Star.
London, England, 1831-10-07 00:00:00

♦. ROWLAND & SON, 20, HATTON-OARDEN.

CHOLERA MORBUS CURED BY MORI-
SON'S UNIVERSAL MEDICINES ONLY.—
Tbe President and the Board of the British College of
Health, New-road, King's Cross, London, on referring the
British Public to their former statement of the undoubted
tureen of the Universal Medicines in stopping the ravages
of the Cholera Morbus in the Baltic, as given, verbatim,
from Mr. M. Gardner, their general Agent for the County
of Durham, (who had supplied several Baltic vessels with
the Medicine), beg leave to lay before the Public another
letter, received this day from the same gentleman, contain-
ing a still more corroborative proof of their full efficiency
on this devastating scourge :
44 To Messrs. Morison, Moat, and Co.
" Gentlemen,—Having received a letter Koos Capt. Lang.
ley, of the trading vessel Joseph, of this port, who lately
arrived at Hull from Riga, I transmit you a copy, which
you will feel to be your duty to publish to all the world.
" Dear Friend,—Respecting the Universal Medicines
of the British College of Health, which you so fortunately
provided me with at Sunderland, I have every reason to be-
lieve, and, indeed, 1 am convinced that they were the mesas
of preserving my own life as well as some hundreds more at
Riga, a great many of which I was an eye witness to.
44' On my first arrival at Riga, I commenced taking the
Pills as a preventive, or preparation for the attack, to stay
its violence if assailed ; by which means a free passage through
the body prevented the infectious air from producing that
fatal cramp in the stomach and limbs which has caused the
death of thousands. On the 28th of May, however, I was
most violently wised with that dreadful disorder, and for the
first four hours was In a deplorable state, but, thank God,
from the precautions I had used, the noxious air passed
through my body, with very slight attacks of the cramp, and
a few strong doses of the Universals soon restored me to
health. All my men (except one who was too timid to take
the Pills with sufficient strength, from the fear of being too
violently purged, who died in a few hours), took the Pills
night and morning, and were saved.
" To satisfy the poor fellow who died I got him some
medicine on shore, but it took no effect in the least, as he
ceased to exist soon alter, first becoming cold as a lump of
ice and of a dark blue colour. I cannot think the Cholera
infectious or contagious from the touch, as none of us were
Afected from handling the corpse.
"' I left Riga on the Bth of June, and got down to
Baubles the same day, all well, but on the 10th the mate
and a boy were both taken ill with this dreadful disease,
and, for six days, were in a distressing state, but with a
close and powerful application of the Pills, were restored to
full health.

"' I am happy to say I have every reason to believe that
this Medicine alone is all-sufficient to stop the ravages of
this dread evil, but that its powers are best applied at an
early stage, or as a preparative.
The value of the Medicine was in the highest estima-
tion at Riga, and great lamentations were made at the scanty
supply that could be obtained from me and the rest of the
sessels who had supplies from you. Had I had 41100
ilurth snore I could have sold them all. even to the French
doctors that were there.'
" The whole of the letters that have come to Sunderland
from those vessels which bad supplies of the Medicines out,
speak with the same raptures of their efficacy.
" I remain, Gentlemen,
" Your humble servant,
"MICHAEL GARDNER."
" Bishop Wearmouth, Aug. 1, 1831."
ANOTHER UNDOUNTED CURE OF THE CHOLERA IN
'NOLAND.

To Mr. Morison the Higeist.
Sir,—Peeling assured that my life hu been saved by a
ptompt use of the Universal Iletlicines, under a most violent
attack of the Cholera Nimbus, I deem it a duty I owe to you
and to the public, to lay my ease before you, in the hope
that, by your giving this, my testimony, (which I am ready
to verily on oath, if required), full publicity, I may be the
means of emboldening many to embrace the same certain re-
medy to that dreadful calamity.
On Sunday evening last I was suddenly attacked with a
most:violent lax and retching. and at the same time seised
with most distressing cramps in all my limbs, and all over
my body, with spasms in the chest and back, which filkd
me with all the horrors of a certain and agonising death be-
fore the morning. Struggling, however, through the night,
:ny wife, at an early hour on Monday morning, waited on
.11r. Moat, the Vice-President of the College, who promptly
ltdered an immediate dose of 20 pills, twice or thrice in the
O'.ITSC of the day, during which time a thorough cleansing,
up and down, removed all danger, and by the Wednesday
I was enabled to follow my business in full

