Star.
London, England, 1815-04-28 00:00:00

ABERDEEN.

A T a General MEETING of the INCORPO-
RA l'1'1) TRADES- of ABERDF.I.N, held in the fr:nity
Hall, the with March, ISIS.
CONVI.NER bileol., in the Chair.
It was Resolved Unanintondv.
I. Tbat the Thanks qf this 741.•••!ing he given to the Royal
Dukes, F.arl Stanhope. and the ,:ffier Nollhnnen of the Mouse of
Year, who voted Against the Con. Rill, their dp.i.-eee.t. 4
regard to the Cot ttttt erclal at:d Manufacturing Intere4ta of the
Cointrutiity.

2. That the thanks of the Meeting he Kitten to Junes fatly.
bar, Ei. Member tor this }lure.. and those Nrihkiller -.l:d Gil:-
Os-men in the of.C.fimmons. who oppo.c! this 11114 for
their llnn and in.lepenJetic efmduet upon that oeenion„
Si That die !hanks of the Meeting is dee to the Lard h!serte.
Al:Semen 3.1 t ContiwitsC•itspeil of the City of lt. oodt,. tut ....rut
spirited and manly by legal and corvattotion4 ricasur
to stop the progra4 of the Corn 11:11 in all its stageo.
Sigurd by order of the Meeting,
ConYeene.

PARLIAMhIITART INTELLIGENCE.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 27.

Se CM proceedings at the ear. iu reference to
neasaa.lk.c. took place, relative to the He'lntone Eiecunn Bill.
The (ardor eso•ideratiaa of which was postponed.
The Seats Commissary Courts Bill and the Scots Records
were brought elf from the Com-nons by the LORD Aovocare,
and other Members. and read a flat time; as were several pri-
vate Bina, preemie! by Mr. LrooK, Mr. MODALC, Mr.
Deccan so n. and other Gentlemen.
THE OBJECTS OF A WAR.

The Marquis WELLESLEY rose for the pile.
pose, he said, of moving to discharge the O: der for
summoning their Lordships to-morrow, upon his in.
tended motion respecting the affair of Saxony. There
were some passages, however, in a paper his Ma-
jesty's Ministers had thought proper lately to lay be..
fore the House, he must the substance of the Treaty
recently concluded at V enua, which seemed to in-
volve points and considerations of such immediate
and superlative importance, as to call for full and
explicit information on the part of the Noble Lords
opposite, previous to the discussion of the subject of
which he had given notice, however important that
topic may be separately in itself. The document to
which he referred was of that nature, that for a full
Discussion of its merits, he thought a proceeding ori-
ginating at the other side of the House would be
preferable; but on reading it, which he did with the
utmost 'attention, he found it, (independent of. the
m ignitude and importance of the consideration to
which it referred), the lan3nage and the tenor of it
to be so obscure, lily so unintelligible, that it scemed
to him to be essentially necessary, with refer:oer to
the precise objects of a war, in which we may even
then be actually involved, to call for some clear and
distinct explanation on the part of his Majesty's Mi.
nisiers, and eseejally as to the principle upon which
the transaction rested. And this he felt it Lic duty
to require b fore he called the attention of their Lord.
ships to any other subject. When the Address sea::
moved on the 7th of .April, he considered from its
tenor, and from all that transpired then in disciissi:sn,
they were considering only these crievtiom : -First,
Whether in the state in which this country and our
Allies were then placed, by the return of the present
Ruler of France to -power, it was necessary, h eh for
the interest of this country and the tranquiiliry of
Europe, that we should arm by set and land ? And,
idly, to consult with our Allies upon such measures
as may be necessary for the traaquillity and inde-
pendence of Europe under such circumstances. The
great point of whether we should engage in a war
was a question expressly reserved at the time. Upon
these considerations alone, did the decision of bat day
take place. It since appeared, however, that on the
very day the House was called upon for such a dfei
*ion, the decision for going to war had actually beets
formed by his Majesty's Government ; nod not only
that decision, but the objects of it (however loosely
and indefinitely stated.) were settled, and consequent
arrangements made, at the very moment their Lord-
ships understood that the question of dime preparation
and due consultation only were determined. There
existed no reason for concealment at the time, for no
circumstances had occurred since the conclosion of
tee Treaty, which might produce any important al.
teration in the minds of the Allies, and he must
therefore regard it as most extraordinary that no
statement of the transaction had been made OR that
day. On this very questionable procedure he trust-
ed some distinct expl !nation would be called for, and
on an eariv day. With respect to the Treaty itself,
it was that II:. had then to call for SOfile• (I!•Cec% 'ry
e',116.1 Minn. "I'lere were two distinct lines er
prin-
cinies of policy seliclt.he might have acted upon
with re:erence to the important transaction which
gave r;se to the Treaty, neither of whit~, the Noble
Marquis, after adverting to these, had been acted
upon by his Majesty's Government. A middle
course was preferred, and one iinfortun ttely, which
incurred all the disadvantages of both the alterna-
tives, without presenting one single advantage of
either,ve4 and not only these, but which might even-
tually produce those very dangers they were so anxi-
ous to avoid. Let it be seen what the Treaty itself
expressed. The first Article was av;)wedle formed
in the spirit of the Declaration of the l!ith of March,
and directed against Napoleon B:w.aparte, and all
those who had joined, or should hereafter join him,
in order to force him to desist from his proints.—
This was distinctly expressed by the Article. And
v.-ho were they who had already joined Bonaparte?
Am tog the rest, several of those who were called
tet Constitittion IL Party—Mr. Constant for instance.
The Decimation, in spirit, was directed against all

