Star.
London, England, 1813-06-19 00:00:00

TREATY WITH SWEDEN.

Lord GREY said, that a short conversation was
necessary previous to their Lordships proceeding to
the discussion of the great questior. which was to en-
gage their attention for the nigl t. It was necessary,
in his opinion, prr rums to that discussion to have it
ascertained what were the condition; of the Tre sty
between Sweden and Russia, sa far as they related to
I)enm irk. His Nlsjeay's Ministers indeed had made
their Lordships acqiialitted with the pompon of the
Treaty, but in his mind there were strong reasons
why the specific article; o: it should be produced,
and he could sec no feasihle objection whatsoever to ;
their being produced. If the transaction was one
which could bear the light, and there wss no obliga-
tion to secrecy, where was the objection to that being
made known in terms which was already divulged in
substance ? The foreign parties contracting could not
he so ignorant of the nature of the British Constitu-
tion as not to be aware that if there was any candis
tion in the treaty by virtue of which they were to re-
ceive pecuniary aid, such condition must receive the
sanction of Perli intent before it could be rendered
effective, and he felt sat'sfied th t Path intent would
not neglect their duty, and sanction any engagement,
the consequences of whith would be a tax upon the
people, without h iving first received toil infoi 'nation
on the subject. Bitt, were the information which he
wished to have, withheld, he would still condemn the
principles on which the treaty had been framed, even
on the shewing of Ministers themselves; they were
perfectly indefensible, subversive of all justice, and
thoroughly inconsistent with the rules and maxims
on which the safety of nations depended, nor could
they he considerei in any other point of view than as
injurious to the interests of this country, both with
respect to the present war and every future relation
by which she might be connected with foreign na-
tions ; never indeed had these interests been so scan-
dalously committe.l. In crier to form an adequate
judgment on the subject it woul.l be first necessary
to know how we stool with respect to the Power
which was now assailed. It would be admitted that
in ot der to justify one nation making war on another,
it was necessary, that feeling herself aggrieved, she
should demand redress and fail of obtaining it; and
it would be also admitted without difficulty, that
during the course of any war consequent on such
failure, she shouid be ready to receive satisfaction for
alledged grievances, accompanied by such securities
as the nature of existing circumstances seemed to re-
quire. Such being the case, let the original cause of
our rupture with Denmark be just or otherwise, if.
she had now offered peace, it was incumbent on those
who had rejected it to spew g aid grounds for having
done so. Hitherto the practice had been, when a ne.
gotiation with any Power had been broken off, to
communicate to the public the reasons of the inter-
ruption. Why this practice was now to be disconti-
nued remained to be shewn. Was it that no sufficient
ground for war would appear to have existed against
Denmark ? Certain it was that strong marks of a pa-
cific disposition had been evinced by that Power.—
About the 10th or I 21.11 of Fe!eru try, that Court had
ordered her ports to be shut against the privateers of
the enemy, and at the same period every facility was
given to our commerce. Shortly after Count Bern-
storff was sent to this country ; thertfere, previous
to the signature of the Treaty, Denmar k had, by
various overt acts, manifested the siccerity of her
disposition to unite with us against France.—
But howeyer that might be, we ought to know what
offers had been made and refused before we would
acquiesce in the spoliation and partition of her terria
tones which was now projected. He hoped that
Ministers would perceive that the honour of the coun-
try was concerned, and impart the information be
would require. He must repeat, that there could be
no motive for secrecy. Nothing could be divulged
which could injure Denmark in her relations with
France, if the Treaty had been grounded on her
friendly disposition to that country. It it appeared
that she had cherished such friendly disposition to

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wards us, that indeed would ben disclosure excee-
dingly prejudicial to Ministers themselves; but that
could not by any means he considered hurtful to Den-1
mark, inasmuch as her views had been sufficiently
explained to Fiance by sending an Envoy to the
country, and introduciti7 a military force int.O.Ham.
hark. The fact was, that if there was any reason
for eonce,alment, it was; because disclosure would
shew that a robbery was to have been committed on
one Power, which was to be' cortipensated for by a
further rubbery of others—(Rear; hear:) The coun-
tries which-Were to have snffered'tlie-projecred spoi-
lad= had perhaps been designated. Perhaps the
Hanse Towns were to have been the prey. [Here
a negative was given in a low tone of voice, by some
Peer on the Ministerial side of the House.] He was
hlad to hear that was not the case—he was glad to
ear that people who had taken up arms with so
much spirit and vigour to rescue their country from
a foe were not to find that they had purchased with'
their blood only the privilege of being sacrificed by
treacherous friends. Brit what a principle of disu-
nion would result from the knowledge that some
country was to fall a satrifice ! Would not every
country in the vicinage of Denmark apprehend that
she would be the subject of the intended spoliation ?
Was it the Duchy of Bremen ? Was it the country
between the Elbe and Weser ? Was it the Duchy of
Vagdebitrg ? Whatevetitwight be the ill-fated coun-
try, Ministers were called upon to shew that the prin-
ciple was honourable—(Hear, luar.) This, indeed,
he believed they could not shew, but they ought to
*hew the extent and nature of the sacrifice. The No-
ble Lord then concluded with moving—
. " That an humble Address be presented to his Royal High-
ness tl c Prince Regent, praying that there be laid before the
copies of all the communications which had taken place
'between the Government of this country and that of Denmark,
`Within the present year."

• Lord LIVERPOOL said, that the Treaty between
this country and Sweden had been substantially con-
cluded before any formal overture had been received
from Denmark, and resisted the motion on the
grot

.arnd that the House had before them sufficient
weans of judging whether the Treaty was wise and
provident or the reverse.
Atter a few observations from Lord GRENVILLE,
the House divided—

Contents • - • • .b t 7
Non-c'•ntents - - 61
blajority against the Motion —24
TREATY WITH SWEDEN.

On the readmitsinn of strangers below the Bar, the
Earl of LIVERPOOL was addressing their Lord-
ships on the subject of the Swedish Treaty, pursuant
his notice on a former evening. In calling the at-
tention of their Lordships to the moti'•n with which
he meant to conclude as well as to the measure to
which it referred, he felt it necessary to premise that
they could form no correct judgment upon the me-
rits of the Treaty, without considering its stipula-
tions in relation to the state of Europe, not alone at
the present moment, but when the Treaty was con.
eluded. If it were considered in that view, he was
satisfied that it w. aild be regarded as founded in sound
policy and strict justice--he was satisfied that it
would be looked upon as calculated to promote the
best interests of this country—andthat it would-prove
to have been concluded upon those principles which
alone could afford hopes of the ultimate salvation cf
Europe. In coming to the consideration of the Treaty
between this country- and Sweden and that between
Russia and that country, it would be necessary for
!him to• begin by calling. the attention of their Lord-
' ships to what were the antecedent engagements which
had been fnrmed,. and to what had been the state of
!Europe previous to the conclusion of either of these
Treaties daring the winter and spring of last year.—:
He would ask any one of their Lordships what had
'been hi. sentiments at that period ? What had been
,the exertions cf France in her gigantic preparations
.against Russia ? Great as had been the preparations
of France for the humiliation of Austria, of Prussia,
'and of Russia herself, in former wars, they were as
'nothing compered with the. exertions made during the
last year for the subjugation of that empire. Prepa-
t/aims had been in progress for that object nearly
three years, .and the army which was led against
"Russia, including the contingents of her allies, wasnot
less than belt a million in number, exclusive of a Ca-
yvalre force of 60,000, ail the choicest troops, and in
the highest state of discipline and equipment -that had
ever been brought into the field. Wheth?r the length
find magnitude of the preparationsthen be considered,
or the description and quality of the troops employed,
he must ohserve, that so formidable a combination of
tineens ant! power had never behire been provided to
pct .against the independence and e%istettoe of any
empire: Whit, he amid ask, had been the opinion 1
ci even tl-,e most :,anguine as to the result of the con-
test ? Was-thete one man in one htntelted that did
hot think that Russia w..irld sink under the unequal
eonflict i Had not the Noble Earl himself (Grey)
declared, that ..11 that had since occurted had' excee-
ded all.exeectatien ? Tit' se V, 11 n considered the sub-
ject even with teference ao-the inform:loon supplied
through the ordinary channels, must be sensible that
two events parr itaihirly had conteihated to this happy
keeult, by prometi:;g the immediate secnrity and ul
timate seise:trail of Reesiiii iThe first of these events
'as the prate w th Turkey—the net the treaty with
weuen.- . Th.: farmer event had not been effected
ili late. in the yeer,- but the pacification stiff took
itace in time to he -of elscntial benefit to Russia in
the•pregreseof the campaign... With respect to the
treaty with Sweden, it was well known, and if.it had
nth eerr well known world have been fully believed
that France 'had made *very eifoit and offer to attach
that pewee to her,conse. , This ...as. done in the first
instance by intimidation, in the-seizure_of Pomerania, i
find that•measure was soon followed by an offer of I
the restoration of Finland if Sweden would co-operate
iiifth France against leessia. These proposals were
put-trade elitectle, .IaTA through the agents of a nett- I
term Power ;ail that fact, however, there could he no
..I(idbt-t. At that 'period, it was hoped that Russia
wield act a wise and politic part, by restoring Fin-
atitt-An secure-. the co-operation of Sweden. But
hough there Are diflerences.ol opiiiien amongst the
InteiestiStateSman. as to the value of all the other
aeteatiiitiooss.f kiissia during. the last twenty years,
slierli..aelaut.rand'ae to tha; imp( rtance of Frill:tad to
tleiirearrity of the Ruseian eapit-ato Under these de.
teeestantes, the Genera/Dent of.Steeden was placed
id •s, peculiar :ai mations r and. in . uniting itself with
ttrietivagaktst FFaacni tould have been actuated by

