Star.
London, England, 1813-01-11 00:00:00

IeNOMIMIMPMPIIMINIMPI

71'

hitherto relied on was removed; but on condition,
that Great. Britain, as a preliminary step, should do
away a eause of war; pow brought forward as such
for the first time ; namely, that she should abandon
the exercise of her undoubted right of search, to take
from American merchant vessels Wish seamen, the
natural-born subjects of his Majesty; and this con-
cession was required upon a mere assurance that
laws would be enacted by the Legislature of the
United States, to prevent such seamen from entering
into their service; but independent of the objection
to an exclusive reliance on a Foreign State, for the
conservation of so vital an interest, no explanation
was, or could be afforded by the Agent who was
charged with this overture, either as to the main
principles upon which such laws were to be founded,
or as to the provisions which it wa proposed they
should contain,

This proposition having been objected to, a second
proposal was made, again offering an armistice, pro-
vided the British Government would secretly stipu-'
late to renounce the exercise of this right in a Treaty
of Peace. An immediate and formal abandonment
of its exercise, as preliminary to a cessation of hosti-
lities, was not demanded ;—but his Royal Highness
the Prince Regent was required, in the name and on
the behalf of his Majesty, secretly to abandon, what
the former overt ire had proposed to him publicly To
concede,
This most offensive proposition was also rejected,
being accompanied, as the former had been by other
demands of the most exceptionable nature, and espe-
cially of indemnity for all American vessels detained
and condemned under the Orders in Council, or un-
der what were termed illegal blockades—a compli-
ance with which demands, exclusive of all other.ob-
jections, would have amounted to an absolute sur-
render. of the rights, on which those Orders and
Blockades were fonnded.
Had the American Government been sincere in
representing the Orders in Council as the only sub-
ject of difference between Great Britain and the
United ,States calculated to lead to hostilities ; it
might have been expected, so soon as the revocation
of those Orders had been officially made known to
them, that they would have spontaneously recalled
their gi letters of marque," and manifested a disposi-
tion immediately to restore the relations of peace and
amity between the two Powers.
But the conduct of the Government of the United
States by no means corresponded with such reason-
able expectations.
The Order in Council of the 23d, of June being
officially communicated in America, the Govern-
ment of the United States saw nothing in the Repeal
of the Orders in Council which should of itself re-
store peace, unless Great Britain were prepared, in
the first instance, substantially to relinquish the right
of impressing her own seamen, when found on board
American merchant ships.
The proposal of an Armistice; and of a simulta-
neous Repeal of the restrictive measures on both
sides, subsequently made by the Commanding Offi-
cer f his Majesty's naval forces on the American
coast, were received in the same hostile spirit by the
Government of the United States. The suspension
of the practice of impressment was insisted upon, in
the correspondence which passed on that occasion,
as a necessary preliminary to a cessation of hostilities:
Negociation, it was stated, ,night take place without
any suspension of the exercise of this right, and also
wiihout any armistice being concluded ; but Great
Britain was required previously to agree, without
any knowledge of the adequacy of the system which
could be substituted, to negotiate upon the basis of
accepting the legislative Regulations of a foreign
State, as the sole equivalent for the exercise of a
right, which she has telt to be essential to the support
of her maritime power.