who should. joist/im— joined faction" were the
words;—anti that would necessarily refer to"the
framers of the New Constitution, the principal ar-
ticle of which would be the voting ot the Empire to
Bonaparte. These persons were, in the spirit of the
Declaration, consideied as outlaws. They all remem-
bered the dreadful words of the Declaration, and it
Was most essential their Lordships should know the
construction put upon it by his Majesty's Government.
—Could any man read the Declatetion and hve the
least deubt that it did not pledge us to use' every
effort for the restoration of the King of France ?
With reference to the prominent consideration and
apparent objects of the Treaty, it was important to
consider the tenor and import of the subsequent De-
claration issued on the part of the Prince Regent.—
'net instrument referred principally to the 3d article
of the Treaty, and the principles are adverted, upon
which it says the British Government had invariably
regulated its conduct. Upon this a plain explanation
was most desirable. Did it mean to state, that the
mere destruction of Bonaperte's person was the object
of the war, or deemed sufficient to secure the tree-
quality of Europe ? Suppose the contingency of
Bonaparte being set by France, and the Supreme
Power vested in such men •as Lucien Bonaparte,
Massena, or Carnot—would it be understood that
the danger was then at an end ? Was it even in their
contemplation that such a contingency may prove
one of still greater danger instead of security ? How
did these considerations refer to the views of not im-
posing upon France any particular Government ?
On these detailed considerations he would have to
request the Noble Lord, either now, or on some
future day, for distinct explanations. His principal
wish now was to know, what the principal object of
entering into the war was ? Did it merely extend to
Bonaparte, or to all who 'here connected nil)] li.m.?
—Much did he wish the conduct of the Ettrupeen
Princes had been such as not to excite wishes in seve.
ral parts of the Continent favourable to that man ;
the state of Saxony was particularly to be deplored ;
and it was now known that the Russian Government
were obliged to have recourse to force, in order to
repress actual insurrection at Dresden in favour of
Bonaparte. At least, he trusted the hope might still
be entertained, that the Allies, upon their view of the
actual state of things, would be led to reconsider
these resolutions they had too hastily formed in their
intoxication.
• The Earl of LIVERPOOL observed. that with
respect to the proposed motion of the Noble Lord, it
would he for him to determine whether he should
bring it forward or not. With respect to any pro-
ceeding cn the part of his Majesty's Government on
the subject to which the Noble Lord alluded, he had
only to repeat his answer on a former occasion, that
until the negociations at Vienna Were reduced into a
shape, in which the result could be regularly brought
before Parliament, of course no communication
thereon would be made. The Noble Lord stated
his intention to put some questions on the subject of
the Treaty, but had taken the opportunity to accom-
pany these questions with a speech of coasidcrable
length against the princiele and provisions of that
Treaty. He knew not, however, whether he (Lord
Liverpool) could regularly enter into any thing like
a discussion upon these points until the instrument
itself should be brought forward in a regular shape ;
'but there were some points u hich tell from the Noble
Lord which he could not allow to pass without ob-
rvation. First, he would observe upon the igiplied
charge of a breach of gcod faith in not having
brought forward the Treaty at the time the Address
was proposed. The first remark lie had to make on
this was, that there was nothing in the transited( n of
that Message, or that Address, which could call for
the production of the Treaty, even if it could have
been regularly produced at the time, which, from
the nature of the transaction, was obvious that it
could not. It his Majesty's Government had sought
'to entrap Patliament into an opinion upon the ques-
tion of War, the case wculd have been differeut.—
But what was the *hole scope of the proceeding ?
A Message was communicated to Parliament, im-
porting, diet in consequence of an event which
afforded a justifiable cause of war, the Prince Regent
had decmee it advisable to order an increase of his
forces both by sea and land ;. and, that he was in a
course of communication and negocietion with his
Allies. How in sueli a case could it be said, their
Lordia:ips were called upon to give an opinion upon
Cie question of Peace or Van—a question which
would necessarily as well as avowedly depend upon
the deterrninetion the Allis 'night make upon the
v•pics in negotiation ? They were only called upon
by that Address to approve the precautionary mea-
tures of arming that had bren taken, and the propo-
sition of an arrangement in concert with our Allies.
—The shades of difference of opinion which then,
obtained, were upon different points from those
which arose out of the Address; but all were unani-
mous in agreeing that it was advisable to arm, and
to enter into arrangements in concert with our Allies.
yarliament was not pledged to an iota beyond those
two views. The Address had been cautiously con-
fined to points That did not depend upon the Treaty.
There existed, therefore, not the least necessity to
bring forward that instrument at the time, seven if it
could regularly have been brought forward, though
it would have been the height of criminality in Mini-
sters not to have put the country into some state of
preparation. Bat, in addition, there were some very
essential circumstances that rendered it the imperious
duty of his Majesty's. Government not to commu-
nicate the Treaty. He wished, however, to state
geaerally, that the principle held by the Prince Re-
gent was, it was an European question as well as a
British question; and that a great deal must neces-
sarily depend neon the condect of the
They were therefore bound to consider what were the
general dispositions of the Allies upon the subject;
• and the circumstances under which the Treaty was
signed, were very different from thcse which existed
at the time the Treaty was received in-this country
by the Executive Government. At the time of its
signature little was known of the state ct things, par-
ticularly of the arrival of Bonaparte at Paris ' • but
it certainly was believed at the time that the King
was still in France, and had a considerable party ap-
parently attached to him at the time. All he would
say, therefore, an that point was, that it would not be
fair in the view of the Allies to have laid such an
engagement of that kind before Parliament and the
Public, when it might well be said by them, that