4. • a • t•,,, •

no other motive than a wish to , her confirmed rejection of all the tempta
national honour and independence. by Bonaparte, and to he; hnittlit made
period, before any treaty betweer ise with Russia, that in a great measure
Swedens had been proposed, the; ;he imp6rtant advaritages gained in the
Sweden and Russia was 'cone], 1. It-was due to thihiptersts of Europe 1
made count:an Cause against le to the Treaty s hire' the first object of
• view to the security of Sweden, lovernmeint waoto provide that tlse first.'
Norway should be in the Erst insta luld be made on -the Continents. Den-
Sweden, and that afterwards. a di' had aliently mateslain.all:thedanger and.
joint force should be made on the . Anti,- . So id aka circumstances of the campaign, had
, this treaty Great Britain was invited to accede. rts nberoacte any Manifestation of a wish, to :shake off. the
, forming a judgment upon these engagements, three yoke of France and join in the cause of Europe.—
considerations fiaturally present tin mselies—First; Her whole means; on' the ecintrahy's • siere melted
whether Russia and Sweden were morally justifiable down into the power of France.
In September, when
forming those engagements ? iecOndly, -whither
in the enemy was marching upon Moscow, the Danish
they .were or were net justifiable in so doing, would Government, upon occasion of a propos, :on "t• 'f
rom
ion 'to stand or
the Russian Minister, avowed its intent
Great Britain have been justified in acceding to the .
as there was a probability
Treaty ? and, thirdly, were these engagement favdu- fall with France. As long
cable or unfavourable to the interests of this country? of the success of France, Denmark was staunch to
He was prepared distinctly to contend that Russia that Power. Under such circumstances were we to
i forego the co-operation of a Power willing to make
and Sweden were perfectly justifiable in the Treaty
! common cause against France, for the sake i f ten-
, they had concluded ; and this opinion he rested upon
! a point which the Noble Earl had kept clear of alto- • derness to a Power that was our enemy, and coati-
gether—that
Denmark was leagued at the time in to rmed do every thing to injure us ? There would
be neither sense nor policy in •suc'h a course ; and it
confederacy and co=operation with France against
w
Russia ; not by any ancient treaty, nor by previous would be fatuity and. insanity not to have secured'
stioulations which she could refuse to perform, with-
Sweden. It was true that alter the evacuation of
eat a violation of her public faith, but by engage-
Moscow a proposition of a pacific nature had been
ments entered into at the time, and made in content-
made by the Danish Minister, but was afterwards
plation of the then meditated attack upon Russia.— disavowed by his Government. The proposition
s
Denmark had agreed to place a certain corps of was made when it wa thought that the French
troops at the disposal of France, to be employed in Ruler could not extricate himself, but it was dis-
avowed when it was found that he escaped. . The
the occupation of Mecklenburg!' and other places in
the North of Germany. Would any one tell him, offer which had subsequently been made he had
that such a disposition of Danish troops was not as no doubt had been made in the confidence that it
w
effectual an aid to France as if they had been would be rejected. Even when Count Bernstorif
marched on to Smolensko,and Moscow? If the ter-
' had come on a mission to this country, there was
sonic doubt as to the issue of operations, and the two
ritories of Powers in alliance with Russia, amongst
great baitles which had since been fought slimed
others Oldenburg, which was the primary cause of
the war, were to be forcibly taken possession of by how well founded these doubts were. Denmark, by
the Danish troops, would any man tell him that this sending a Minister hither at such a time, wished
was not to take part with France against Russia ? 'n° doubt to keep the door of accommtidation with
both parties open. But the ' •
If that were not so, what security would there be for propositions Made at
t
the safety of any country, or the independence of that period were such as no man in that House, or
in that country, would* have advised any Govern-
set up as an excuse so far as one belligerent was con. Europe ? If the weakness of any Power were 'to be
relent to accede to. (Hear, hear.) lie came now
cereed, it should be equally available towards the
to the last proposition, as to 'the conduct of the Swe-
others. But the fact, be contended, was, that Den-
dish Government in the execution of the treaty, and
mark was following the steps of 'France—aiding,
the interest this country had in the performance of
abetting, assisting, and supporting her in the ire- these engagements. Upon this point he could assure
their Lordships, that no Government hads'ever made
mendous contest against Russia ; upon principles of
more zealous exertions for the fulfilment of •ts engage-
was equally justifiable now as at the time of its being mesa! justice, therefore, he contended that the treaty
ments than had been made by that of Sweden. .The
concluded. It was, besides, wise, expedient, and po. , preparations were expedited with all diligence, a' nd
the troops ready to embark in 'due time. The first
lick. This. country was at the time at war with Den.
mark ; and whatever may have been the cause of i division of transports left this country'on the 31st of
. March, and the secood arrived at Gottenburgh on '
quarrel, he must presume, the country beino engaged
the Bth of •May. But from' the unfortUnate revalence '
in it, that the war was just. Danish seamen were at l
contrary winds during
the time seiving in the navy of France ; the Danes of!five 'weeks, these transports
were at that time annoying British trade in every pos. were prevented from reaching their' destination.—
sible manner. Were not the Danish ports hostile to
; Every Officer employed on this service knew, that all
time the
Swe dish troops were to emark.....
us ? and were not our merchantmen captured
perpe_ this
had As to what had been said of therea Bandonbment ti
tually by Danish privateers ? This countr7
! Hamburgh, however important the trade and lode:
therefore as just a right to conquer Norway as to
capture St. Croix, or any other possession of the Da.l pendence of that city, it was perfectly clear that it
nish Crown. Besides, on the other hand, it should ! must have depended on the contest between the Grand
be remembered that Sweden had not been a arty
1 Armies. But whatever may be thought of what had
to the arrangements of the Treaty of Tilsit, and had
; been hitherto done, the Swedish army was now in
actuall situation where it can operate with effect in any event;
her refusal y pr
to accede to them, in the cause of whichovoked a war with Russia and France b y 1
, —As to the cession of the Island of Guadeloupe, the
she had lost Finland. Their Lordships knew that i Noble Lords opposite knew well that the cession of an
i
an expedition had sailed from this country under the :sland in the West Indies, under such circumstances,'
late Sir J. Moore, to assist Sweden in the conquest of ! was not an original idea with the present Admini.
; Norway, as a compensation for the loss of Finland.
stration, and the grant of-this particular island was
He would not say any thing of the revolutions which least objectionable. In order to protect our own co-
had since taken place in Sweden, or of the nominal !
: lonics, the produce of the conquered colonies had,
during the present war, been prohibited ; the cession
war in which she had been engaged with this country.
would, therefore, be an advantage to the colonyo--
Though that war had never been more than nominal, ,
But besides, the establishment of rights of entrepot in
it could not, he would allow,• be contended, that it '
Swedish ports for British goods for twenty years, was
had not released Great Britain from her former en- ,
an adequate equivalent for any sacrifice we made.
gagement. But regard should be had, in the con-
, An article had, besides, been introduced, prohibiting
scanty of her attachment to this country, though in
the continuance of the Slave Trade. The establish-
the maintenance of her own rights and independence,
ment of an enirejtot for the commerce of Europe, how./
she incurred a loss, which gave her a claim in justice i
ever, was the main equivalent, and gave a death-
upon the good offices and support of this country.—
blow to the Continental System of France.—With
He next came to consider whether the Treaty
was 1 res Oct to propositions for Peace, Ministers would at
not expedient, wise, and politic, as against Demark.
all times be ready to receive them. He had begun by
Any in any kind of view that could he taken of the ; !calling the attention of their Lordshies to the state of
subject, the arrangement respecting Norway was su- Europe, and the preparations and prospects of France
bordinate in importance perhaps to the liberation of , last year. They would feel, he was sure, that the
the Peninsula, but no other object was more deserving
fate of Europe depended on the fate of Russia. Let
of attention. . The great mass of its population was
then, look to what Russia had done—he did
maritime—its produce consisted chiefly of naval stores ! them,
not mean to say in accomplishing the sanguine ex-
-the number and convenience of its harbours af- pectations which may have been entertained, nor did
forded ample accommodation to privateers—in short,
lie allude to certain recut[ events vrAch were a source
in. every point of view it was most deserving of at-
of regret—but lie c ailed upon their Lordships to look
tsntion. It was the interest of this'country that NT-
at the hada.; endence of Russia vindicated by the mug.
way should belong to the' country that cottllidebewmoir:lsdt • nalAmity of its Government and people, and esta-
independent of France. (Hear, /wan)
. • 14 s!it.,, 0-; a haSif WiliCll slo !tame effort of France
join issue upon this point. There Might' bedifTerencts
(mulct p :•ibly shake. This Northerr. Power had over-
as to the r.iode of reducing the power of Bonaparte
throes is the.e,frestest force that had ever been brought
—as to how fa-.this country should carry its efforts
.
for that purpose, but there was but one opinion as to 114° theh 1 A re-action was to have been expect.
the expediency of detaching as many countries as
ed i but the battle upon the Elbe shewed that the
s
possible from the connexion with France. Holstein, spirit of Europe had been roused. The course which
the German territory of Denmark; would );.cep her this country had to pursue was, to support those who
subservient to France, until she could bring herself made conimon cause against the enemy, and those ,
to sacrifice her German dominions for her insular in- ' Powers that were prepated to resist his violence should 1
be nraintained at the expellee of those who concurred
dependence.. Norway, of course, whilst subjeet to 1
and co-operated in it.— Ch Noble Earl, after again
Denmark, -would he equally subservient to France.!
The ;contrary would be the case, if it were united to alluding to the effect of the "last campaign in fthrowing die Continental System, which had been
over-
Sweden.' This was the opinion of the Swedish Go: '
vernment. The conduct of Denmark last year shewed
; growing up for seven years (since the Treaty of Til-
sit), by moving ress to hal
that her value for her German, dominions made her 1
Highconcluded ness the Prince Regent,an thanAddking himis fßoy or the
dependent on France; 'Ms thir they considered the i
gracious communication of the Treaty, and assuring
hituation in which Russia, therefore, or Sweden, or '
this csuritty stood, with regard to Denmark, the treaty 1 him of the support of their Lordships.
was peitectly Sustifiablo in itself, and the British Go-' The question having been put,
vernment were completely warranted in acceding to Lind HOLLAND rose to reply to the Noble Earl
who had just sat down, but felt many difficulties as
its arrangements. , The duty of the British. Govern- :
'
ment last year was to see that the diversions to be I
to the course he should take on the occasion. He
made 'should be in Germany.. They declined acceding
felt a difficulty in answering the speech of the Noble
to tie Trea
which would render it effectual then, till that diversion could be made 1 Earl' because, from what he could collect from what
under circumstances
had fallen from that Noble Lord, he feared that they
in the scale of operations. He must insist, however, annexed different meanings to the same words.—.
When the Noble Lord talked of jusece, the principles
etat the tneastnes adopted by Sweden last year, had
just f ioe,ond the in dee of E mean-
had a considerable influence upon the campaign. o
ing apparently attachepde toe them wasuro di pe, the
fferent from
The force assembled in Swedish ports kept a ;conai.
that in which he should use the same terms. He felt
derable enemy's force in the noeth of Germany, and
also another difficulty 'in answering the Noble Earl,
by releasing Russia from its previous engagements,
the.Swedist; Government .set at liberty a force of ;though he should not compliment him by saying that
any difficulty in answering his arguments,
eighteen thousand men which was assembled in. Po. I there was
land, and which was sent to join Count. Wittgens or refuting the logic with which they were enforced ;
stein's army, and afterwards contributed so materoiSl but there's; was a difficulty growing out of.the nature
to the destruction of the French army on the Bere-
y
of theallobleLord'S assertions, which he would own
sina. It was to the conduct of Sweden. in ibis in- Pres*. 11011 his Wind. Wile N°l4* lard created