From the powerful and beneficent effect produced on me
ti so short a time, I can hare no hesitation In recommending
lourinsatimable 31e: icing as a certain and speedy Cure of
'he Cholera Morbus. _

I am, Sir, your grateful debtor and humble servant,
W. H. BARNES.
80. 7, Deer's-place, Somers Town, London, Aug. 18,1831.
The " Vegetable Universal Medicines' arc to be had at
the College ; at Mr. Field's, 66, Quadrant ; Mr. Chappell's,
Itoyal Exchange; Mr. Walker's, Lamb's Conduit passage.
ked Lion3q„,re Aggro's, t3ilbstreet. Limshouse
%lr• Bennett's, Covent Garden Market; Mr. Hayden's,
Pear-de-lie court, Norton Falgate ; Mr. Hulett's, 147.
li-ticlife Highway ; Messrs. Norbuty's, Brentford ; Mrs.
stepping, Clare Market; Messrs. &Imes, Little 8011-alley;
?bliss Venal's. 24. Luossostrest. C.omenerstal.road Mr.
lioliwood's, .6, Upper Cheyne-row, Chelsea, and at one
Agent's in every principal town in Great Britain, the Islands
at litiansey. and Malts; and throughout tho.wbole of the.
%itsd States of America.

On the motion of Lord TENTERDEN the order of the
day for the third reading of the Prescription bill was dis-
charged, and the bill ordered to be read a third time on
Tuesday.
On the motion of Lord SUFFIELD a select Committee
was appointed on the Labour in Cotton Factories Bill.
After some observations from Lord Cawdor, the Lord
Chancellor, and Lord Tenterden. the Fees in Common
Law Courts Regulation Bill, was read a third time and
passed.
Lord KING presented petitions from Essex and Halifax
In favour of the Reform bill. He also presented a pctidon
from the outdwellers of Dora in favour of Reform, and
also praying the abolition of the Mice of Lord Warden, as
the person holding that high station might very considera-
bly Influence the electors of that town.
The Duke of WELLINGTON did not see why the of-
fice of Lotd Warden should be put down, as it had nothing
to do with the rights of election.
The Earl of FIFE presented a petition from Leith in
favour of reform.

The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from
Falmouth, praying the house not to pass the bill without due
securities.

Lord GLENGA I.L presented a petition from Tipperary
against the reform bilL Though it was his intention to vote
against the second reading of this bill, he was a decided
frienitto the proper fermentation of the people. He con.
ceivetf there was a difference between voting against reform
altogether, and against this particular bill ; and he wascon.
winced that if a measure, not going to the great length which
the present bill did was introduced, it would give general
satisfaction.

Lord BELHAVEN punted a petition from Ridding.
ton In favour of reform

The Eul of HADAINGTON would take this opportu.
air y of addressing a few words to their lordships. He was
vie aware, and had Mfg been aware, of the extent to which
the desire of parliamentary reform had gem In Scotland, but
the bill now before their lordships related to this pan of
the united kingdom. It was the Intention of the noble soil
In the course of what he stated last night, to have adverted
to the absolute necessity of the apprehension of the principle
of reform for Scotland ; but in the cenfitsien of ad&asing
their lordships he had forgot to state Its and was sow deli.
rous of rectifying that omission. He never had at any time
doubts that if parliamentary reform was to be sdop.
ted, that its application to Scotland was emeatially necessary.
He considered the representation of Scotland as part and
parcel of that of the whole united empire, and he was
anxious. therefore, to make no encroachment on it. If
Scotland had continued an independent kingdom and had
flourished under the present system, as It had done, it would
have been impossible that that system of representation
could have lived so long. He considered it, therefore. ne-
cautery, that the principle of Reform should be applied to
Scotland, so as to give the counties a Potted and rational
system of popular representation, founded, not as this Bill
proposed, but really upon property ; and as to the borougl s,
such on alteration should be made as to give the respectable
householders in towns the power of voting to send Members
to serve in Parliament.