circumstances were Illouglit tO have been very' difie!
rent at Ai time they :iglu's! 'the Treaty, and that
liter had altered much nacire at the time when you
(the British Government) received the Treaty that
you should have given ys an opportunity of recon-
sideririg it while. it was in an unratified state. The
principle of such a proceeding under the special cir-
cumstances of thE case, would be a most unfair one
with respect to the Allies, (whom every cnie agreed
' in stating we were bound to act in concert with) if
they had laid that engagement upon the table of Par-
liament. He trusted therefore he had said enough
to absolve his Majesty's Government from the charge
of any breath of faith on the occesinn. (Hear, hear.)
But there were some distant contsdciations referable
to the Treaty is question, which rendered a peculiar
line of conduct necessary. It happened that by some
means a 'copy of the instrument in question had been
published in the Gazettes of Vienna and Berlin, and
afterwards a copy found its way into the newspapers
here, with some material inaccuracies. Under these
circumstances, and the fact know%. that the Treaty
was published in an inaccurate she in newspapers
here, it was thought right to do that which they
ought not to have done, except under the special, cir-
cumstances of the case. He did not intend to enter
at present into any detailed question as to the merits
of the Treaty ; but deemed, however, a few words,
in answer to a question respecting one of the articles
of that Treaty (that in which a reference was said
to have been made to the Declaration of the 13th of
March), that the engagement was not only. against
Bonaparte as an outlaw, but to consider all those
who had, or may hereafter join him as the same. On
this he begged to be permitted to state on the part
of Great Britain and the Allied Powers, that they
never had considered the words as hearing such an
interpretation as that put upon them by the Noble
Lord. The Declaration of the Allies meant to apply
to the circumstances under which Napoleon Bona-
parte entered into France, in vi >latioo of the faith of
treaties he had solemnly entered into ; and much of
1 what the Noble Lnrd seemed to refer to, as respect-
ing the cause of Louis XVIII. appeared to arise
from what was stated in the inaccurate copy printed
in the newspapers, and which was certainly not in
the Article itself ; and no such objects were in the
contemplation of the Allied Powers. In fact, he was
astonished at the construction put by the Noble Lord
upon that part of the real Treaty, as be thought no
words could more clearly express their genuine mean,
ing. Three leading propositions may be deduced
from the Treaty. The first was, the consideration of
the existing Government of France as an evil that
should Ise got rid of ; secondly, that it was held de•
sirable to restore the ancient legitimate monarchy of
'France if practicable ; but this should not be con-
sidered as a sine gua non ; and, thiriily, that the Al-
lies did not embark in war with a view to impose upon
France any particular form of Government : nor
could any such inference be drawn from the docu-
ment laid before the House. These were prin-
ciples upon which the Noble Lord had long acted,
as well as himself, and another Lord, not then
in his place, under the auspices of a Right Ho-
nourable Gentleman now no more. They were not
wished even by Louis the Eighteenth to enter France
upon any other principle, who desired no other but
legitimate means to be exerted in his support.. He
must pointedly deny either the tenor or the words
would bear the construction, that if the government
of Bonaparte were destroyed, they were not to make
peace with any other that might succeed twhim. What
intervening circumstances might take place, must
be judged according to the nature of these circum-
stances, they would act according to all the circum-
stances, and were not pledged as to any particular
point in these respects. The article did not appear
to them as pledging us to the support of Louis
XVIII. in the way that seemed to be supposed; but
it bound them not to make pence but by common
consent. It was thought adviiable to invite Louis
XVIII.-to accede to the Treaty in the way specified,
and it was thought proper that the Treaty should not
be ratified, unaccompanied by some explanation, or
they might be involved in this dilemma, that they
could make peace no other way, except with the con-
sent of Louis XVIII. '.They were desirous of act-
ing with good faith towards hinuas to all the Allies ;
and therefore they deemed it fair and just that the
ratifications should be accompanied by some explana-
tion on our part, that we may not be precluded from
the consideration of whether we should not mike
peace on other terms. With respect to'other circum-
stances it was the wish to leave the arrangement
open. The fairest inference he thought could be
drawn from a view and connection of the different
articles together. He thought these explanations
amply sufficient, 'under the circumstances of the
case, and was averse to entering into any discussion
upon points not before the House, and especially at a
time when no discussion whatever was expected.
Earl GREY was of opinion that an arrangement
of such importance should be communicated to Par-
liament in the usual form of a Message, accompa.
nied by a statement of the views upon which the
Prince Regent's Government acted, and not to leave
it with Ministers to give more or less explanation as
suited their convenience. lie must agree however
with the Noble Lord, that the present was not a con-
venient opportunity for discussing the subject referred
to; but one or two observations he deemed it neces-
sary to make. He certainly felt 'part of what fell
from the Noble Earl to be of a satisfactory nature ;
but he wishedahat such explanations should rest upon
something more stable and secure than the passing
words of a Minister. At the same time lie agreed
with what fell from his Noble Friend as to the effect
of the engagement formed on the spirit of the decla-
ration of the 13th of March, as implying the per-
sonal extermination of Bonaparte, though the denial
of his Noble Friends in refutation, so far gave him
satisfaction. There were, however, some proposi-
tions which he heard with'alapn, as avowed for the
First time by a Minister : he meant what the Noble
Lord had said of a principle which he alleged had
long been supported by his Noble Friend, and another
Noble Friend then absent, as well as by himself (the
Earl of Liverpool) the principle of putting an end
to the existing government of France, and which
must so far be regarded as an insurmountable obsta-
cle to peace, understanding the Noble' Lord to re-
gard it as a sine qua non, if made applicable in the
present case. If that principle had been acted upon
in a former war, he must say that such a principle
was never avowed ! While a Member of the other