..

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..• S.. .a ... .. ••
t..

this difficulty when-he contended before their
ships, that this country had derived an acleant*.:
from the Treaty. Was not the first question in di.;
case, whether they were to sanction an act of flagrant
injustice—whether they should sacrifice the houour ut
tha nation and the glory of the Crown—whether they
esould abandon tliat priacinle for which they had bee a
9.0 years contending ?He cou'id 'sting hirnstag ua
'consent to any such •proceedtg —no; not the alike
of Russia, nor even the eloquence and arguments
the Noble Lord, should ever induce hint to sacrifice
his fair fame an] the high character of the Britit It na-
tion in such a manner. It was neceilary.for him to
follow the Noble t arl threugh the wholeOf his speed..
' He must observe, however, that•in -statingthe tetra;;
Of the treaty, and the cessions 'seder it, the Nob!,
Earl had somehow overlooked the million of
money which was to be givers to Sweden.—(Brier,
hear.)—The Noble Lord dealt nut millions bberali,,
and might, there fine, have thought this circumstance
not worth notice. But lie should go throngte
stipulations 44 the treaty, and as iihout stopi.ing to
inquire into the policy upon which they were founded.
This country, in the tirt4t h•ce, engaged to cede
Guadaloupe in perpetuity to Sweden—we next en.
gaged to assist Sweden in despoiling Denmark of Nor.
way, and to guarantee that kingdom in perpetuity to
Swedee—we also' engaged to give a million of FAT-
lish money annually to S avelen—and in the 7th at fele
we. engage not to make any pence with common
enemy, while ut reference to these engagements.—
These were the considerations to be given by this
country. On the other hand, Sweden engaged is
do in the fist instance, what she was alreadrobliged
to doi—to furnish quota of hO,OOO troops fora di-
version in Germany—she also engages to grant Eng-
land a right of entrefrot at Callsham, Gottenburgh,
and Stralsund. He should not here adopt the prin-
ciple of argument of the Noble Loud, by saying, it
she should be fortunate enough to hold Stralsuna....-
The Noble Lord had argued that 'No: way and Hol-
stein being possessed by the same Sovereign was in.
compatible with his independence with respect to
France, and yet he did not appear to consider the
continental possessions of Sweden an instrument of
dependance on that ?over. Bu‘ whilst Great Britain
was to :ede Guadaloope an 4 to guarantee Norway
to Sweden in perpetuity, it was curious to see the
tight of cntrepot secured only for twenty years,/
These were the terms of the Treaty. He did not
mean to argue that they were objectionable merely
,•te'cause they .were tfo eminextly advantageous to
Sweden. He would readily admit that there might
be occasions when'the terms of a treaty might be in-
finitely more advantageous.to one orate contracting
parties than to the other, and yes very eligible to be
concluded. The King of Sweden, however, M this
instrument engages lb do that which lie Was' already
pledged to dO, and in encoring into this treaty Ries
over a second time what the had before undertaken.
I The necessity ot referring to the treaty ot last year
w.is Obvious, and yet it was Impossible not to observe
Ithe siudied endeavour with which' the Noble Lords
oppOsite:sotkght to keep k out of sight. *lt was fresh
in their Lordships' recollection,' that if it had not
bees ftir the motion of a Node Friend near' him, the •
would not have•had the:meagre abstract which had
`been :fit length • laid upon their tab*. • But to come
to the speech ()film Noble Earl. That Noble Lord •
had gone back to the eatly part of last yeir, 'and at:
tributed all the success of • the campaign to- what he
coritplaisantly tettned the co.operatioo of Sweden.-=
What was the 'question before theHonse ? This:
Noble Lord contended that this treaty should not be,
considered as an insulated question-but with refer.
ence to the general 'state' of Eurripe at the time—td
the principles of general poliCy 'upon which it writ-
founded, and to the antecedent state of Eoropett the
time of the conclusion 'of the anterior Treaty. ale
agreed in all this ; but what did it amonatto ?
at gument of necessity, and he should not. besitate49
admit, that there might be occasions when divatees•
.
sity of the ease and the principle of self-PreserVatiott
would justify an act in itself indefensible.' • qui•pose
then that Russia felt this necessity of signing the an-
terior Treat)', the circumstance Would be a little jos.
tification ; for whatever abhorrence be had, as he had
expressed, of injustice, be wou:d a t deny the plea of
necessity. But granting all this respect;ng Russia.;
where was the necessity for England th sign the
Treaty, and thus make herself an accessary alter the
fact ? Was she so chivalrous in disgrace, that she.
must voluntarily court the dishonour--that she must
take off the shoulders of Russia, to place upon her
own, a part of the load of infamy which such an in.
principled act of spoliation was calculated to cast
upon them. The Noble Lordaben proceedathrough
the other. aopics in the speech of the Noble Earl, ant-
rnadverting with a similar spirit upon each ; and said,
anxious as he was tor peace, he could not be content
to purchase it at the sacrifice of national lionsur and
justice. Ministers bad adopted the maxim of fighting
the enemy ni,th his e),en weapons, and whatever had
been urged on former occasions against the Ruler of
France, there neves was exhibited by him so gross
and gratuitous a display of the want of principle as
was set forth by his Majesty's Government in their
acceding to the terms of the Russian and Swedish
Treaty. His Lords.atip concluded with•mtving,,
That an humble Address be ?relented to Ids Royal Highs
ness ill: Prince Regent, assuthl hi, Royal Highness, that they
had tt. k: n into tot:sht- rat ien the Treaty of Concert and 6ubssily
with Sweden, and that with deep regret they fe:t it the.r du.y to
express the strongest ..i,approbarion„ ol !hi- principle of taking
Islurway from Deianark ;.that ttns'ilitarp'rphation was still far-
ther ii,creased by offerEg cettain.diltrtets itf•Gernrat.y to Den•
mark, user which we bad no edtitrotil 9r ata hority. Ne const•
dera,ion of advantage or Convemency Could ct'?hapensite a nation
for a violatmn of its honour or justice ; tut .eett that consideraw
dm they had nor, for is they gained awed, r, ttey necessarily lost
the co-operation of Dolma, k and the,N9rth of ihrinany. !he
cess on of Gt.velaioupe al-u they disl not feel prepared to approve,
because they saw no advantage to isti4iraived from it, and it was
a circumstance that might throw obstacles in the way of a gee s.
ral peace ; that they did to wish, however, to °owe the sub-
sidy, or to prevent Ropi Highness from ful6lbrig the ettpula•
tioti: he had v.uught proter to enter into with' the Courant"
l ark s."