Earl CA M PERDOWN rejoiced that this was not the
first time that the noble Earl had declared himself favour.
able to Scotch Parliamentary Reform. The noble Earl had
stated. in the beginning of his address, that this measure had
no reference to the Scotch Bill. He (Lord Camperdown) ad-
mitted, that as to the details of that measure the assertion
was right, but the people of Scotland, it should be under-
' stood by their Lordships, knew no distinction between
English and Scotch deform Bills. They looked to the are
now on their lordships' table as deciding the question of Re.
form, and if unfortunately their lordsips should refuse to
give that bill a second reading, introduced as it bad been
into the House, that rejection would in Scotland be received
with universal alarm and dismay. When the Scotch Re.
form Bill came before their lordships' attention, be should
be happy to meet his noble friend's argument. But he
would take that opportunity of alluding to what had fallen
on a previous evening front a noble duke opposite. That'
noble duke had stated, and most truly, that no country had
flourished more than Scotland. But U its prosperity went
to defend its representation, it would go to the extreme
point, and prove that no representation at all was in point
of i-set the best form of Government. The prosperity of
Scotland, however, was owing to very different causes. She
had flourished in spite of rqwesentadon, by the union.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was irregular to
advert to what he had stated on a previous occasion. He
would say, however, that he had net on that occasion spud.
cd to the representation of Scotland. What be said was,
that that country was prospesous, and had been well govern.
ed. He considered it as under the Government of Great
Britain, and that like every other part of his Majesty's
dominions, it had advanced In prosperity, and, perhaps,
advanced farther than any other part. (Hear.) He gave,
however, no opinion as to the representation, whether it
should be reformed or not. What he did mate, in a subs.-
queue part of the speech alluded to, was that in considering
what should be the state of represenuirian of the people its
the House of Commons, their Lordships ought to consider
what sort of Government the country had possessed, and'
that the change proposed for Scotland should be discussed at
the same time as the measure which applied to England.
Lord BELHAVEN was astonished to hear the remark of
the noble rail on the cross ber.ch, that while he would give
his support to a bill of reform based on property for Scot.
land, he would not give his vote for the second reading of
the English bill. He (Lued Belhaven) in supporting the
bill, gave his vote in approbation of the trinciple of reform
which it embraced, and if his noble trend (Earl 'bidding.
tot) could shew him, when the bill went into Committee,
the bill was no: based on property, he would vote against
the third reading.
Earl HA 1)1)1 NO ION had not talked of the English,
but the Scotch bill.

The Esrl of ROSES EERY corroborated tht statements
made by the Earl of Cunperdown relative to the calm of the
prosperity of Scotland under us misguveranent. It had
flourished in consequence of its representation being blended
with the me popular representation of England.
The Duke (ARGYLL presented ape Mon from Comp.
bletown in favour of the Reform Bill.

The Marquis of LONDON DEMO' presented a petition
from the nobility. clergy, merchants, bankers, and others,
resident In Belfast, praying their lordships not to pass Use
reform bin into a law. l'ne noble marquis was perfectly
aware of the inconvenlence attending Mailing speeches 11,
presenting petitions ; but when so numb hall been said

upon the presenting of pctltlons front Raitland by other
noble lends, he thought he might be perinitted to make a
few observations in presenirg this petition with respect to
the:feelings of the pole of Ireland. Tilere was so much
of history attached to the town of Belfast, with respect to its
political madmen*, that when their lordships heard this pc-
deism, and when they beard what he (the noble marquis)
bad to state with respect to the meeting as which this petition
wee proposed—a meeting called, not for the purpose of get.
ting up this petition, but of 'ening up &pakten favourable
to the Reform Bill. their lordships would And there was no
longer any ground fur any of them to untertaln the notion
that there was not a considerable degr ion on this
important subject, and that the general of the peo-
ple was not now very different to what was before. Bel-
fast was the third town hi Ireland in Mot of importance,
and It was surrounded by the counties et Down, Antrim,
and Loadoodurry ; and the petition spoke the feelings of
consperedeely all the peruses throughout shoes dues counties,
as well ea those inhabiting Belfast. Agr -ftt portion of Bel-
fast belonged to a noble marquis sod noble lord—(hear,
hear). During the last goveenment these two noble lords
were the main supporters of Tory principles; bet as changes
would take place occasionally amongst the greatest, they had
now become converts to different principles. No doubt
they had used their utmost rang to get the meeting at-
tended by persons who would be favourable to getting
oil a petition praying the house to pose the Bill; but
still, though the meeting had been snitennind by the we-
reign of the town of Belfast, Sir Stephso Mayne, a near re-
lative to the noble marquis to whom be had alluded, and not-
withstanding the influence of that Noble 31arquis, and the
other Noble Lords, the petition agreed to at that meeting
was the one he hail now the honour us Assent, and which
earnestly prayed their Lordships not to pees the bill. He
had the happiness to feel that he pommeled the good opinion
of a great portion of the people of Bakst as well as of the
North of Ireland. Not eh intending the aerknesious feeling
that existed towards hint in the minds et part of his Majes-
ty's Ciovernment, and in conenpeonseof peensesing that good
opinion and confidence, the poloondig et this petition had
been entrusted to him, and Whoa pest *Mean in comply-
ing with the request of the petitioners.
The petition having been read at
The Marquis of LON DON DB RRien/sdiald it was signed by
upwards of 4,000 persons. which suilleiently proved that a
considerable re.actton had taken place.
Berl GOSFORD said he had beard the petition.
and notwithstanding what it stated, be would declare that it
did not speak the sentiments of the wealth and respectability
of the town of Belfast.