House, he had, during that war, bfongbi forward a
proposition, which brought that quest(n to an issue: 1
he meant that of the object of the war being for the
destruction of the existing government of nance,
and which proposition Mr. Pitt, with all his powur,
did not undertake to negatiie.. Hrregretted hearing
any such proposition now advanced, that no peace
was to be made with the present government of
Prance, aslnvolving a principle every way unjusti-
fiable to commit the interests of the counts y to a war.
Upon the whole, he deemed the present state of af-
fairs to be such as to render it imperative upon the
Prince Regent's Ministers, to make a different and
regular communication thereon speedily to Parliament.
The Marquis WELLESLEY spoke shortly in ex-
planation, and expressd himself satisfied with a p irt
of what had fallen from the Noble Earl, especially
as it was not intended to act against the ptesent ruler
of France, or his adherents, in the spirit of the de-
claration of the 13th of March. With respect to the
alleged principle upon which he and a Nehle Lad
then absent was alleged by the Noble E ail to have
long acted upon in a fowler war with France, he
must publicly disclaim it ; and it was agreed, as well
as upon that of the principle wf.ich was now said to
be acted upon with respect to France ; upon which
he would readily meet the Noble Earl in discussion
at any time.
The Earl of DARNLEY, in the course of a few
observations upon the subject, expressed his opinion,
that the principle referred to was one that well me-
rited a distinct discussion on the part of the House.
The Order for summoning their Lordships to-
morrow, on the Marquis Wellesley's motion respect-
ing Sax my, was discharged.
The Aliens' Regulation Bill was brought tip from
the Commons, and read a first time.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
An Account of Money paid in England and Scotland for the
last seven years as Drawbacks upon Paper, were presented.
The notice respecting the boundaries of Calcutta and Bombay
was adjourned.
The Alien Bill W 29 read a third time, and passed.
The Highway Amendment Bill was committed.—Report to-
morrow.
General GASCOIGNE gave notice, that be would, to-mor-
row, previous to the House going into a Committee on the Pr.).
perty Act, move a clause, exempting Officers of the Army and
Navy on foreign service from the Tax.
The Foreign Copper Duty, and Sco.ch Hawkers, Bills, were
committetE—Report to-morrow.
The Report of the Exchequer Bells Bill was received, and the
Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
Lord NUGEN r said, he understood from good ate hori'y that
there were great deficiencies at present existing In the manning
of the ships which had recently sailed to job the Scheldt fleet,
and those ships at present in America.
Mr. CROKER said, there never was a ship sent to a foreign
station with an incomplete crew. Such was the case w:rli the
American squadron. Jill the crews were complete let nent;:..r
With respect to the Scheldt fleet, he could nut say that every ship
had its full complement, but the, were not considered as on a
foreign station.
Lord NUGENT expressed his surprize that, ships %tat ;bed on
an enemy's coast, watching the Scheldt and the l'extl, sh..tild not
be considered as on ;t forcirt station.
Mr. CROKER said the head-quarters of that rl -et was in the
Downs.
Lord NUGENT then moved fur a return of the number of
men on board the ships upon the American stattoa, between the
6th`April and 6th July last, distinguishing each weekly return.
Mr. CROK ER could pot agree to this motion ; as he could not
undertake to say the crews were now coniplte, though they