The Earl of HA R RO\VBY should not attempt
to follow the Noble Baron through the • wide fi4cl of
observations that he had communicated to the House.
But before any conclusive opinion could properly be
formed of the merits of the treaty, it would be right
.
to lune back to the situation of Europe at the time'
and previous to the time at which it was en:ered
It was natural to' Rosi.ia, then, to attach to Swede*
an importance which, und,r tit! er circumstances, she
could not be entitled to. France was offering to the.
latter Power every possible temptation whiclk could
. • ~7 . .

maintain iliTiolats th• staste—to bet
~. .
di t
cat
ce. •Itn, ' , • t d out
en this . -tr. ~ , cans
at the tiiiif . - .
.-,' ,+w, l. i ineing th
laded, by'which, . !..,, llskilissPaign.
France ; Vt.. .: ii. iheii to accede
,it was stipula . tt t the British Go
nstance conquerea .r operation shnu
a. diver sipo.ln_a corz-_lll'Artcs as he -!1
s the tontinem To t peril and critic

be append likely to Monet the taker, Porto: in her
favour. It was clearly the interest ofifiwedeei to kegp,
clear of the war, and maintain herself in neutrality ;
but it was not only natural, but necessary, for Russia
to secure Sweden. In the pro:nada% of that endea-
vour, it appeared that Sweden was ready to yield up
Pomerania. But it was said, that nct co-operation on
the part of Sweden took place. Wasit nothing, then
to screen a considerable portion of the territory of the
Allies from attack i By Sweden, Russia was relieved,
and her troops enabled to defend St. Petersburgh.—
But Sweden assisted in another way t she persuaded
the Porte to enter into peace with Russia, and there-
by rendered a most important service to the common-
cause. Upon the whole, it was clear that Sweden
had most honourably fulfilled her part of the treaty.
But the stipulation concerning Norway was termed
infamous. It should be considered that matters so
stood, that there was na alternative but that Sweden
must either be at peace with France or with us; and
he must be a bold man indeed who should decide for
the former connexion. No Power was better quali-
fied, or more ansiousto act a great part in the theatre
of war, than the Crown Prince was ; and, at that
period; it was intended to give an indemnity to Den.
mark, in possession and not in prospect. After' a
few other observations, the Noble Earl concluded by
giving his decided negative to the Amendment.
Lord HOLLAND explained.
The Marquis of BUCKINGHAM supported the
Amendment. The principle of this Treaty, he con-
tended, was the same as that for which we had *so
long inveighed against the Ruler of France. We had
blamed France for compelling., against all natural
justice, the other powers to join her in her aggres-
sioas, or to pay the penalty of their disobedience.
Was not this the very policy Ministers had pursued
with respect to Denmark ? He condemned the Treaty
as the most infamous outrage against the rights of
nations that had been committed for the last 20 years.
E CLANCARTY deprecated the conduct of
Ministers, and said he had looked in vain for any ar-

gement from the Noble Lords opposite.
The Marquis of DOUGLAS supported the
Amendment.
F.arl GREY took an extensive view of the whole
proceedings, and inveighed in strong terms against
the plea of convenience set up in justification of
the measures adopted and sanctioned by Ministers.
After Bonaparte last year had suffered a calamitous
defeat, a sort of Treaty was entered into between the
Noble Lord (Liverpool) and the Danish Govern-
ment, through Count Bernstorff, an Ambassador then
in this country—a Treaty of Mockery. Afterwards,
or about the same time, was a negociatlon with Swe-
den entered into, to guarantee to Sweden the king.
dom of Norway, part of the Danish territory, stipu-
lating, even at the risk of the surrender of Hanover,
and other dependencies of this Crown, together with
a stipulation for aiding and co-operating with the
Crown Prince, by land and sea, to attain such an.
aexation and conquest without utmost exertion in
perpetuity to Sweden, in consideration of commercial
accommodation to us in certain parts for the term of
twenty years only. Was not this a treaty of spolia-
tion of the Crown of Prince Christian, and eternally
'disgraceful to England, in addition to the cession of
an island that was not literally our own; a Treaty
against the principles of justice, at a time that Den.
mai k was clearly a neutral Powers—and a Treaty in-
consistent:with the independence of nations—Great
Britain_stipulate.for this Treaty, by which Denmark
would cease to:he in existence as an independent na-
tion, are so tponstrope, that language could not ade-
qtrately describe it, or duly ieprobate..the principle.
Who can longer complain of the treatment of Swit-
zerland by France, supposing, after what they had
already suffered, she told them that they must cede
to a nei.ghboufing Power an integral part of their
territories ? What effect" would not such a Treaty
have upon the noble conduct of the brave and loyal
Prussians ? Nothing could justify our conduct. This
compact was the cause of breaking off our negotia-
tion with Denmark, and tended to give to an enemy
the means of our naval superiority and glory.' 'The
bad effects of this Treaty had the effect of. facilitat-
ing the success of Bonaparte in the battles of • Lut-
ten and Bautzen, instead of going to the Dwyna,
after which the French advanced one hundred miles.
This was subverting and destroying the sacred name
of independence, and calculated to create desolation
in her streets. Was this the way of retrieving this
Country, or contravening the proceedings of -Bona-
parte ? Were the Ministers to engage to pay five
millions of money for the chance of getting a.few
men ?—or was it for the interests of this country and
:he common cause to run such hazards upon' the
proposal, merely on the chance that such a proposal
would be successful; or was it reducing public opi-
nion in favour of the enemy ? Our languge should
Lave been different or the very contrary. An expres-
sion of a pacific disposition on our part would do
more than twenty such subsidies. Moderation in suc-
cess would give more hopes of a certain peace than
any false and disgusting principle, that would and
must divide and separate the Powers of Europe, as
well as sink our reputation as a great country. Null
upon your-Lordships, and ask, will you not call upon
those Ministers for betraying the interests of this na-
tion by such a disgraceful system, that leads to every
tvil without any possible good ?
Earl BATHURST rose, and forcibly defended
the Treaty as wise and politic, even by the admission
of the Noble Earl (Grey), on the ground that it was
wise to adopt any measure of annoyance against the
common enemy, it being admitted that it was much
"better to have Sweden on dui side than against u 5...-
What, said the Noble Earl, were our stipulations and
engagements at the Treaty of Amo, in March, 1812?
—.They were, that Guadaloupe, and not Norway,
should be ceded to, Sweden, in consideration of 35,000
men to conquer Norway. Was it for the interests of.
this Country and the common cause to join in this
Treaty, was the question. Can that be called morally
wrong, being done conjointly with others, which
would be morally right in us to do separately. No
treaty could be more advantageous, and it was im-
possible to shew or read any rule or order from the
Journals of the House, against such a treaty or stipu-
lation as that under discussion.
Earls GREY and LIVERPOOL, and Lord HOLLAND,
severally explained, after which a divisioa.took place,
when there appeared,
For the original Motion, - " 140
For the Amendment, - .•• 67
Majotity for Mbibrera. • • 'TS
Adjmited at LteI.FrPAST TWO this MOrgitag•

noun or cbmmoNs.
lorthe impieties ista,learorterprellotli"
at the tarot the House Amounts of ME** =perryto oloirloo
parts of the world from the kingdom of Great Britain, from,
1804 to 1812 inclusive, pursuant to the' motion of Mr. CAL-
CIATT; 'which mere ordered to be lald'on the Table.
The Naval Pensions Bill passed through a Committee, and
was ordered rn be reported on Monday.
On the motion for the Irish illidt Distillers Bill being com.
mirted,
Mr. W. POLE signified his intention of opposing the inanity,
and dividing the House on the subject, when the Report of the
Committee should be brought up.
The Bill then passed through a Committee, and the Report
was ordered to be brought up on Monday.
The Irish Tobaced BM was read a third time and passed.
The Irish Malt Bill passed through a Committee, and the Res
port was ordered to be brought up ote Monday.
Mr. L. KECK reported from the Committee appointed to et-
amine the Contested Election Petitions of the Town end County

of Galway, that the Hon. Frederick Ponsonhy was found not
duly elected, and Valentine Blake, Esq. was found duly returned '
as Member for that Town and County.
The Loan Bill was read a third time and passed.
A Messenger front the Lords informed the House, that their
Lordships had given their assent to the Wexford arbour and
Liverpool Dock Bills without any amendments.
The Irish Militia Clothes' Bill passed through a Committee, i
and was ordered to be reported on Monday.
The Hothe on its rising was ordered to adjourn to Monday
next, on the Motion of Mr. VANSITTART.
The further consideration of the Report of the Poor Laws'
Bill was axed for Tuesday. • •
The Committal of the Land Tax Amendment Bill was order-
ed for Monday.
_ The Funded Debt BM was read a second time and ordered
to be committed on Monday.
The Local Tokens Bill was read a second time, after a few
observations from Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Rose, Lord A. Hamilton,
and Mr. Grenfel, and ordered to lie committed on Monday.
VICTUALI.ERS' PEWTER POT BILL.
Mr. ROSE moved the Order of the Day, that the House
should Moles itself into a Committee on the Victuallers' Bill.
Mr.-DAVIES GIDDY opposed the Motion. Why did not
the Publicans enter into a compact to send out their beer in a
different sort of vessel, if, by such a circumstance, they would
be less exposed to depredation ? Why not send it out in iron or
tin ? They might easily form an association amongst themselves,
without throwing a solemn absuldity into Parliament, for the
purpose of preventing the use of pewter pots. But they would
not, for they knew the Public preferred pewter pots, and that
those who would subscribe to the proposition would not sell.—
He concluded by moving, " That the House do go into a Com-
ndttee this day three months."
Mr. ROSE did not conceive how Mn Giddy could oppose sn
violently a measure which would operate evidently to the advan-
tage of the Public, if there was not in his views something be-
side the general considerations upon which he had professed to
act. It was an appeal to the humanity as well as to the justice
of the House.—( Rear, hear).—At the time of passing of the first
Bill the licenses did not amount to more than Xi. 10s. and now
that the duty an licences had increased to six fold, were the Pub-
licans less entitled to that which could never be called even an
indulgence T—f Hear, bar) --Be ides this, they paid more per-
sonal taxes than any other people. He had brought in this Bill
from feelings of justice only. The Bill might be discussed with-
out throwing any reflections upon the publicans, except Gentle.
men wished to add insult to injury.—( Hear,' hear).
Mr. CROKER said, the preamble of the' Bill was totally un-
grounded; and, as he conceived it to be, a measure wholly use-
less to the publicans, as well as injurious to his Majesty's sub-
jects, he should give his most decided opposition to it.
Mr. WHI TBREAD said, he really should think, from the
violent manner of the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Croker) that
be was a very great porter-driaker, although his appearance was
not much in favour of such a supposition, (a laugh), and that he,
was oath an epicure Ica that beverage as not to relish it from any
other vessel than a pewter pot. It was impossible, he
said, to form any association against sending out pewter pots,
for every new comer into a house in the public line% who thought
himself wiser than any body else, would immediately commence
the practice front which the established man had abstained, for
the purpose of getting a number of customers, and every body
must be aware that such an example, if not checked by parlia-
mentary interfereuce, must necessarily be followed. The publi-
cans would, he knew, afford pots which would be as agreeable
In appearance, as cleanly, and as wholesome as those of pewter;
and he (Mr. Vhitbread) would be happy if the Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Croker) would make a trial from one of them of the beve-
rage he would put into it. (4 laugh.) As to the morality of the
Bill, he should only state, that he knew it for a positive fact, that
children were reared up •in the practice of pot-stealing, and if
this Biio answered the purpose of preventing that vice, there
could scarcely exist a doubt that it contained a system of me-
nlity of a very exalted kind.—(Near, hear.)
.The House then divided, when 42 Members voted for the
amendment, and 67 for the original motion, upon which the
818 passed through a Committee and was ordered to be reported
oa Friday.
TREATY WITH SWEDEN.