Lord TE311111:110RE stated that the feeling iu Bel-
fast upon the subject of Reform was now as strong as
ever it was. The Noble Marquis bad alluded to • Noble
relation of his, (the Marquis of Donnouglimore,) connected
with the town of Belfast, and be really thought the Noble
Marquis should have given notice of his intention to
charge the Noble Marquis with change of his political
opinns.
The Marquis of LONDONDERR Y.—l wrote to him
this morning.
Lord TEM PLEMORB said he was convinced, not-
withstanding all he had heard, that a more honourable and
straiglet.forward man than his Doha* relation did not exist.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY did not deny that
want' in Belfast were favourable to le etorm. but he saw •
wide difference between moderate Reform and the Reform
In the BUI before that House. The noble Marquis then al-
luded to a letter which he bad received from &iatd against
a petition presented by an illustrious duke from that dip—.
We hid since discovered that the whole of his Miter was a
misrepresentation. (Hear.) He bad nothing to allege
against the petition.
The Duke of SUSSEX was happy to Mar the noble mar.
guts bad no cause to impugn the petition which his Royal
Highness presented. It was placed in his bends by perms
Incapable of practising any Imposition.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY mid be should
have written to Bristol to ascertain the correctness of the
information, but the time was too short for that purpose.
Lord ELDON adverted to the observations made upon
Reform In Scotland and Ireland, and expressed an opinion
that those topics should not precede the consideration of the
important measure then before the Home.
Earl GREY presented petitions from Staines, Sevenoaks,
Kendal, and the perish of St. Giles, London, praying their
Lordahips to pass the Reform Bill.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had eleven pod.
riots to present. They were signed by a OWININISS and
respectable body of his Majesty's subjects, ad maim he
the passing of the Reform Hill. The first was from Had.
&Wield, signed by 9,000; one from St. Odes, Camberwell,
signed in a few hours by 1,1100 persons. The able mid
learned lord then presented petitions to the same AM MN
the Parish of St. Clement's Mae, Charley, and shoe plasm
Toe Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a
from the merchants and shipowners of itothsay, in relit
of But,, in favour of Reform.
Lard DACRE presented a petition to the same aid
from limeades=
On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, the house
agreed to the amendments in the Truck System BilL
The Public Works in Ireland BiU pawed through a com-
mittee. Third reading on Monday.