were at the time of the ships going out ; they might now be in-
complew from casualties, Gr from detachments sent on board
prizes. He had ns objection to the Noble Lord% moving foe the
return of the numbers at the time each ship sailed.
I.ord NUGENT then shaped his ntottott accordingly, and it
was agreed to.
Mr. PONSONBY gave notice that In would, on Tuesday se'n-
night, submit a motion to the House on the sui•jr!ct of Saxony.
GENOA.
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH cease to bring for-
ward his motion on the subject of Genoa, and ht'
hoped for the last time ; as lie trusted the Honse
would now be put in possession of all the i,,feetma.
tion which had hitherto been withheld. On looking
over the Papers already laid before the Howe, Le
was at a loss to know upon what grounds these Pa-
pers had been withheld, when called for, on the '27th
of February ; or when again called for, on the return
of the Noble Lord. He (Sir James Islackintosh)
, however, had lost no time in bringing this subject un-
der the consideration of the Hou,e, and gi vitig th.
Noble Lord an opportunity of justifying himself. it
he could. Though he must ct.nless, that notwith-
standing the able defence which had been made I it
the Noble Lord in another place—and one more elo-
quent or ingenious he did not think the N-able Lord
could make for himself—he could net but consider
the question of Genoa as one in which the hitherto
unspotted honour of ,Great Britain had been commit-
ted. Committed by the Minister at Vienna, in his
consent to the partition of the Genoese territory—a
partition carried into effect by British troops, lie
should not now enter into the question how la the
spectacle which we hid recently seep, of a Minister
of State travelling over the Continent of Europe, car-
rying with him the Crown and Sceptre of Great Bri-
tain, was constitutional? or whether the complaints
which the Noble Lord had thrown out against his
opponents for the questions they bad put we:e
well-
founded ? He could feel, that to the N .ble Lind,
who had so long moved in the smooth au ! dished
circle of diplomatic society, the rough hlulitite,ls of a
free and popular assembly must be trouble,ome ; but
it was to that bluntness the gleatte:ss of this country
was owing, and without it the presence to freedom
. would be a mockery. Having said this much by
way of introduction, he should now proceed as shortly
as he could to state what was his complaint as to the
conduct which had been adopted towards Genoa ;
and next he should make some obs-rvations oil the
general conduct of Congress, as respected the Italian
States, and Genoa in patticular. The Hon.,urable
Gentleman then proceeded to comment on the Pro.
clamation of Lord William Bentinck, in which it
was stated that the Itati in Slates were to be teitored
to their original state, as Spain now was. Did not
that convey to the Italian States that they should be
restored to the same stare as before the war? and was
this to be done by giving Genoa to the king of Sar-
dinia ? That the Proclamation of Lord Wm. Ben-
thick did intend to convey to the Genoese the opi-
nion that they were to be restored to their former in-
dependence, and that it was se understood by the Ge-
noese, no one could doubt. This was plain from the
conduct of Lord Wm. Bentinck ; for had not that
been the persuasion of :hat Noble Lord; and had he
not been convinced that in consequence of that per-
suasion he would be received and aided by all the
Italian States, would he have dared to have pro-
ceeded with a force of only 8000 men, and not more
than 3000 of them English. to Genoa, where there