Mr. WHITBREAD inquired of the Noble Lord'
opposite, what time the Treaty between Sweden and
Russia had been communicated to Ministers ? He
saw. that it had been signed in March, 1812, and he
knew that it bad not been acted on till March, 1813.
~. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, the communica-
tion had been made to his Majesty's Ministers during
.21 the month of July. '
Lord CASTLEREAGH then moved the Order
of the Day, for the House to resolve itself into a Corn-
awe of Supply, to which Committee his Lordship
further moved, that the Papers on the Table relative
to the Treaty with Sweden be rerred.
Mr. PONSONBY then rose and spoke in sub-
stance as follows :—(6 Sir, in order to discuss the
merits of the Treaty which has been concluded with
the King of Sweden, I have judged that the most
convenient method will be, to address you before you
leave the Chair; because, if the House should first
go into the Committee, nothing more could be argued
than the propriety of granting the supply ; and it this
should be granted, nothing further upon the subject
would appear in the Journals. As it is my intention,
Sir, to move that an Address be presented to the
Prince Regent, on the subject of this Treaty, praying
that such steps may be adopted as are consistent with l'
the good faith of the country, and the honour cf the I
Crown; for the purpose of suspending the executioni
of the treaty. I have thought it better to move the
Address in the present stage. I believe, Sir; that this
is the first instance, in the history of the negotiations
in•this country, where the cession of a valuable pos-
session has been stipulated, and the Papers relative to
it laid on the table, without the Ministers of the Crown
taking the sense of Parliament upon that assertion.
If it was merely a treaty of subsidy, it might be re-
ferred to a Committee of Supply—its merits might
be argued in that Committee, and the approbation
or disapprobation of the House signified upon it.—
But this is not merely a treaty of concert or subsidy, it
is a treaty of cession—the island of Guadaloupe has
been ceded, and I did expect dm his Majesty's Minis-
ters would have moved an address to the Throne upon
the occasion, by which course the House might have
had an opportunity of signifying their approbation or
censure of the measure pursued , by the confidential
servants of the Crowa. The Noble Lord however has
thought proper to pursue anodic*, course. He has
referred the Treaty to a Committee of Supply, but in
the other House of Parliament (if he may be permit-
ted tomake an allusion to it on the present occasion)
the Minister roust move an address, and upon that
address the sense of the Meuse can be taken. I am
obliged, in consequence, to have recourse to this unu-
' anal mode of marking my opigice of the merits of the

*stipulations which have beets entered into, andof *seer-
lidding the *titan of Parliaasent upon tbeetAudoiag
this, Sir, the first and most remarkable feature which
'presents itself is the Treaty existing between the King
of Sweden and the Emperor Of Russia, and the ob-
ject of it, as'professed by the two contracting powers,
which object, as substantially laid before the House
by the Noble Lord, is said to beu for the purpose of
securing reciprocally their states and possessions
against the common enemy." That is their professed
object, 4t to secure their states and possessions against
the common enemy," meaning France, no doubt, for
there was no other country with which both those
Powers were at war. In the course of the last war
between Russia and France (which was terminated
'by the Treaty of Tilsit). there were certain negocia-
tions carried on between the then Governments, the
object or nature of which was not immediately divul-
ged, but soon after the Emperor of Russia attacked
the territories of the King of Sweden, and acquired
the dominion of Finland—a dominion which. had
been long desired and ardently sought by that power,
in different wars and various negotiations. Being put
in possession of this valuable acquisition by the corees
nivance if not by the open assistance of France,'Rus.
sia afterwards, when she saw herself likely to bd in:
volved in .a new war with France, sought to 'secure
herself in the unmolested possession of Finland, b 7
buying off the Power most likely to disturb her, and
transferred to that Power part of another's dominions.
In order to induce Sweden to acquiesce in her views,
Russia entered into an understanding with her, and
concluded the ConventiOn stated in this Paper, in
which it is stipulated that Norway is to be procured
for Sweden, either by negociation or by military co-
operation ; and, in the first instance, that Russia is to
furnish an auxiliary force of 15 or 20,000 men, which
is afterwards carried to 35,000, in the Convention
' signed on the 30th of August, 1812 ; and I do be.
Bove that at the making of this last Convention, the
British Ambassador, my Lord Cathcart, was present
at Abo. Nov let us inquire what steps were taken by
the two contracting parties in order to induce the
King of Denmark to agree to the cession of Norway.
They express themselves thus—' As the King of Swe-
den cannot make this diversion in favour of the com-
mon cause, consistently with the security of his domi-
nions, so long as he can regard the kingdom of Nor-
way as an enemy, his Majesty the Emperor of Russia
engages, either by negociation or by military co-opera-
tion, to unite the kingdom of Norway to Sweden. He
engages moreover to guarantee the peaceable posses-
sion of it to his Swedish Majesty.' Such was the engagel
ment—not to procure for the King of Sweden any
security that the force of Denmark or Norway shall
not act against him—not to procure the occupation
of any fortresses in Norway so as to give the King of
Swedan military possession of the country--.not either
of these stipulations, but to procure, either by negoci-
ation or force, the perpetual cession of Norway itself.
and they go on to say—' The two contracting parties
being unwilling, if it can be avoided'—(A laugh from
the Omosition Benches)—Oh ! matchless tenderness of
heart !—Oh I kind and considerate politicians I— ••-•
being unwilling, if it can be avoided, to make an
I enemy of the King of Denmark'—with whommeither,
observe, pretended any cause of quarrel—' will
propose to that Sovereign to accede to this Alliance,
and will offer to his Danish Majesty to procure for
him a complete indemnity for Norway..by a territory
more contiguous to his German Daminkns.'—
(Crier of Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Here.are
the mighty deliverers of Europe—( Hear, hear)—c3n-
trading, for the purposes of their own ambition-, to
take from an unoffending Sovereign part cf
minions, and transfer it to another ! But they pro-
pose to give him a compensation by granting certain
other territories in lieu of those which they deprive
him of. I beseech you, Mr. Speaker, to mark the
wisdom and policy of this proceeding. Germany was
to be delivered—France was to be driven'back with-
in her proper frontiers—Alexander proclaimed him-
self the deliverer'—the Russians were to be the
saviours of Europe—and in order to encourage Ger-
many to throw off the yoke by which she was op-
pressed and to rally round the standard of indepen-
dence, this deliverer of the enslaved nations of Europe
engages to take part of the dominions of Germany
and to bestow it on a Monarch whom he had stipu-
lated to deprive of his own.—(Hear, hear.)—Here
was a transaction whose policy was only transcended
by its justice, and how any Cabinet acting under a
Sovereign who had ever been remarkable for good
faith through the course of a long and eventful reign,
and who had been and still was engaged in a pro-
tracted and bloody war against France for the pur-
pose of resisting the establishment of such monstrous
and iniquitous principles as were contained in this
Treaty—(Hear, hear)—how a Cabinet so circum-
stanced could countenance such a proceeding, i am
at a loss to conceive ;—how they could so act in the
faceof a generous and enlightened nation attached
to the sacred principles of probity and honour, I am
equally surprised— that they should have the hardi-
hood to propose such flagitious stipulations to such a
Sovereign and such a people, exceeds any thing I
ever heard of in the annals of Mi:iisterial d ravity.
(Hear; hear, from the Opposition.)—l knowlsot how
fhe Noble Lord could have advised or taken a more
decisive step for establishing the power of France.—
Do we find in any part of this Treaty the smallest
regard to the rights of nations or the liberties of
mankind ? We, indeed, are made to say, that this
transfer shall be made 6 with all possible regard and
consideration for the happiness and liberty of the
people of Norway.' (Hear, hear.)—Was it thus that
the inhabitants of Europe were to be encouraged to
resist the domination of France ? Was it thus that
the Emperor of Russia was to entitle himself to the
reputation of being the deliverer of Germany ?
Was it by acting in the same spirit that d;ctated the
partition of Poland—that act which laid the founda-
tion of the subversion of the law of nations, and
substituted in its place the law of the strongest ?
(Hear, hear !)—ln the late campaign, however, the
iniquity of that dismemberment was visited on those
who had been its authors, and France had profited
by the doubtful allegiance of Poland. This Treaty
would speak volumes to the Poles and to the nations
of Europe, and when it came to be read upon the
Continent, I know not what the European Powers
will Say to the Noble Lord when he speaks of the
rights of nations and the independence of Europe.
And now give me leave to ask what was the pro-
fessed object of our concert and treaty of accession ?
That his Majesty the King of Great Britain and

