such a body should
view with jealousy the extension of political power to
a rival Church, which they believed to view with hos-
silky, not only their establishment, but even, if he I
might say, their mode of faith ? Every man who re-
lieved on the lakence the Catholic Priesthood exerted
over their flocks, must at least admit that such a jea-
lousy was, to say the least, excusable. But though I
see great difficulties at present, I by no means think
that the Honourable Gentlemen opposite are justi-
,kd in representing, or rather misrepresenting, the
opinions of my Right Honourable Friend near me
(Mr. Canning), and which I say they have
done, when they have assumed that he considered
the possibility of carrying the repeal hopeless.—
He never has made such an assertion. Who that re-
traces the history of human affairs, particularly in
modern times, that is not struck with changes so im-
portant and unexpected, that they almost appear mira-
culous ? It is because human action so frequently illus-
trates such a variation of opinion, that I most certainly
do not despair of yet seeing a great change, even on
the Catholic Question, effected in the public mind of
this countiy—(Cheers). A great change has been al-
ready effected in this House. I watched its progress, and
as :I am myself an example -of what time and thought
can effect, I ought to be the last man to despair on thisi
great subject—(Hear). For, Sir, I freely avow, that all
my earliest impressions were strongly against it (Cheers).
I once thought, as many honest men now think, that
between Papal and arbitrary power there existed an in-
separable connection. I have, as my experience and
Sea n s of information increased, lived to form a morel
eorrect,oPinion—(Cheers). I shall never be ashamed,
here or elsewhere, to avow a previous error, and to take
credit for a more sound view of any question. I, there-
fore, ought to be the last man to doubt a gradual
Ichange m the public mind, at the same time that I feel,
'from circumstances, that at this very moment it is,
fear, improper to realise my own wishes on the subject.
I do believe a strong repugnance to the question pre.
vails in this country. I should be very glad, Sir, if I
were mistaken in this opinion ; but it is my firm belief,
that there exists a general prejudice, if it may be so
called, a feeling of disinclination and hostility on that
subject. on the part of the great majority of the people,
which no power can at present overcome, and which
would prevent any Administration, howevcr com-
posed, from passing a measure of Emancipation.—
Most fatal to that question, I am persuaded it
would be, were any Administration to be formed
laying it down as the basis of their union, and after-
.wards-finding that it was impracticable to carry it.
Such a failure would have the most injurious effect, and
would throw the probable success of the question at
least half a century back. It was with this view of the
subject that I exposed myself to the reproach of belong-
ing to a Government in which that question stands in
the condition in which it is with the present Government.
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman who has just sa:
down says, that it is not enough that the measure may
be convenient, but that we must shew that it is necessary.