was a g trrison of ":000 .French And upw pf,
had mole inquiry of military then, and had b.fen in-
formed, that unlexs there had been full confidence tit
c►►-operation from the inl►sbit.tnts, no Comtnat,.?:,
could have undettalttm such an expedition As that
Lord to 'take giisscs%inii of
mot with lcbs than 10,000 men.. Thti Hon. B n•).,e•

then proceeded to state several othec circiinist.4l44.*:
to prove Chet it was this expi•itAtion• oil tile p:trt
the Ge.ineK wttich induced diem .to aid the plAtis
Lord W. lleatinck,and which tilzimately ni..de Lin

succ..s.dzil. The -next question whyther
Bentinck was authorize:l i. issuing Pr.,4 f

rnation he had done ? by the instructions given
him by MArquis Wellesley, in 1811, Lord W. Be,,
tir.,:k was autlorized to alF►rd aid to any of the 1:
ii.+•► States in their rising. Whic, he wool,' ask,

t;!ere to prevent the &gm (if these
t ) the Genc):l6:, on taiga t-o.session of that cis 1
i hi 1 ? kicr d, the inArtictions ta 1.,

llithurst t:► Lord W. Bzutitick in 181::,

is o:dered to take possession of Gaina in the I I ,
the King of Sardinia ; but tin. .v,s wily t In. ,• 1.
case the Genoese were fun fitly dispnsed to.,n
me.isure. These instructions, ttierefOre, give hill,

power so to take possession of Genoa, unless tli: f:
noose were willing ; and v.ere, iU ftct, 1101,i1.;! 113• fl
•han a strengthening of the instruction...d
lington to Lord W. Bentlock, given't ini is i••I I. •
'flre Honourable Baronet then adverted tp. us, Tr,
of Chaumont and to the Declaration 1.1
which he considered as Lord W. Bentinck%
instructions, and contended that he could p“., r
wise construe these but as sanctionin4 ell w li:t;.
h•td held out to the Genoese with respect tt) 4"t!. It•

t-rs of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) to 1.,.rd
Beatinck, t 4 which he bad alluded, and from
he had :cad extracts. They were not instruction,. i
the past, but dir, ctions tor the future. If, after ta
Treaty of Chaumont, circumstances had arisen whiz:.
made the Allies determine on the sacrifice f Genui

why was not this made known to the Genoese in the
Treaty of Paris, signed on the 30th of May ? Tier
regolations respecting other States of the Confine.
were made public on this occasion. AVily n,t the,-
mention the determination respecting Genoa, is W
au that of other States ? This silence in the Ttec)
of Pat is was another inscmce of deception toward.
the Genoese. If the Genoese had not sent A pens

