Star.
London, England, 1831-06-01 00:00:00

ROYAL EXCHANGE, THREE O'CLOCK.

Consols, which left off yesterday at 84} f for
the Account, opened at the same price; soon after
lowered to 84; and at present may be quoted at
841 i for the Account, and 84i for money. The
speculators in the city are anxious to hear the re-
sult of this day's important declarations in the
Congress at Brussels.

In the Foreign Market, little or nothing doing.
In the Foreign Stock Market this morning, Brazilian
Bonds, for the Account, were 621 ; Columbian Bonds, for
for the Account, 134 ; Danish Bonds, 3 per Cent. 634 ;
Greek Bonds, 100, 22; Mexican Bonds, 5 per Ceat. 30;
Ditto for the Account, 394 ; Russian Bonds, 1822, 5 per
Cent. 954 b ; Spanish Bonds, 5 per Cent. 15a ; Ditto, 510,
16 ; French Rentes, 5 per Cent. 90f. 75c ; Exchange, 25i. 30e.

In the Share List, ltlexican, at 71; Protector Fire, at
IL Bs. Canada, 144 15 ; General Steam Navigation, 51 ;
Provincial Bank of Ireland, at 264 t.

PRICE OF STOCKS AT THREE O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock, 1991. 3 per Ct. Cons. 841 31 41 3; 4.
Cons. for Account, 84] 41. 3 per Cent. Red. 831 1.
31 per Ct. 1818, 91. 3/ per Ct. Red. 901 1. 31 per
Cent. New, 92; 4. 4 eel. Ct. 1846, 99 81. Long An.
I nuities, Jan. 1860, 16 15.16 17 161 India ;Stock, 103.
India Bonds, 1 pm. 41000 Exchequer BM 11 13. .11500
Ditto, 11 13. .6100 and 0200 Do. 11 13.

By Hobart Papers to Jan. 1, we learn the hor-
rid fact, that no less than 2,235 male and female convicts
had arrived in Van Dieman's Land within the year. What
a subject for deep sympathy, both as to the cause and effect.
Provisions were so cheap, that a fat sheep war bet is. dd.
and a bullock but 12s. or 15s. and wheat 21. 9d. per bushel.
Broil lid. per lb. Captain Logan, of the Oh, had bean
murdered In the woods near Mouton Day, by the satires.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

PARIS, Mosoar.
SYMPATHY OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH

LIBERALS.

Our national prejudices have often rendered us unjust to-
wards England. It has made us confound the English
people with the government. The English people sympa-
thize with the liberties of mankind; they had an admiration
party for the emancipation of the Americans, for the Coates
of Spain atd of Portugal, and for the glorious revolutions of
Paris, of Brussels, and of Warsaw. We have often reproached
them with egotism; it is that we have not sufficiently re-
marked that they have been in the hands of the aristocracy,
while the aristocrats are in their nature the most egotistical
of men ; moreover, the unparalleled prosperity of England,
holds the people to its commerce. But it must be confessed
on the other hand, that, without England, a long time since,
all the nations of Europe, oppressed by the coalition of kings,
would have sunk under the yoke of absolute power. The English
press, by its cries of alarm, has saved more than once the
liberty of the Continent. She has favoured the establishment
of constitutions, she has unmasked the bigotry of kings, of
courtiers and of priests, she has exposed the cowardly and
cruel actions of tyrants. If England and France would go
hand in hand, atuktogether plant upon the lands of despotism
the flag of liberty, in less than a year from the sables of
Cadiz to the borders of the Neva, entire Europe would be
free. Arbitrary kings know this; they have vowed against
England a profound hatred, and if the hand of some en.
chanter could throw a bridge from the continent to the shores
of that island, it is upon London that they would precipitate
their barbarous hordes.

There are two things which our legitimates will never
pardon in England, ite aristocracy, not more than its de-
mocracy; the first is for having consecrated by the inaugura-
tion of an usurper, the contempt of the right divine; the
second, is that of being separated from the hand of the
Rcman church.