Keenan init.
The Earl of FALMOUTH rose on the order of the day
for continuation of the debate on the Referee Bill, and ea-
t teased a feeling of diffidence when approaching the eubjeSt.
lie was anxious to state his opinion on that momentous bill.
He had heard the speech of a noble earl on the Ministerial
side of the House, and could only say he believed that noble
e had not done much to induce their lordships to allow the
bill to go to a second reading. He collected irons the ergo-
ments he had heard that the reformers expected the bill
'scold lead to other changes, and that this universal panacea
would not succeed. Another noble earl had sal l the change
was necetsary, and that thlnp were liable to change. The
noble lords in that House must change because they were
gniwing old. That might all be true, and yet it did not fol-
low that wizen the change came, they went to be put in eche-
did( A. The noble Earl (Radnor) had said on one occasion
that he was a radical reformer, and that nothing but vote
by ballot would satisfy him. That noble had also
written a letter to Mr. Whittle, the publisher of a
newspaper at Blanchester. in which ha wipeout'
great regret that Gobbet' was not in Parliamirot and
added, that it was his intention to bring him in far Down-'
ton. In that instance the noble earl had at least been I
ready to act apon the existing system of representation t but
upon the whole he could say he had never heard a speech in li
th.t hour which gave more ample proof of oratorical errs.
The arguments used by the noble earl were those which
young politicians might resort to, but they meld have DO
weight with the calm redening friends and supporters of the
constitution. l'he noble earl proceeded to say, that however
brilliant the language of noble lards opposite might he on
the subject of the Reform Bill, and however much that
language tended to veil the calamities which would follow
that bill, sooner or later the fallacy of their theory would be
discovered. If these noble lords wanted a zepublic, int/ma's
name let them say so. (Hear, hear,) The noble earl then
alluded to the republic of America, the Congress of which
could only be chosen by three-Munk of the federal States
thereby uniting to a republic it pure democracy. He then
directed the attention of their lordships to an article entitled
l'rospeets of lieJoris in Europe, published in the North
American Reticle, in which Lord John Russell was repre-
sented as working the question of Reform as one In the rule
of three. The writer wait on to say, that the Reformer.
would never agree to the rule of three system of the
Noble Lord, which war settled on geographical principles
Indy. The Noble Earl at great length read extracts
from the ankle in question, lit support of his view of the
awe, costsoding that the opinion), of the writer, as as
Americas, wise entitled to the serious attention of Noble
Lords. One of the striking peculiarities of the Bridal)
coustitution was, that it was generaL The present SM.
however, laid the axe at the root of the tree of
general tepresentation ; the County Members multi in.

future be entirely deprived of it. (Near) V. tin re
any thing so inviting in the government of France, he would
ask. tt induce the noble earl and his colloszues opposite. to
fonn a mcdel from it. Tile noble earl had said that the pre.
sent measure fru in accordance with the pirliamentsry
usage of ancient times. Where the noble earl learnt that
doctrine, he (Part Falmouth) was utterly at a loss to guess.
Oh, says the noble earl, the representation of the country
was a trust ; he would ask if advowrons in the chutch,
which were on the same principle maters of trust, could he
disposed of consistently wkh justice and equity ? Thu noble
earl had said that his measure was the result of serious de-
liberation. but the situation of public affairs consequent upon
the advice given to his Majesty to exercise his just preroga-
tive to dissolve the parliament was the most unfavourable
for calm deliberation that he could imagine. He denied that
the cry of reform existed to ti e twentieth pan of the extent
which the satsumas ist• the bill represented. He then pro-
ceeded to argue slat exclusion of the people fuss the Gm
offices In the state was net a vice of tbe present system ;
and instanced the noble and learned lord near him ( rased
Eldon). and the noble and learned lord on the woolsack ;
u well as many respected ornaments of the bench of
bishops. The noble earl and his colleagues in office were
trifling with the precious Constitution handed down to
them. With all its imperfections, would any noble lord
get up in his place, and say that any other country in
the world, at any period, ever existed, which in any de-
me resembled it in power and prosperity ? (Hear, hem.)
The noble earl, he believed, in the speech he made, had
made no such a statement. In reference to the right re.
verend prelates opp site, if any of them were found to
vote for the second reading of the bill, he believed that
decision was to be attributed to an erroneous view of the
question, rather than from any with to wheat the Mad.
entices of the country. He begged them to call to
mind the bright example of the bench of bishops in the
time of James the Second, who kept the people in awe by
their firmness. He should not detain their lordships by go.
log into the details of the measure brought forward by the
noble earl, all he hoped for was, that the results of that
measure might not bring the noble earl down with sorrow to
the grave. Noble lords were part of the people, and bYSE:
ving they were an, they would throw out this bill.
him (earl Falmouth) tbs evils of the church and state, and he
would agree to a measure for tbefr reform; sbew him a bill
that would not endanger the settled institutions of the coun.
try and be would support it. He could not, however, give
his support to the present bUI, without becoming an agent in
the destruction of the constitution of the country-- (hear).
The noble earl in the course of his speech, was at times in.
audible below the bar.