Ireland, and his Majesty the Xing o? Swedes. Pfe.
laatadieidt theargeat assegai* of ettakilikhita
each•other a close concert,'—for What?—' the ma a-
tenance of the independence of the North, 'and ill
order to accelerate the so much wished (or ePodhtbf
a general peace, have agreed to provide for this two.
fold object by the present Treaty.' So the iniecien.
dente of the North is to. be established by wresting a
part of his dominions from one of the most itxlepent
dent and ancient of the Northern Powers, and A ge-
neral peace is to be brought about by transferring a
portion of Germany to the King of Denmark, from
whom you propose to take the kingdom of Norway
In short, you will effect the two avowed objects of
this Treaty, by lending yourselves accessary to
state of things which were calculated to produce war
if none had existed, before. But is it for the interest
of England, that Norway should be taken from
Denmark ? I have always understood that Norway
was as happily placed for the security of England
as it was possible for any country to be. To put
the independence of the North, therefore, hypocri-
tically forth in the front of the Treaty, and to talk
of peace as its object, exceeds all that the most con.
fident Ministers have ever ventured to set forth in
their instruments. But the King of Sweden, it
seems, is compelled to seize Norway. I moved for
an account of the negotiations which had taken
place bete een this country and Denmark, and
was told by the Noble Lord that it was unfit they
should be disclosed, though I find it difficult to con-
ceive what objection could exist, because either
Denmark or France must be so concerned as to make
it public, whether Ministers do so or not. Does the
Noble Lord imagine that Prance is ignorant of -the
nature of those negotiations ? As we, however, are
left to conjecture, I can only argue upon what I sup.
pose them to have been, andl do shrewdly conjecture
that much conversation passed as to the nature of the
compensation to be offered in lieu of Norway, and
that this is the conversation which his Majesty's Mi-
nisters are unwilling should be made public, for that
this unwillingness should arise from any regard to the
interests of Denmark or fear of the power of France,
is what I cannot be persuaded to believe, until I
shall have heard more upon the subject. On This
part of the subject there is something in the second
article of the present Treaty very curious and worthy
of Attention, and, at the first glance, one would be led
to suppose that it was perfectly optional with Denmark
to surrender Norway or not. Now it happened that in-
stead of this, it is exactly the reverse, there is, in truth,
an exact stipulation that Nor way at all events mustgo,
there is nothing optional left; but let me read the article,
[Here the Right Hon. Gentleman read the 2d article
of the Treaty, as it appeared in the SrAn of the 12th
inst.]-0n reading this article (continued Mr. P.) it
is so worded that you might suppose that the King of
Denmark might join the alliance and yet keep Nor.
way ; whereas it only contains an exception, and his
only choice is to oppose force to its execution, or to
accept the compensation designated for him by Swe-
den and Russia, on giving up Norway. It is so
longer at his option to preserve those ancient heredi-
tary dominions, and those faithful subjects, so remark.
able for their attachment to his person and govern.
meat. He is compelled to part with them, and to
, take under his government a nation of strangers—
! bound to him by no tie, attached to him by no mo.
tire—who never owed him the allegiance of sub-
jects.—(Near, hear.)—I defy the Noble Lord to con.
tradict the statement. f say that, under the stipule.
tionc of the treaty, there was nothing which would
I sat ify the contracting Power but the cession of Nor-
way to Sweden, and the sole option left to Denmark
was, to op pose force to force, or to content herself with
what they might give. Now, as to the principle of
the Treaty, it was clear that it was worthy of the
true and legitimate followers of those who had par.'
titioned and plundered Poland, and I know not what
was the inducement with England to assent to it.
That this country should agree to a treaty founded
on fraud and violence, is what no present profit os
advantage could for a moment justify. But let us
see what this present profit is—the alliance of Swe.
den ? But you have provoked the hostility of Den-
mark —you gain the alliance of Sweden, and you lose
the friendship of Denmark. Then it is said that we
are at war with Denmark, and therefore it is just to
annoy her. (hear, hear, from the Ministerial ride. )—•
Let U 3 examine this principle a little farther. Ths

. .
only legitimate end of war, it has always been atIN
muted, is the attainment of peace. It has never
been acknowledged by any Government, however
profligate, that war should be carried on for tho
utter extinction of any Other Government. A.
Power complains of injuries received, and seeks by
war for satisfaction and redress, or it suspects thee
secret hostility of another Power, and seeks to
obtain a security against its effects. (Loud cries .1
(fear, hear, from the Minitterial ride.) Now, in con.
ducting a negociation of this kind, the first duty of
. an able and virtuous Minister is to endeavour to pro.
duce such a state of things as may render a return
to peace not only possible but sear. Instead of abet.
ting the treaty between Russia and Sweden, which
embroiled and divided the North, a wise statesman
would hale applied himself to produce au union of
all those Powers in one common interest, and would
have directed their force against France, the con;.
mon enemy. But the justification offered here, is,
that we are at war with Denmark. True, but not
for her extinction. We went to war with her on tht
plea of necessity, lest France should have seized the
fleet, and we resorted to the argument of self de
fence, as a justification of the steps we then took.—
But if we admit this reasoning for one moment, )
.wnuld ask, what there is on the 'face of this Treats
to justifp our having acceded to it, or having sea
dered Denmark more unfriendly than heretofore ?-9s
In order to engage the co-operation of Sweden, Rue
six stipulates to send 3500 men to assist in the con
quest of Norway, before Sweden affords any direr
co-operation in .Germany. That was the stipulatiot
which Ministers found existing when his Majesty wa
invited to accede to the terms of the Treaty. It wa
not suited, I suppose, to the views of his Majesty'
Ministers, that Sweden should employ force in Nc
way against the Danes, for that would be buying
diversion against ourselves in favour of France. Th
being the state of things, his Majesty's Minim,
wished to change the stipulations, and how did the
accomplish it ? Sweden, then, the friend of EN )
land ; Sweden, on whom we rely for useful co-oper.
tion—Sweden refuses to give up the attainment of h.
immediate ot);;ect, unless ,he alu obtain A greater a

I,

t

4,

!.4 '• . , r'.

-- .
wastage for herself, and in order to induce her to make
thergenerous sacrifice, his Majesty's Ministers engage
SO pay her one million of money by monthly in-
atalmnts, and to cede to her the possession of the
hlsad of Guadalotipe. So here we have a tolerable 1
specimen of the distinterestedness of' Sweden in this
transaction. But the Ministers of England carried
their point. True, and what advantages resulted from
it? The Swedish troops arrived in Stralsund just in
time to witness two defeats of the Allies and the cap-
ture
of Hamburgh, and remained the useless and im-
moveable spectators of the Armistice which has been
recently concluded.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.)
These are the mighty advantages derived from a sub-
tidy of a million of money and the cession of quada-
ionpe I The sagacity which distinguished those stipu-
lations was equal to the probity which advised the
Prince Regent to become a party to this Treaty.—
(Hear, hear.)—But there are other advantages at-
tached to it—We are to have the right of, entre/at in
three towns, namely, Gottenburgh, Carisharri, and
Stralsund. Have we this right in perpetuity?—no,
it is limited to the period of 20 years, while Swedes
gets Guadaloupe for ever.—(Hear.)—Let us !M.
pine the nature of this Treaty. It has been held by
all writers on the Law of Nations, or the Rights of
Peace and War, that when two States are at war, and
one requires territory from the other, the acquiring
State cannot transfer that territory until a treaty has
taken place—yet while we are at war with France, and
that no treaty that I know of has been entered into
, t With that Power, we cede this island, one of the most
:I 'valuable of any in the West Indies, and eminently cal-
. culnted, in thebands of an enemy,to annoy the trade 6f
Ei,glancl, in full and perpetual sovereignty to Sweden.
f ,—'l hen the right of en:rcpot which we have obtained
, must be considered with regard to tis in time of peace
ao lin time of war. If we suppose the state of peace,
of what advantage is this right to England ? She
can send her goods and manufactures directly to the
Continent, and can carry on her commerce without
the mediation of Sweden to enable her to trade with
ea her nations. Let us suppose a state of war, and
th 4 i France may have concluded a peace with the
Pawers of the Continent on the condition of the re-
itif.,blisliment of the continental system—can the right
It entrap*, in this case procure for our goods admis-
si. ti upon the Continent, or have any favourable
ef et on our commerce? Therefore, in peace, this
stipulation is useless ; and in wit it is unprofitable.
But it may be said that it is unusu of for Parliametii
to interfere with the decision or peace or war, 'as set-
tle:l by the Executive Gni:eminent. I grant it; but
yet it h not unprecedented, and even if were so, it
would be right on the present occasion, because
the Treaty itself is unprecedented. : I know of no-
' thing which can parallel v. ith it.—(Hear, hear).
t I don't, however, go to the extremity of-opposing the
grant which is necessary for the fulfilment of the sti.
• "pulations which hav-.: been entered into ; but it is my
' intention to propose on Address wale Regent, praying
:, him to se,pend, if he can, the execution of this Treaty.
' and finally to disengage hirisselr4roni it. When we
vote this sum of money we enable his Royal High-
; 'less to fulfil the terms of the Treaty—when we ad-
dress him we tell hint the opinion of Parliament, and ,
humbly advise him to redeem himself and the paint-
) try, if he can do so consistently with the public faith
and the 41nour of the Crown. I suppose he can en-
l ter int)) fresh negociatiOns, if not, 1 intreat the House
' to consider the state in which England is placed by
• the 7th article of this Treaty—[Here the R;glit Ho-
stouratsle Gentleman read the article.] Do t'o: words
mean the perpetual go uantee of Guadahaipe to Swe-
den ? Was such an engagement ever made by arty
('country with another? Was a negotiation for a ge-
neral peace to have no effect upon it ? This nas unlike
any of those offensive and defensive treaties which
avere ordinarily made. The Noble Lord seemed to sig-
' tidy some dissent. I should be glad, then, that he had
expressed himself in an intelligible manner. What
! .
1 is referred to in the seventh Article of this Treaty ?
' The cession of Guadaloupe and Norway—and we ere
ti' n', account to derogate from the interest of Swe-
tlat nn thnse two points. But does France derive no
'advantage ftsam this Treaty ? Is it no justification of
her acts to nave England accede to stipulations
'founded in violence and fraud ? Is it no matter of
aexunation to her to be able to say to her accusers—
is, I am not worse than England—she gives her mo-
rtney and her coliquests to confirm a Treaty by which
nlie stipulates to rob a nation with whom she had no
ileitis: of quarrel r'—How after this shameful Tre sty
matt our character stand higher than that of France f
.:—I have no hesitation in saying that it will appear
Vror.• in the eyes of Europe—tor in France, as under
Nill absolute Governments, the people are passive;—
Fbut in a tree country, where the standard of national
Sbaracter is high, is is in the power of the people to
compel a retraction of those acts which degrade and
disgrace them—or if they cannot recall, they can re-
ri probate them. If they do not adopt this course, if
the House of Commons, the organ of the people, do
'not hiarir.their indignant sense of such proceedings,
:they ts,•come partners in the crimes and follies of that
Government when it was in their power to correct
of patush. lii the present case, the stipulations were
founded in force and fraud, and proposed to inflict a
*lost palpable injury on an unoffending Sovereign.
t do, therefore, beseech the House to pause-.not in
Order to refuse the supply which is demanded, but to
pray the Prince Regent to withdraw from a Treaty
so fraught with dishonour and injustice.—(Hear,
hear.) —Under these circumstances I will read the
Address which I propose to carry to the Throne ;
but I should first advert to a material circumstance.
We have been taught to laok to Germany as the
source of resistance to French oppression. All the
Continent was to flock to the standard of indepen-
dence, and to rally round it—Hanover was to rise—
klesee was to follow her generous example—all the
?libeller States were to follow—it wan to be a holy in-
StltreCtican What is the temptation and protection
held foith by the Ministers of England to promote
;his sacred cause I The temptation is the transfer of i
part 'of this very Germany as a compensation—for
hat ?—for an act of robbery. (Hear, hear.) The '
intection is the landing of an army in Stralsund.—
out what port of Germany, I should like to know,
sag In fianiish the compensotion to Denmark? I
iresorne the Noble Lord knows, audit would really
6 is curic4te piece of information for the I3ouse—not,
stipose,'.ihe•hereditart dominions of the Ring of
oat Bntain:-•-tiot Hamburgh—not.the Hanseatic
::,as,
, ns, nut thi territory runts' them---none of these
. .
.. .... .