to I)3iii, it night, and rerbapi would have h2en
that the Geiwc,,e Aid nut at all' lAy on the Pr.•cl

tnation tf Lord William B:ntiuck ; but thee e
send their Representative there to, remind the N
Lord of that Proclii"mntion. Bet. it was Low e.
that the Genoese. acceded to the traesfe of t:
territory to Piedmont; because they had iestriee,
the Deputy still to attend, alter the kl,!terria larion
give up Genoa to his Majesty the I;:n.e 01 s Tee
Was it an ocknowledgmeut that Goa.
content, becatise they instructed thoir t.:ini•tcr
taitt the best 'elms they caul.' ? Wizh to !..•
policy of this measure, it was said, that it was a
cessary step to put the whole line ,if the :•11.,111 of
Alps into the pesses.sion if a power av!:a t •
hold the key a that lioe of frontier. i
Mackintosh) had every respect for the Cori: t
mont, but it was fully to talk of lee- being .t 1. • • 4.
Capable of holding this key, since at the vets t
that the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) tva: •
Piedmont on tl.c side of the Alps, he w.ts
her the greatest part of Savoy, and brie.
nearer to hely '.n that side ; but be t a...•
policy of the measure out of the qineei .
was it a measure of necessity ;asn" t! t: - I
strongest necessity could justify this stee, 1:
called the faith and honour of the counti i.;:. ire • t
But, according to the Noble Lord's d 4cii ,
Congress lied the power of conquest eve: a e
of teteitory, containing 12 or 13 millions pis
which they were to me'e mit, and moister as
thought fit. The ancient ind.pendence Eit; •
Was atrtcted by tl:e 4pirit of the peon le ; ald by co ti
l'inations of the smaller ravels a.taint,t. tt,e
pbwerful,
.as well es by their detesttti. c of torei
invasion. In ancient Europe a nunibt:r of lee:
communities existed, becsuse they were dete..ded a
the pnwertol. Du: the new system we :s, that we w.
not to tepid any miserable :.trt•,:tion of any
to their native soil. Front the time at the Reform .
tion, to the partition of Poland, ssoul.t fetidly ad'
an instance at any single State being oblitela
as to its indellendence. But the mole:, sy
WAS to regard minor Slates only as th: lII.' .°
of extending this line, or stiengtheleng Li,.,:
—One of the tundaniental errors of de. •licti
volution was, that Governments and Cini Adel, : .
were the works cf the people, not eon ie •
they were the growth at ages. The last renew.
Of the ancient small States of Italy, that taileal
Western World: civilization by cominvree, wa, a
annihilated by the great powers of Euro.pe. N.'
that knew France during the last year, and tills, •
of the people, hut mu s: know, that eteey timi. ; '
Noble Lord (Cestlereegh) set his hand to t;,e J.•-
mints of Vienna, he was as often 11.1;,..ing. the 1,.1!
the unfortueste House of Bourbon. Ile tt,e
the Housl to consider, that in the emits of Me 4.
about. to be commenced, there might be sinidAr 1;
eitioni of partition itniimg the remaining States
turope ; and tsAS it then improper for this 11. i e.
to advise the Clown, and also our Allies, en •
great suhjeet ?He then moved a string el "
Lions, embracing the hots at t4l..;ng poseesi;:a
Genoa by our arms, and afterwards tratehe rite: t•
6tate to the Kieg of Sardinia and that in vt,'L,
of 'the Prod 'mations of Lord W. Bentinck,
the honour of this country. The couduct of
jesty's Government was a manifest breach
te.th in trAnsfeirilig Genoa to the Crown of 50.141”'
Mr. C. C RANI.' said, he coincided in .11! the ,•:]•
timents of 0 su''nal Leith and honour whicn .• '
nourable Meyer had expressed t but he did lee 1.-
tide with him in. his deductions. He hearni
expressions of veueratioo for ancient Seitot
verament with the more pleasure, tvcause 111,4
rather extraordinary on that side of the House. I
trusted that io. the war in wii,ch we might be
B his Honourable Ftiend would express
same eeheratiiin ter Ancient etitAbitblneitts ••!.4:'-
that.person who was the avowed enemy 01 311
institutions. He could see nothing in the instraeos •
to Lord William Peeitinck from lard
~ti he
down to ISIS, that piedged Lerd Walton
tinek to declare the independence of ll'
merely to enquire into the general spirit c: the
tiee
of Italy, as to their bsatitictioa LA


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