&al ROSRBERRY stated that he deemed it necessary
to say a few words on the line of conduct he was to
pursue in reference to the bill before their Lordships, viz. to
vote for the second reading. (Heat) He never was a
Radical reformer, but he must sat that the present
specific measure satisfied him that the necessities sod
exigencies of the country required ft. (Hear.) It was
necessary that reform should be introduced in a clear, satis-
factory, and comprehensive form. The advisers of the
crown would not have acted justly by the crews, or by
.themselves and the people of this country, if they had not
adopted the resolution to dissolve the last parliament. He
had every respect for the noble duke opposite, and his late
colleagues in the goverment ; but be was bound to say, that
to them was the present mate of things to be attributed.
He could assure their Lordships he was nu blind supporter
of the present measure from any principle of attachment to
its proposers ; he should show if the bill ever nuns Into
Committee, that he should weigh all Its details without se.
gard to any one. (Hear.) He confessed then were parts in
the bill which would have been better had they been omitted;
but it was bettor they should remain than that the bill
should be withdrawn. There wore other parts of the bill
susceptible of improvement in the Committee, to see whether
it could not be so Improved as to remove the objections now
made to it by some of their Lordships. But he would say,
that if Ministers had not proposed a measure for the aboli-
tion of nomination boroughs—for the extension of the elec-
tive franchise, and for conferring representation on the peo-
teressidof Scotland, they would have deceived the people, and
their discontent by proposing a measure that could
not give satisfaction, and that could not be pennaneat.
(Hear, bear.) The objections to the bill might be re-
duced to two : the list, that it was fraught with danger ;
the second, that It was unnecessary. The danger appre-
hended was, that it would introduce too large a democratic
lime into the other House of Parliament, and overthrow
ells bedaubs= ef the country necessary to the security
saferreety. (Hear.) He denied it would produce any
It was perfectly true it would take
from same =i the power they have of nominating
otanbure of*, nikerHenesof Parliament; but it would ex-
tied last jam Wisest et which was now
plied or oveuiellowei by dis If be thought the
inemenrs would wakes the just Mom* of the aristocracy.
he wadi be the last nett to sweet it t but he was con.
viand the advocacy wield pie mute ha legitimate and re-
cognised Meow thee they were new Inaba to exercise in
a manger iliatigninble and odious to the people. (Hear.)—'
If be Ameba the measure would convert the Lower
Hones ban new &legatos to be directed by the breath of
melee denser, he would not support it ; but he thought
there was nothing in the provisions of this bill, noe in
their expaimos of popular elections, to prove that those
returned to Parliament under the bill must be mere de-
legates. (Hein) He did not think it was quite right for
those who argued against the abolition of nomination
boroughs to condemn the bill for giving a system of re-
presentation which they said would be delegation—for who
were those now returned for nomination boroughs t K Hear
hear.) Were they not the delegates of those by whom thej
were appointed, with this additional objection that they
were not appointed for any public object, but for the pe-
, culler interest of the person making the nomination.
(Hear, hear.) Another objection made to it was, that it
would paralyse the power of Government. He thought It
would
Rather disembarrass the Government, by setting it
free from a species of power they were not able to resist.
(Hear, hear.) Anoint objection was, that it was unoe-
°essay. He was aurprised to hear that objection, when
tbp fact must be notorious that it was utterly impossible
to conduct the late Government, in eunNequmce of their
refusal to admit of any reform. It might now be said
some reform was nactssary, but that was not said when the
noble duke withdrew from the Government rather than con-
mut to any reform. Those who now say that some return,
was necessary, but not this Bill, before they refused the se-
cond reading of the Bill should ascertain and produce that
other plan of reform which they were willing to substitute,
otherwise the public would think that no return was seri-
ously intended, that not reform but delusion was contem-
plated, and they would ask what be asked, what did their
lordships really mean ? if they refused to go into Cont.
mittee where improvements in the Bill might be made--
whatever opinion might be entertained in that house—then
would be but one opinion amongst the people, either that it
was meant to do nothing, or that it was meant to delude the
country. No one would deny that the house bad the power to
negative the Bill, and no one could more willingly support
every privilege of their Lordships' House, which he con-
ceived were given for the security of the throne, and the
preservation of peace and order and the best interests of the
country. (Hear.) But he felt some doubt whether they
would not be travelling out of the course the Constitution
had assigned them, by refusing the second reading of the
bill. (Hear.) It Abe a bill recommended by a united
Cabinet, composed of men who formerly entertained differ-
ent opinions on the question, but were now united from being
convinced Oka necessity by irrefragibie proof 3 it was agreed
to by a vast majority of the othrr house of Parliameat. and
it met with a support throughout the kingdom beyond what
any ether public measure had ever known. (Hear) It was
saM a esneiderabie dump bad taken place in the opinions of
the people; but where wasthe amidst co P (Hear.) By far
the greater number of petitions were net only in favour of
reform, but in favour of this bill. (Hear, hear.) And by
far the greater number of petitions pees: rated on the other