If America, by demanding this preliminary con-
cession, intends to deny the validity of that Right,
in that denial Great Britain cannot acquiesce ; nor
will she give countenance to such a pretension, by
acceding to its suspension, much less to its abandon.
ment, as a basis on which to treat, if the American
Government has devised, or conceives it can devise,
Regulations, which may safely be accepted by Great
Britain, as a substitute for the exercise of the right in
question, it is for them to bring forward such a plan
for consideration. The British Government has
never attempted to exclude this question from amongst
those, on which the two States might have to nego-
tiate ; It has, on the contrary, uniformly professed
its readiness to receive and discuss any proposition
on this subject, coming from the American Govern.
ment it has never asserted any exclusive right, as
to the impressment of British seamen from American
vessels, which it was not prepared to acknowledge,
as appertaining equally to the Government of the
United States, with respect to American seamen
when found on board British merchant ships But
it cannot, by acceding to such a basis in the first in-
stance, either assume or admit that to be practicable
which, when attempted on former occasions, has
always been found to be attended with great diffi-
culties I such difficulties, as the British Commis-
sioners in 1806 expressly declared, after an attentive
consideration of the suggestions brought forward by
the Commissioners on the part of America, they were
ample to surmount.
Whilst this proposition, transmitted through the
British Admiral, was pending in America, another
communication on the subject of an armistice was
unofficially made to the British Government in this
country. The Agent, from whom this proposition
was received, acknowledged that he did riot consider
that he had any authority himself to sign an agree-
ment on the cart of his Government. It was obvious
that any stipulations entered into, in consequence of
this overture, would have been binding on the Bri-
tish Government, whilst the Government of the
United States would have bees free to refuse or ac-
cept them, according to the circumstances of the
moment ;—This propositiop was, therefore, necessa-
rily declined.
After this exposition of the circumstances which
preceded, and which have followed the declaration
of war by the United States, his Royal Highness the
Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf
of his Majesty, feels himself called upon to declare
the leading principles, by which the conduct of Great
Britain has been regulated in the uansactions con-
nected with these discussions.

His Loyal Highness can never acknowledge any
blockade whatsoever to be illegal which has been
duly notified, and is supported by an adequate force,
Rerel4. upou the vound 9f its extent; or because tic