Though partisans of the concentration of power and pro-
petty in a few hands, our legitimates offer up wishes for the
triumph of radicalism, in the secret hope that in the midst of
the troubles of a British Revolution, the representative go-
vernment of West Britain might fall with its press, and an
absolute monarchy rise out of its ashes.
While our Ministry of quasi-legitimates forget the origin
and the promises of July, persecute the press, dismiu the
patriots, and address to the Citizen King the fulsome flatte-
ries and adulations of Charles X. our looks are turned
towards England, still in its youth. We, like its Chur-
-1
cellor, the illustrious Brougham, before whom our states-
men are so insignificant. May he pursue his salutary
Reforms with much energy ! May he cause to wince,
under the sarcasm of his eloquence, that Aristo-
cracy, saturated with pride and wealth, who only reign
by corruption and the service of the rotten boroughs. We
know well that in voting for the liberty of England, we vote
for the increase of her strength and her grandeur. We would
succour our eternal rival : but we are men as well as citi-
zens. We see brothers in all nations who wish to throw off
the yoke of despotism, and we would aid them all in our
power. There is between them and us a solidity of princi-
ples and interests which they will not repudiate. Whilst
the Constitutionalists of France and England remain united,
the holy name of liberty will not perish. From London to
Paris, from Bordeaux to Dublin, the sympathies of the
people will respond ; kindred emotions have crossed the
channel ; they are understood ; and the two most civi.
used nations of the globe—the most able to compechend
and appreciate each other—ought to form a mutual associa-
tion against tyranny. After having overthrown, with our
cannonade of July, the aristocracy of the noblesse, we now
find ourselves placed under the more ridiculous aristocracy
of pedants and bankers! The people—let us hope—will
finish, by enlightening themselves; by ascertaining that re-
volutions do not affect the soil ; and that generous and pa-
triode blood does not flow, merely to support and fortify
the presumptuous hereditary claims of a useless peerage—to
fatten and encourage the idle and luxurious habits of a proud
and vicious race—the gilding and frippery of the courtier_
either at the expense, or the toil e the hard-wrought, but
DOW intelligent labourer.-.-Courrier Francais.

PARTIALITY OF PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA IN

THE POLISH QUESTION.

We have already exhausted all the language of admiration
in speaking of Poland ; she sheds her blood, she dies as we
write. But whose fault is it ? Diplomatists are mistresses
of the ground, she is drawn in the routine of these inactive
despoilers; and the partiality of the Cabinets of Vienna and
Berlin wound every instant the sacred principles of the rights
of men. Alas ! is it not at last time that two great nations,
such as England and France, demand that these Cabinets
abstain from such odious measures ? We will make a
summary of a few facts,—they speak sufficiently of them.
selves. Prussia and Austria, having had their share in the
palliate of Poland, are visibly interested in the question.
It will be great joy for them, if Warsaw returns under
the all-powerful Nicholas. Thus they favour the arms
of the Czar as much as possible. They watch, not to
allow funds to pass which belong to the Polish government
and that which is addressed to it by the Foreign Committees.
At Berlin, they arrest our young physicians, and will not
open a passage for them but after investigations, interrogato-
ries, and scientific examinations. The Prussian Cabinet
alters the Polish Bulletins, and withdraws the facts not ho-
nourable to the Russian character. Moreover, it appears,
that a Journal of Warsaw has received the eopy of an article
from the Prussian Minister, by virtue of which, they will
seize as property of the Emperor of Russia, not only the
funds of the Bank of Poland, but again the sums of private
money sent, if that money is a property of the Bank.
If the Prussian Cabinet acts thus, is it not a real inter-
vention in favour of Russia ? Does she not become the
agent of an Autocrat ? Dees site not descend to a character
not very honourable? And, besides, has the Cabinet of
Berlin the right of pronouncing upon a question, at least,
doubtful to its eyes, and which is not to ours ? The funds
of the Bank of Poland--are they not provided from the taxes
raised in Poland ?