- • f • I.- t.ifff-; e: •.•
_•

last nitkdoned places I sm ziersulbsll. • gba
know them, are several persons who art of a di fte- ntl
opinion. (Hear, bear.) But it cannot be, for that
was the spot around which the flame of war wet kind-
led for the regeneration of Germany. I can'..t credit
that this town, which was the heart of the confede-
racy, was to hare been made an article of barter and
to be sold, while her bravesons were shedding" their
blood in the common cause. (Hear, hear) Such
base and monstrous wickedness was impossible. The
Address which I have now to propose is something
longer than is usual on such occasions, but its object'!{
made it necessary to represent the circumstances
which have called for it at some length." The Right
Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving an amend-
ment, leaving out the words of the original motion,
and substituting the following in their stead :
" That an humble Address be presented to his 'Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, thanking him for having communicated the
Treaty to the House; to assure his Royal Highness that the
Howe would take the same into Its serious consideration ' • that it
*as with deep regret the House was obliged to express it highest
ciondehmatiou of the principles and policy of that Treaty; that
it could not, without painful sensations, see the power assumed
by Ramis and Sweden to dispose of the country of Norway, by
taking it from its present Sovereign, and also to offer a district in
Germany as an indemnity for the same; that in this nteasure
*ere was &departure from the wise and honourable course hither-
to pursued by England, in. endeavouring to uphold the indepen-
dence of other States; that the House saw ne advantage likely
to arise from this 7 reaty, and that the engagements contained in
it possessed no present strength or future s,:eurity—inasmuch as
it confirmed the 'hostility of Denmark, and would alarm and dis-
courage from making any efforts those nations of Germany, who
must now behold as oppressors those men who had professed to
be their deliverers; that the House must express its disapproba-
tion of the cession of Guadaloupe, as a measure calculated to
raise additional obstacles to any future treaty of peace. But at
the mane time, while the House felt itself bound to make these
representations, it did not mean to withhold the supplies that
were necessary for carrying part of the Treaty into effect That
while the House placed the highest value on the honour of the
Crown and the public faith of the nation, it entreated his Royal
Highness to use such means as might be best calculated to suspend
the execution of a Treaty so injurious to the character of the
Government and the country."
Mr. WYNNE seconded the Amendment.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that it was unusual
in Parliamentary proceedings, in any censure endea-
voured to be fixed on his Majesty's Ministers, to at-
tach-that censure to his Majesty's Allies. That ex-
traordinary course had been pursued by the Right
Hon. Gentleman ; and he would leave it to the feel-
ings of the House how far such conduct admitted of
justification. The Right Hon. Gentleman had com-
plained of delay in laying the Articles of this Treaty
before Parliament; but his Lordship hoped to prove
that no unnecessary loss of time had occurred. The
policy of the transaction itself must be estimated ac-
cordin4 to the state of the relations which existed
4 the time; and had Denmark afterwards acquiesced
in an invitation to juin the Confederates, such acqui-
escence could by no means invalidate the utility of the
Treaty under discussion. He strongly objected to the
disclosures required by the Right Hon. Gentleman;
for nothing was sat injurious to the interests of the
coutAry, or lessened the confidence of foteigu States.
House was well aware that there were many
transactions which did not admit of publicity. As to
, the objections that d;e Treaty was so lung withheld
and remittances made to Swede n whilst Parliament
Was sitting, be hoped he could satisfactorily ex-
plain, whilst he was willing to make every apology
to the House; but, fro m fatalities *hicli may always
occur—such as delay in the ratifications, he was un-
able to perfoi iu that tluty before the 10th of May.
But if the co-operation of Sweden on the Continent
could be considered of any use, it %mill not be wise
to obstruct it from any want of means, or from the
consideration of assistance from this country. To
effect so eissirable an object, General Hope was
empowered to advance a part of the subsidy, and for
tl:at purpose Mr. Thornton made a payment of
2°0,0001. Sweden was to be acquitted of all delay
in fulfilling her engagements. She had sent her
forces to the stipulated point, with an expedition
truly admirable. The Swedish troops were at the
points of embarkation long before they were ex-
pected; whilst, by the activity of the Transport
board, the requisite transports were dispatched from'
this country to Gottenburgh, three weeks before the
time appointed ; yet they were prevented, by con-
trary winds, from proceeding for five weeks from I
that port to Carlscrona. His Lordship then attri-
buted the opposition which burst forth on the Con-
tinent, to the splendid victories atchieved by the
British arms on the Peninsula. These encouraged
Russia to assert her independence, and to renew her
relations with this country. France went to war with
her upon the very principle of the Russian Govern-
ment not engaging in more active hostilities against
England. When Bonaparte determined upon his
Northern war, be invited Sweden to assist hint with
40,000 troops ; and offered, in return, to secure to
her the recovery of Finland, and to assist her in the
acquisition of other objects. In that crisis of the
fate of the North, she rejected the tempting offer,
and generously preferred making common cause, and
incurring common risk, with Russia. But to enable
ker to carry into execution her engagements with
Russia she required Norway as a military security ;
for aaaang as Denmark remained the ally of France
and subject to the controul of Bonaparte, Sweden I
could not detach any considerable part of her force
to co-operate for the defence of Russia. It was also
to be recollected, that when Finland was attacked, I
three years ago, Denmark had invaded Sweden from
Norway ; therefore this cession was required from
no other motive than that of security, for Sweden
could undertake no effective enterprize against the
common enemy, as long as a hostile Power leaned
upon her frontier. Whatever may have been for.
merly the character pf Denmark, ihe has been
of late one of the most submissive dependants of
France ; and therefore an hostile attack, on her part,
against Sweden, was to be apprehended, should the
latter take an active part in favour of Russia. This
was the motive of the stipulated cession. None could
dispute the great advantage of securing the co-opera-
tion of a Swedish force. It has been placed on the
:nest respectable footing ; and by the care and actie
vity of the personage who has the greatest coati-n*6lin
that country, it has been raised to 60,000 men. From
.the mornert of his arrivals he turned his chkf atten-
tion to the army, and it soon experienced the effects
of his active and intelligent mind. To acquire the
co-operation of such a Power, became immediately
one of the chief objects Of British
His 'conduct last year sav§d Russia, and euahled
Count Wittgenstein to obtain such splendid vic-
Mies on the Dwina ;* beck* Sveden, in that im.