Me were net against the bill, but to take the sulikct nit
Missideration with calmness and earnestness. In iris opi-
nion. though it was not out of the legal right of the I -,,
yet it was out of their coustitutional province, that'. ev
should be the only collective set of persons in the cows! 11
m tithe the progress the general principle, which had r;vett
y
the almost unanimous assent of the nation. (ilea*. hear.)—
The arguments which had been used against the bill were
ember lamentations at its necessity than any proof the neees.
sky did not exist, Of that the remedy was not appropriate. If
the bill OM rejected, as at first proposed. or if they decided, as
more courteous, that it should be read a second time this day ,
months. he could not persuade himself hut eVere one Of then
lordships mum in his heart believe that the substance of the
inemure must ere long be passed by parliament; but it
Mold not then give Hutt contest, and might not cause tiio
emeation of agitation, and prevention of tumult, whits
would now be its immediate beneficial effects. A noble
sodas the first night proposed, that any measure of tics
hid should be postponed for two years, and added—di it
wadi sot suit his Majesty's ministers, because they were
askew of producing agitation. Were any of their 1 irJ -
Mph so blind as to suppose that postponement of reform
weld prevent agitation ? (Great cheering.) It was oat fair
that those who were anxious to pass the measure, and put
an sod to the queetion, should be accused of a desire to keep
alive agitation. Their lordships had more than once been
ensphatically called oo to do their duty. Fur himself he re-
sponded to that call—it became them deeply to retied on
what that din was.Cosild it be theirduty when a measure was
tveomftt by the crown and a united ministry when it
was supported by a large majority of the House of Commons
and by all the people. to refuse to look into its details ?
(bear, hear, hear.) Could it be their duty as was proposed,
to stigmatise and crush a measure, which the most infiuen.
tial of its opponents admitted must soon be entertained in
principle No(lsear, bear.) lie could not think that was the
duty of the boom. If they could not think favourably of
the mosidens of the biU, still he thought it was their duty
Ostrom a measure se reammameded and supported, so far to
adopt Its prindpie, as to enter es the consideration of its
rdisa with impartiality and deliberation, to see whether
giganot be made a ineassre that could be approved of
be a majority of that hear).
• The Earl of CARNAIIVON said they bad now heard
the gronads on which his Majesty's Ministers recommended
a measure which with the exception of the two Univer-
sities erected a change in the whole representation of the
I elmou7•••••(Hear.)—A change which it was now admitted
Mae a sew constitution.—(Bar.) He never knew a Bill
.imella a turnpike Bill—laid on the table without a ruse.
ono of the magical evil it was to remedy, and the prat i.
sal geed it was to effect • but no ilinister bad given a
deamilmien of the practical effect to be remedied, nor of
the peasdad benefit to be derived from this great
His Noble Friend, who had just sat down, cued
Otallitrm to decide whether this plan of &loon could
be so changed as to make it consistent with their duty
to offer it to the people of England.—World it not be
delusion of the people to admit the principle of the Bill,
when it was meant so to c'sange it that disappointment
must be the eo3sequence. The present utinisters, when out
of power, had been all their lives fighting against each other
on the question; but when brought into the sante cabinet,
they all united in its support in a most wonderful manner.
(Hear.) Of all his Majesty's ministers he could only speak
with great respect ; of those whit schism he had ew holou.
of being acquainted: lie was convinced more honourable men
did not exist. (Hear, hear.) Or the noble earl at the
head of the Government he must only say, that he it ust
still look up to hint. as he had dim.: through hit. tie, as
possessed not only of the most spleitd il talents. but of the
most splendid virtues. (lieer. hear.) But with respect to
the measure they had produced, he J.E:red tram menus so
completely, that he could nut in words express how a :tingly
be felt, both on the measure and the manner in which •t
wu attempted to force it on the country. ( Hear, ILA%)
The Noble Lord bail put in the questioi. of the sec old r sil-
ls( on the wand of civility, because •he hill was tread..