Well I An insurrection provoked by unbearable tyranny
bursts forth; Warsaw gives the signal the nation pro.
claims itself independent after a vicfory void of all excess;
she supports that independence with arms; force bad dis-
membered her, force can overthrow the work of oppressors;
there is no prescription for the right of the strongest, Wh a
would be the result of that spoliation, though force be wot
right P Nothing I Whilst the spoliator is the most power-
ful, he keeps that which he has stolen; but if the 'polluted
reseises his property, he re-enters in the exercise of all his
rights.

The treaty of Vienna ha's been invoked, but has not that
treaty been violated by Russia ? A reciprocal contract re.
poses upon the accomplishments of conditions equal to the
parties, and the Russian Emperors have in no point obi.
served it: they had promised constitutional institutions, and
sought to extinguish every where nationality, to huml.l
lists the Poles, to prohibit even the use of their
language. The Emperor Nicholas has not then the
right of exacting as his, the funds of the bank,
for it is a question which will be decided by
the sabre,until the Cabinets of Europe shall ay, "EneswAr
and interpose between them. The duty of Prussia is to
°bone a strict neutrality, and, slnceisit will, not honour

itself by tendering a hand to Poland, let ft at least not be its
enemy. Russia is obstinate in this sanguinary game, she
prepares new armaments, Russian favouritism irritates and
oats to Nicholas its gold and its peasants ; it will again
throw thousands of men in his terrible wrath. And every
victory of Poland is a wound which does not close, every
drop of blood which escapes from her is not reparable
enfeebled, she appeals, and Europe looks on : Unfortunate
Poland ! That you should be left to implore us ! It tip.
pears that England is moved, and that she has signified it
by energetic notes to the Cur; and the entry of an English
squadron in the Baltic is even spoken of. Wedare not fiat.
ter ourselves with the reality of these hopes of intervention,
in which we desire to see our Cabinet participate ; bnt, at
lead, his its duty to cause Prussia and Austria to observe
the laws of strict neutrality.—Le Constitutionnet.
REPORTS OF THE DAY.—" They discourse much, in
diplomatic salons, of an exchange of notes which has taken
place a month since, and to which l attributed great import-
ance. It is said that M. Perla has demanded from Vienna
and Berlin the disarming of all, or part, of their exorbitant
military state, which, by exciting alarms, paralyses commer.
cial transactions. It has been answered by the Cabinet of
Vienna, that Austria does not desire anything better than
to put her military state upon the footing of peace ; but
that such a measure cannot be taken until after the solu.
tion of some important questions which are connected with
the present state of Poland and Italy. It has been re.
plied by France, that these questions being resolved in part
by the Congress of Vienna, nothing can prevent the Powers
from agreeing upon the incidents created since the revolution
of July, and which have not modified these stipulations
of the Congress of Vienna ; but in that which concerns Italy,
Austria has exercised, even beyond the limits of her rights,
the intervention of police in the Italian States, and that these
States cannot longer be the pretexts for new armaments.
In that which regards Poland, the overtures made to the
Emperor Nicholas have been repulsed ; it has been shown to
him that, as the present state of Poland may threaten the
peace of Europe, France and England believe it essential to
call all the attention of his Majesty, the Emperor Nicholas,
upon the convention ordered at Vienna, which assured the
constitutional independence of Poland. It is this last note
which has given rise to some reports of war which have been
current since yesterday —Courrier Francais.
WARSAW, Max 16.