• °r• PO

ibises OW. *soros.* glispassei arniktamea
of the large force promised her by gamin for else son.
quest of Norway. Hes conduct, upon' the whole',
was most disinterested s and she never 'hisitatellto
give op her own interests for the promotion of
the common cause. The indemnification proposeito
Denmark for the proposed cession. was the Duchy of
Oldenburgh, which, though not strictly Russian, was
still so connected with that Government, that it could
take upon it to propose the offer. The Treaty signed
between Sweden and Russia was communicated tothis

country in July, 1812; upon which occasion a most
urgent desire was expressed by the contracting par-
ties, that Great Britain would accede to its stipula-
tions ; which, considering the state of Europe, and the
danger of Russia at the time, his Majesty's Ministers
thought themselves justified in sanctioning. They
were, however, anxious to make Sweden useful to the
common cause, and consented to subsidize that Power
for so great a purpose. She met every proposal to
that effect with the utmost cordiality, and deferred
her own objects to promote those of the Allies She
had even incurred great expenses to that effect; and
the demonstrations of her forces last year parAlized
60,000 French troops, who would have been other-
wise employed against Russia, but were detained at
Stralsund and Konigsberg, by the menaces of Swe-
den to land in Germany, and act in the enemy's rear.
She has fulfilled all her engagements mcst scrupu-
lously, and deserves the gratitude of Europe. For
such conduct was Guadaloupe given her; and he was
convinced no objection would be made to a grant
which would contribute to advance the commercial
prosperity of the world, and secure the resistitnee of
Sweden to the Continental System. When scan first
proposed to this country the project of a subsidy, she
was fairly told that none could be granted but for
general purposes. In the mean time, never was the
conduct of any Government more disinterested than
that of the Swedish ; and it consented even to waive
its claims on Norway, provided Denmark would
co-operate with the Allies against France. It re-
quired only a small track, which travels round the
northern frontier of Sweden ; and such were the claims
to British aid of that Power, and such the motives
which induced Ministers to give Guadaloupe, in
order to fix her firmly in the interests of England.—
The Noble Lord said, he trusted he had protected the
characters of Russia and Sweden against that most
unjust, unfounded, and impolitic attack which had
been made upon them ; and more especially that he
had rescued the character of the Crown Prince from
the insinuations which had been thrown out against
him.—(Hear, hear .I)—The Noble Lord continued, it
was impossible he could conclude without adverting
to the situation of Hamburg!). That unfortunate
town had certainly sulFered in a manner which every
one must commiserate ; they had indeed committed
themselves in a manly, though perhaps not in a very
politic manner; they had suffered by their premature
declarations, buttheyhad suffered in a manner which
claimed for them the sympathy of every one. It was
a great, consolation, however, to this country, to re-
flect that they had not been led into their sufferingi
by any representations made to them by the British
Government. With respect to Denmark, and Count
Berustorff's mission to this country, there were strong
reasons to suspect that Bonaparte never thought that
mission could produce any thi big inimical to his interest.
This was plain frcm.Bonaparte's conduct and declara.
tions ; for in his dispatch to the Empress of May t 6,
when he could not but suppose Count Bernstorff was
still in Londen, he speaks of taking his ally Den.'
mark to the Congress with him ; and he does her the
honour of placing her first on the list of his good Al.
lies, with the exception of America only. Therefore
he must have felt that the negotiation would come to
nothing. With respect to the terms on which Den-
mark stated herself ready to treat as soon as named;
it would appear they were inadmissible. The first pro.
position was in itself inadmissible, namely, that we
should treat separately, and abandon Russia and
Sweden ; next, that we should restore all our Danish
conquests ; the Danish fleet ; and that we should alio
guarantee all the rest of Denmark's possessions, and
particularly Norway, which they well knew we had
at that time acceded to Sweden's taking possession
of.—(Hear, hear.) —The Noble Lord again repeated
his opinion, that in bringing forward this motion, the
Right Hon. Gentleman had reflected most unjustly
on the character of our Allies ; and that such a con-
duct, by operating to ,
attended s from these Allies at
this juncture, might be with most mis-
chievous consequences. The Noble Lord concluded
by uttering a high eulogium on the character and
conduct of the Crown Prince, the whole of whose past
conduct he should prove had been such as to justify
this country in placing implicit confidence in his lici-
nour.—( Loud elieeriag.)
Mr. CANNING said, he trusted the Noble Lord
would do him the justice to say, he had not, during
the present Session, sought any opportunity of op-
posing the measures taken by him ; and the conduct
' of the Noble Lord, manly, open, and candid, on a
recent subject (the Catholic Bill), had rendered him
still less inclined to seek opportunities of contest with
him. But the present was an occasion which called
on him to express his sentiments. When be first saw
the treaty now the subject of discussion, his feelings
had been the same as those felt, he believed, by the
public iregenetal—he considered it as disgraceful to.
the country. He still felt many objections to it: some,
indeed, had been removed by the explanation of the
Noble Lord to-night ; others, however, still remained
after hearing that explanation. What, then, must
be the effect upon the Continent, where it would go
without any explanation at all t The Right Honour-
able Gentleman then proceeded to remark upon the
different parts of the Treaty, and obseiv,:d, the.
Noble Lord had alluded to him, and said, that he,
when holding the office which the Noble Lord now
held, had sent fleets and armies against Norway...-.
In answer to that, he would say, we were then ate
war with Deninark. The Noble Lord had made
the same plea, but could there be no difference be-
tween the two cases t That difference now existed
in war : it was honourable to deprive our enemy of
as Much as possible of territory.; but it was a new
doctrine now adopted, of disposing of such conquests:
before the conclusion of the war. It s4as, indeed, a
system adopted by France; but h *as, in his opinion,
one of the most dangerous innovations which the new.
system of things had introduced. In jestification of
giving Norway to Sweden, it was said that Sweden
was restrained, by fear of -Norway, from aiding and
assisting in the -commou.fatve ; if such was the Error,

• ' 1. ;.-•••••• 9,
bow wes,it tit tbe (Homy rass possession
of Denmark) the Crown Prince, bad commenced ape,
rations by taking up a position at Stralsund? He po.
ticolarly objectedto the dismemberment of any State.
In all the negociations in which Great Britain
had interfered on this Continent, her language had
invariably been, 44 we wish to see the old miler of
things as nearly as possible restored ; we are ready tti
give up all our acquisitions, not for dismember,
meat, but for peace." Much should he regal
if, in the event of a tvgnciation taking place
now, and our being invited to assist at it, our
language should be changed, and it should be said
by Great Britain. that she came to demand tl,e
dismemberment of an empire. With respect to t:.c
cession of Guadaloupe, he objected strcngiy to it. IL
had been a contemplation with Govoroment, evei,
when he had the honour of holding a situation in it.
to give to Sweden a West India Colony ; he did not
disapprove the principle. but he considered the eke.
anion as bad : the usual moie would have been, in
name the Island ;—but to delay the transfer of it 01
Peace should arrive ; entering indeed into stipulaticas
then to be carried into effect. After express:et
his sentiments on other points of the Treaty at some
length, he, in concluding, expressed his dissent, par.
licularly from that part of the Amendment convey.
in censure on our Allies.
CASTLEREACM, in explanation, ;aid. that I.
ceiviion of Guati.loupe uothirg was ceded to Swede." ezeipt the
rights which we otirsairei pccrbsed at present, unsay, tht: risine
of War.

Mr. C. WYNN E rose, amidst loud cries of " Queseies,youtir. ! '
and objected, in strung mans, to die cession of Norway.
Mr. WHITBREAD, in very strung language, animadverted
on the Treaty. As for the cessior. of Nontruy, It was just the.
same as if the -Republic of France had (on account orilisereaiot4
ceded Ireland to Spain. He bad came down to the HcAlbe twi of
the feelb.: described by a Right Honourable Gentlest= (K.
('onning) ; but though the Kuble Lord's might he called a very
good speqh, It trail not taken away the sting from I.,•coodeia-
na.ion of his mea•ure. We were adopting the princ.reks we had
so long condemned in France. When we entered into these et-
gagements. did we not participate in the atrocious conduct f.t
Russia to Sweden, when taking advantapt Oldie imbecility and
insanity of her Goverunient; she acted net like a friend, bet NS
enemy, aid stripped her of Phelan& Te compensate Sweden far
this, it was that Norway was to be taken in eachange,thosigh it
belonged to a power with which neldwr of ditit power We" at
war. As to apprehensi ins of invasion from Norway le was a
sunl, and the possession of the Blaboprick of Dt ontheim, the
to the country, could as little be given op. The Hoamie Geo.key
domain then eulogised the Dents, and condemned ae atrocious
the Expedition to Copenhagens upon which he descanted at souse
length as the Cause of irritation in Denmark against us, He user
tended that this power bad aced am t and uestr4
part, till forced into the war by End a thee defended
lierustorirs propositions. H she reetheC of on the Des
nish ships indivensible, and ttrel.alrefor the cesaiees d NOrwaYsall
ituulting and uut to he listene4 to. It war was condensed *die
uojtva demand was complied with, it would be interminabie...
He wished to know what good cquld melt from the umiak*,
from the Swedes, when it was known that the Crown Prineehad
not stirred a step. He allud:d to the panegyric bestoweduzat;
culottes which he thought singular to tw4r fru% a/Braids
at the end of the W years war in which we bad hers gagged.
and in which he had risen to bis high I In the service cif
Bonaparte. When the Swedish nada*, the sant&
set them by Ibis country in a former period, bad 'prodemed the
happy lesson of sending from the throne nee not fit to ride, he
was Aid to bear that their newly-elccced dynasty was so worthy.
The House then divided—

For Mr. Ponsouby's Address, 115—Against it, 424.
Mr. CANNING then said, that be differed In. some respects
from Cie Address of the Right Hatt. Gentleman opposite; and be
then proposed another Address to the Prince Regent, the object
of seinen was to ascertain precisely the engagement which this
country had entered into with Sweden.—Thts motion was putt
asel negatived on a division--22s against 121.
TLe tweevary sum being then voted in thi cemmktee,
The House adjourned at One o'Clock.

THE EVENING STAR

LONDQN.

SATURDAY. JUNE 19. 1815.

PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT TWELVE O'CLOCL
aid. soti—ceaa for lee. 17* 571-4 per Ct. 7141
Bends Se. elts,—Exch. Bills 4s. 5.. pr.--Ozunium 41 5 4jl pre,
Sauk Long ABM. 14/ 3-115tht.

Two Gottenburgh Mails arrived at a late hour last
night. and dispatchei were received from Lord CATII„
cast and Sir d. ‘Staystwar. They detail some mill.
Lary events subsequent to the Battles of Bautzen and
Wartten, but of minor importance, and mention the
Armistice. These dispatches are dated on the 4th inst.

The above Mails have brought a report that the
Austrians have joined the Allies, but we place no
credit in it. Twenty times has the same report reacheti
us from Gottenburgh.
It was reported on 'Change this morning that a
Flag of Truce had arrived Cram 4merica.