Star.
London, England, 1824-03-17 00:00:00

when he said that great advantage.woultl be derived
from a community of religious opinions between the
owners, overseers, or managers, and the slaves, he
trusted- that be should not, he understood as having any
intention of forcing upon the slaves any particular form
of Christianity, or of any intention of interfering with
any religious instruction which they now received, or
might wish hereafter to receive. GOD forbid that any
attempt should be made by any clergyman of the Esta-
blished Church to entrap the minds of the slaves by the
discussion of any abstruse theological doctrines !
('l/ear, hear) —or that any attempt should be made to
disturb, by such miails,tbe.s) stem of Christianity which
they might profess!—(Hear, hen?). It only now re-
mained for him, with respect to the measures which his
Majesty's Governinenf proposed to adopt, to state to
their Lordships one measure, to ivhich, as it was to be
found in the papers upon their Lordships' table, it
might be unnecessary to advert ; but as it was a mea-
sure which he trusted would do away with. a great many
difficulties, he would beg leave to call their-Lordships'
attention to it--le meant his Majesty's Proclamatien to
the slaves. A very general impression existed through!.
out the West India Islands, that the measures now pro-
posed were to be followed up forthwith by a measure
for the complete and absolute extinctionoof slavery. He
cont., not .state from what cause this impression had
arisen, but it was. well known that the whole of the
, slave population in the West India Islands believed that
his Ikiajesty.lisci sent out orders • for . their immediate
emancipation; that they were, in point of fact, free;
but that their masters withheld from them their free-
drim it was-therefore thought,desirable that a Proclama-,
tionshould be issued by his. Majesty to contradict that
erroneous impression. A Proclamation was accordingly'
issued for that purpose; and, considering the character
of the persons to-whom it was addressed,it was deemed
necessary to be as concise and clear as possible.`A short
Proclamation was then issued, and as it was so shot t he
would take the liberty to read it to their Lordships :
" Guinan Iler.—Witereas it has been represented to qs, that the
slaves in some of our West India Colonies, and of our Possessions
on the Continent of South America, have, been erroneously led to
believe that orders had been sent out by us for their emancipation :
And whereas such belief has produced acts of insubordination which
have excited Our highest displeasure: We have thought fit, by
and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our
Ituyal Proclamadon; and we do hereby-declare and make known,
that the slave population in our said Colonies and Possessions will
be undeserving of our protection if they shall fail to renderentire
submission to the laws, as well as dutiful obedience to their masters
And we hereby charge and command all our Governors of our said
West India Colonies and Posses-ions to give the fullest publicity to
this our Proclamation, and to enforce,• by all the legal means in
their power, the punishment of those who may disturb the tiatiquil,
lay and peace of our said Colonies-and Possessions.
" Given at our Court, at Carlton House, this 10th day of March,
1824, and in the fifth of our reign."
It was impossible for him to conclude without adstert-
lug 'to the subject 'referred to in the Proclamation, a
subject upon which su many Petitions had been pre-
sented to their Lordships—he meant the extinction of
slavery. He must say that he considered the true mean-
ing of these Petitions had been much mistaken. All
the Petitioners spoke of the extinction of slavery as an
object to be effected gradually, and indeed some of the
Petitioners went so far as to state their ready acquies-
cence to make compensation to the persons who would
suffer in consequence of the abolition of slavery. Un-
doubtedly, if slavery were to be immediately abolished,
if those who were now slaves were to be immediately
and unconditionally emancipated, the planters would be
entitled to compensation. The planters had a legal right
to the services of their slaves—(Cheers). Nay more, the
planters had a legal right to the services of the issue of
their slaves—(Cheers). IF, thee, their Lordships deprived
the planters of these services, they were bound in ho-
n Our, they were bound in justice, they were bound in
equity to indemnify the planters. He knew it had been
admitted by those who were most anxious for the
abolition of slavery, that the planters were entitled to
the vervices of the slaves now in existence ; but it was-
denied that they were entitled to the services of the
issue yet unborn. Those who maintained that doctrine
were for converting the property of the planter into an
annuity, and an annuity for life instead of a freehold
which he now had. Ile did not now nit:an to contend

that it would not be right to make that alteration in the
property of the planter; but he spoke of the nature of
the planter's property in the slave as it now existed. lie
wished to call their LordshipJattention to the provisions
of at* Act of Parliament passed within the last four
yeati. In that Act the right of the planter to the ser-
vices of the issue of his slats was distinctly laid down.
—(The Noble Earl here read the Clause in the Act to
which lie alluded, and from that Clause it was clear
that the planter was entitled to the services of the issue
of his slaves, provided he complied within a specified
time with certain regnlations.)—After having read that
Clause, he could not entertain a doubt of the tight of
the planter to these services. As he was upon the subject
of indemnity, he could not pass over one thing which
was thrown out by the planters as an object of indem-
nity; namely, indemnity for any losses which they might
suffer in consequence of the mitigation of the. system of
slavery. lie must sec their case made out—he must.see
what was the nature of the loss and whence it had arisen,
before be would consent to give the planters a single
shilling—( Hear, hear).—Let their Lordships look at
the provisions of the measure now proposed. One of
the first provisions provided that the property in the,
slaves should be secured to the planters. Did the plan.'
tern mean to say that their property was interfered with,
because it provided that 24 hours should elapse between
the commission of the offence and the punishment of the
offender—(/lear).—Did the planter mean to say that a
provision which afforded time. for reflection to the ma-
linger was a fit object of indemnity?—(Near).—Did the
planter mean to say that he was entitled to indeinnifica-
tion because the slave was not compelled to labour on a
Sunday ?'—.(llear, hear)—,What! indemnification for
abandoning that which his religion ought to teach him
never to have exacted—( Loud Cheers).—lf planters
could make out that they had suffered losses in conse-
quence cf. being .deprived of that which as Christians.
trey had a right to .exact, he (Earl flathurst) would say
they must be indemnified. It was stated by those who.
wished to induce their Lordships to the immediate abo-
lition of slavery,that the measure would be nothing more-
thaii an alteration from compulsory to free labour, and'
that the planter would derive more benefit iron) tree.
than he now derived from compulsory labour. With
_ respect to free labour; he must say, that from all the
forination which he had received upon the subject,.
be could not point out one instance in which the experi-
went of-'an alteration from compulsory to free labour,,
had been. fairly tried and succeeded.' Indeed he knew-'
many instances in which that experiment had failed.
One case in'soppoit of this alteration was often quoted
—he meant Ci2ylon. Now; -without. taking nito
del ation how far the transition from compulsory to het