In vain we have looked for help from France, that France
which led us into revolution, :and promised us her best aid.
In vain do we call to the remembrance of your cruel Govern.
mint the wrongs we have suffered, and the ills we yet endure.
We have appealed to the delicacy, to the honour, and to
the gratitude of France, but in vain. To England we
must cow look. But we have no right to ask het aid on the
store of favours we have conferred, or past services we have
rendered. We saved your country from a Russian invasion
last autumn, by our revolution, and, la return, we cannot even
obtain muskets, under the seal of France, nor remittances
of money. Lord Grey is a distinguished friend of liberty,
and he is surrounded by those who have long fought against
the policy of the Holy Alliance ; but will they break with
Russia for the sake of Poland? If not, we must prepare
for pillaged cities, murdered families, for crimes unheard
of in civilised countries, and for a third invasion. We shall
again; ]rive back these robbers who would wrest from us new
liberty, but our strength may at last be weakness, and Po-
land may fall. Exert yourself, then, to the utmost in this holy
cause. All goes on well at present. The Russian army does
not advance on us. The cholera mochas is not so virulent or
destructive as among our enemies. The enthusiasm is in
creased. The confidence of our troops in their General
and in their cause is unbounded. The defeat of Dwernield I
discouraging, but the revolution in Volhynla is not compro-
mised. We have received a very important communication

from Lithuania, which you will read in our journals. The
decree has gone forth, that the rebel provinces of our dear
ancient Poland shall be united to us. All this is encouraging,
and the fundholder with the landholder is preparing to make
his sacrifices. It is a national contest, but how small is that
nation when opposed to Russia ? Yet to submit would be
worse than to be exterminated; and though Warsaw may
be destroyed, it will never be occupied by a,. Russian
army, dcc.
The Gazette de France gives the following extract of a
private letter from Antwerp, dated the 24th inst. The
object of the Regent's visit to Antwerp, was to inspect the
batteries raised along the Scheldt, near Lillojand those esta-
blished against the citadel, and had two motives; the first
was to satisfy the war party, by showing that preparation
were making for action, and the other was to induce those
who were working at the fortifications In opposition to the
armistice to desist from their labours. The maritime force
of Holland, below Lill*, has been considerably augmented,
but the Belgians have not a single armed boat at this point ;
they have, however, raised batteries of 128 guns, of 36 and
48 pounders from Lino, as far as the Tete de Flondres. The
Dutch army amounts to 60,000 men, while that of Belgium
is only 40,000 ; but the spirit with which the latter: are
animated, causal them to be regarded as more than equal to'
their adversaries. Notwithstanding tall these preparations,
there is every hope of conciliation, from the disposition of
the Congress, and the hope of the acceptance of Prince
Leopold."

The Regent has returned to Brussels:from his visit to
Antwerp. Orders have been given to Oen. 3lellinet to pro.
coed to Tourney, there to wait for further instructions
The Military Governor of the province of Luxembourg
AI. Busen, has sent Ai. de Puydt to the citadel to demand
the restoration of the arms taken from the Civic Guards of
several neighbouring villages. Notwishstanding the pre-
sence of the Prussian garrison, the inhabitants of the town
received N. de Puydt with shouts of " Vivent les Beiges
He was well received by the Pripet of Hesse Humbug, but
we have not learnt the issue of his application.

L'Avenir argues, that the principle laid down as an argu-
ment against the Tight of demanding specific pledges from
candidates, that a Deputy once chosen is the Deputy of
France, not of the department for which ha is elected, is
entirely a fallacy, as a multitude of instances may occur in
which it would be the bounden duty of a Deputy to advocate
the individual interests of the province which he represents;
and, in the event of a majority of the representative Cham-
ber voting a law manifestly contrary to and destructive of
the principles of the Constitution, each individual member
of the minority would be Representative of his department,
specifically fur the purpose of protesting, in the name of his
constituents, against its adoption.
Le National argues, that the only true principle of a Re-
presentative Government is to be found in the choice of De-
puties, taking with them to the Chamber the mandates of
their constituents. It maintains that this was the case in
the earliest periods of the States-General, and calls on the
electors not to abandon their right of requiring pledges from
the candidates on all points of importanos, and particularly
that of an hereditary Peerage; " for," it concludes, " to re.
Wowed, in the path of liberty is the lowest degree of de-
basement into which a nation can be plunged."
Ls Tribune refers to the English elections as furnishing
noble exempla for imhstion, and calla on the French nation
not to allow England, which received ha impetus front the
revolution of July, to outstrip it in ha progress towards the •
goal at freedom.