pone or ciaasts blockaded are not at th same time
invested by land,
His Royal Highness ten never admit, that neutral
trade with Great Britain can be constituted a public
/crime, the commission of which can expose the ships
of any power whatever to be denationalized.
His Royal Highness can never admit that Great
Britain can be debarred of its right of just and ne.
cessary retaliation, through the fear of eventually
affecting the interest of a neutral.
His Royal Highness can never admit, that in the
exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undisputed
right of searching neutral merchant vessels in time
of war, the impressment of British seamen, isle:,
found therein, can be deemed any violation of a rel..
tral flag. Neither can he admit, that the taking such
seamen from on board such vessels, can be consider.
ed by any Neutral State as a hostile measure, or 4
justifiable cause of war.
There is n 0 right more clearly established, than the
right which a Sovereign has to the allegiance of ii;fi
subjects, more especially in time of war. Their alle-
giance is no optional duty, which they can decline,
and resume at pleasure. It is a call which they are
bound to obey: it began with their birth, and can
only terminate with their existence.
If a similarity of language and manners may make
the exercise of this right more liable to partial mis-
takes, and occasional abuse, when practiced towards
vessels of the United States, the same circumstances
make it also a right, with the exercise of which, in
regard to such vessels, it is more difficult to dispense.
jut if, to the practice of the United States, to has.
110111 e British seamen, be added their assumed right, t•
,transfer the allegiance of British subjects, and thus
to cancel the jurisdiction of their legitimate Sovereign,
iby acts of naturalization and certificates of citizen-
ship, which they pretend to be as valid not of their
own territory, as within it, it is obvious that to aban-
don this ancient right of Great Britain, and to admit
these novel pretensions of the United States, would be
to expose to danger the very foundation of our marl,
time strength.
Without entering minutely into the other topics,
which have been brought forward by the Goyern.
merit of the United States, it may be proper to re.
mark, that whatever the Declaration of the United
States. may have asserted, Great Britain never did
demand that they should force British manufactures
into France ; and she formally declared her willing.
ness entirely to forego, or modify, in concert with the
United States, the system by which r. commercial
intercourse with the enemy had been allowed, under
the protection of licences : provided the United States
would act towards her, and towards France, with
weal impartiality.
The Government of America, if the digerencet
between States are not interminable, has as little right
to notice the affair of the Chesapeak. The aggro.
sion, in this instance on the part of a British Officer,
was acknowledged, his conduct was disapproved, and
a reparation svas regularly tendered by Mr. Foster
on the pan of his Majesty, and accepted by the Go.
vernment of the United States.
It is not less unwarranted in its allusion to th,
mission of Mr. Henry ; a mission undertaken with-
out the authority, or even knowledge of his Majesty's
Goyernment, and which Mr. Foster was authorised
formally and officially to disavow.
The charge of exciting the Indians to offensitit
measures against the United States is ects},ll7
of foundation. Before the war began, 4 policy the
most oppoSite had been uniformly pursued, and proof'
of this was tendered by Mr. Foster to the American
Government.
Such are the causes of war which have been pia
forward by the Government of the United States.—
But the real origin of the present contest will be
found in that spirit, which has long unhappily ac-
coated the Councils of the United States : their mrrlo,
ed partiality in palliating and assisting the aggressive
tyranny of France ; their systematic endeavours to
inflame their people against the defensive measure%
of Great Britain : their ungenerous conduct towards
Spain, the intimate ally of Great Britain ; and theft
unworthy desertion of the cause of other neutral na-
tions. It is through the prevalence of such ceancils,
that America has been associated in policy with
France, and committed in war against Great Britain.
And under what conduct on the part of France has
the Government of the United States thus lent iticlf
to the enemy ? The contemptuous violation of the
Commercial Treaty of the year 1800 between France
and the United States ; the treacherous seizure of all
American vessels and cargoes in every harbour sub-
ject to the contronl of the French arms; the tyranni-
cal principles of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and
the confiscations under them ; the subsequent cons
demnatious under the Rambouillet Decree, anteda-
ted or concealed to render it the more effectual ; the
French commercial regplations which render the traf-
fic of the United States with France almost illusory:
the burning of their merchant.shi!tsea, long after
the alleged repeal of the French Decrees—ale these
ago of violence on the part of France produce front
the Government of the United States only such com-
plaints as end in acquiescence and stibmiuion, or are
accompanied by suggestions for enabling France to
give the semblance of a legal form to her usurpations,
by converting them into municipal regulations.
The disposition of the Government of the United
States---this complete subserviency to the Ruler of
France—this hostile temper towards Great Britain
—are evident in almost every page of the official
correspondence of the American with the French
Government.
Against this course of conduct, the real cause of
the present war, the Prince Regent solemnly pro-
tests, Whilst contending against France, in defence
not only of the liberties of Great Britain, but of the
world, His Royal Highness was entitled to look
for a far different result. From their common origin
—from their common interest—from their professed
principles of freedom and independence, the United
States were the last Power, in which Great Britain
could have expected to find a willing instrument,
and abettor of French Tyranny.
Disappointed in this his just expectation, the Prince
Regent will still pursue the policy, which the Bri•
tisli Government has so long, and invariably main-
caused, in repelling injustice, and in supporting the
general rights of nations ; and, under the favour or.
Pnoviovxce, relying on the justice of his cause, and
the tried loyalty and firmness of the British nation,
his Royal Highness confidently looks forward to a
successful issue to the contest, in which he has Ono
been compelled most reluctantly is engage.
WcsUlgoltir) January 9,1513.

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TeiP EVENING

LONDON.

ser THE STATE LortEßt
ivai be Drawn on THUIitraDAY NEXT anti following Day.

MONDAY, JANUARY 11, 1813.
',RAJ F STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
led •60 594 bli--tODI. sioffi—Coni. for At. 6iii3oads $ 411
pa Ct. 764 • 5 Per Ct. 89f1-4.Anas.—
cii. bills VW Pr-4:103 NO it Os. 41.1
m•IM•miI•OND

AMERICA.
In tie teettratilmi of the Pitmen ibtaind on tise
sbject of Ameriea, which occupies our column, of
)44y, we view I document whisth eery,' doins
; posterity a faithful repretemation of the witch=
character of the rulers of that. tinfoitunate
on of the civilited worlde We shall not follovt)
yep by steps the animated enpbture of an the dipla
iatic doublings and windings of the *Mild and
nprincipled Government of the United States, be-
(Luse we have. already held them up to execration
s often as they were forced upon our ndtite hi the
cane of the negociatlons. But there are one or
wo topics contained in the declaration of the British
finisters, which Veal; so manfully their high

rse of uui- national glory and independence, that
thee is no Englishman, we trust, in existente, who
oes not participate in the truly British feelings
by which the framers of that eloquent appeal to sur-
rounding nations have been actuated: Of these more
prominent and striking subjects of complaint against
America, we shall take a. cursory review.
From the commencement of our long.contitiued

and arduous contest with France, we charge the
American bovernment with hating been more than
unconcerned spectators—we charge them with having
aided, abetted, and assisted the Ruler of France in
all his enterprises, that they might gratify their en-.
Tnity against Great Britain, because Pitoirtinuct has
been pitased to commit the Empire of the Seas to her
Flag—they have even submitted to sacrifices which
no nation ever experienced without an appeal to arms
—they have tamely given up their merdhant vessels
to be plundered, burnt, and destroyed on the ocean
by the cruisers of Franco—they have witnessed con-
fibtations of their property daily taking place, even
without the semblance of Decrees, fouaded upon no
recognised principle among nations, but emanating
from the rapacious spirit of fraud, robbery, and plun-
der, which distinguishes every act of the French

These haughty itentiali, whobawl so lustily ageinst
the policy of the noblest and most generous of nations,
engaged in a struggle) even for the freedom and in.
dependence bf the American Continenti—these blind]
fanatics to the Creed of the French propogandists of
the rights of nations, have nodded approbation at the
Wanton And unprincipled invasions i by France, of
Spain, Portugal, Italy, Holland, A.ustriza—nay, when
the neutrality of Denmark was forcibly broken into.
by Great Britain, on the principles bf self-preserve.'
tion; We beard nothing of a remonstrance from Ame-
rica ; and now) at the close of 1812, when there is
no neutral State hi Europe; when BONAPARTE has
declared that his Continental System shall ettend
from Archangel to the Mediterranean, and from the,
Straits of Dover to the Sea of Azof, the Ameticans
see nothing alarming, nothing prejudicial to the
rights of neutrals f
But it is not the repeal or the Orders in Council—
the uncontrouled permission to man their navy with
British stamen—nay, not even an accession td the
Monstrous proposition of indemnity for capttires un-
der our Orders in Council—or the humiliating atone-
ment of giving up the Canadas, that will satisfy those
rapacious and unprincipled asserters of the rights of
nations. We can now openly tell the world what
the American Statesmen have vainly pledged them-
selves to obtain. They have long been bound in a
tccret league with the great enemy of his Face; the
cowardly incendiary who has left his army to perish
in the icy deserts of Poland, and DELENDA CARTHAGO
has been the sign and countersign of the etecrable
miscreants whom Pnovnuorms has sent in the persons
of JAMES MADIPON sand NAPOLI.= BONAPAIRTR, to
Chastise the iniquities of France and America.
Th. nasal superiority of Great Britain—that gieat
tent,: .....,: the esil doers among the Statesmen of all
countries—that bulwark of the remaining liberties of
v.trnkintl, against which the French and Americas
Co-ferments have raised their joint weapons of 4at
rit7uction—the glory of our flip our indepeadencial
a nation--all must be swallowed up in the. gulpb
vdich the monstrous ambition of BONAPARTZ has
prepared for the nations of the earth: While his
Armies are to devastate the Continent by fire and sword.
—Anrytica, with a navy of five frigates and throe
..orvettes, is to wrest the trident of the ocean from ice
tgitimate Sovereign, and in future the two hemi-
pheres are to acknowledge only two great dynasties,
he founders of which we have already named.—
These. m another era than the present, would be re-
garded as wild speculations : they are, nevertheless)
the productions of the French and American theorists
in the art of governing mankind.
.a.,.....
Yesterday the Naval Expedition for Anterita,
commanded by Lotto Assuan BIaUCLUX, sailed
from Portsmouth. It will touch at .Plymouth, for
the divided, at that port, and after preceded ditect,
tor America.