Ileadelli by the Crown and by Ministers, and p eased by toe
Rouse of Commons; but were they out of civility to delude
the ssestry by appearing to give assent to a plan, which, it'
adepted. must lead to Vie subversion (tithe institutions of the
ry ? (Hear, he.r, hear.) If the people were in e • Ate
a t—lf the rjec ion or the toll would p.o.tuce
maw diseadataeloo—the dankr would be trebled it tuey
mead from fear, and incurod the contempt of the people.
(ms, hear.) He would not say that Mitaisters had us.sa in
that Howse the language of intintidation ; but except the
Mate of the public mind. they h.d not offered any reason fur
dlo psetest *lmage ever proposed to pirlianieni. ( Hear ) If
the tamptage ofia dmid a tiun were hull, it should b. met 11 the
&mess that distinguished Nlr. Pitt sod George 111. at tits
ties tithe Pros* revolution ; and if moisten ware delie.e .1
k atalleset he called upon the house to supply tine attic .
Re was pasrsady impartial on the que.tiJn, as ne could nut
inlinence a eingb vote in a single borough in all England.—
iisiosessr,) There bed, in their lordships' memory, ben num.
new constitution* in Europe ; they bad moo Site cre-
stless of toonorrow's flame. (Hear.) Toe year before last
lON ache trainers of the present ball declared that there was
such as apathy on the question of reform, that he should not
will totroduce it. lie agreed with the usable earl Lest night,
ON
ivory thing sublunary changed ; but he was too gouty
to tab such a !cap as was proposed by the present Mil.—
(A laugh.) His noble friend asked abet nostrum they had
to propose in lieu of this piece of quackery ? Instead of re-
Oommending their own measure on its owe merits, it it bad
any, they idled on its opponents us produce a better. They
earesed that the opponents of their new eons itutiun should
Mil be ptepa e with a new constitution of his own, and
I Vet all she. d be precisely the same. Suppose his uuble hsend
had got a mew cook, and be invited ail iii. !nerds to dinner,
sod asked their opinion of the performance of the artist. 1 hey
wisest /ay thought, and said no darn was fit to be es en.
Wadi hle mile friend say to them, you all find fault with
2twelts gm down to the kitchen and try your hand your.
ves. Waal they have a right to say, '• Hive us pus.
session of the kitchen." A Secretary to S ate tied emit mat
it wee too great a measure fur one dehate—should it nut
have °mused to hint, that it was too large a measure tsar one
Bill. If he thought the present Mil would benefit the •
people, there was no sacrifice tie was nut ready to snake fur
the aitainnient of that object. He considered at full of dams
ger—iui supporters appeared to wish to ride in the wirlwind,
and be directed by the storm. (Laughter.) Else tempest
which now raged around them was the creation of their own
etm:rivamt. (Hess.) He did not say of evil intentions ;
but they had acted with predpitatiou. They had talents
quite eallident to overturn any country. Oa, that they
had a few grans of common sense and good discretion.—
He had anxiously waited to bear the reason which tailored
the Ministers to bring forward such a Bin a. the peseta,
which at one blow alterid the whole constitution ; but rea-
sons for that cousie be had beard none.—( Hear, hear), the
Noble Marquis (Lansdowse) bad promised to reset, the
speech, the luminous speech, of a Noble Earl ( Hammett.)).
but bad not kept his promise; he had only talked of toe
Ministers having embarked in a perilous voyage—and that
he bad joined them; but whether when they were '• halt-
s:as over," was not stated...,(llear, and a laugh.) And
those who would not embark in so milieus a voyage were
denounced as timid mariners. The Ministers had, indeed,
boldly embarked, Sir they had trusted themselves in a crazy
Admiralty barge, that had previously capsized them. That
was ominous enough ; it might have been imagined that
they would be more wary; but not only had they boldly
emostk.d in so fragile a vessel—they vowed they wculd
clog to it come what might. That was, indeed, told, but
what was it that clung to the vessel ? Was it the stanched
of the coustitution? Oh, no ; they clung like barnaces,
which impeded, and not accelerated the progress—(loua
cheers aid laughter). They made the vessel lag bellind diet
before lied proudly steered its course, and gone before the
breeze. This bill, it was avowed, bad i opulatien our its bas r-
sts ; and yet its framers said they adhered to the principles
ut Mt constitution. Now, he took the liberty 01 saying, that
poi.ulatiuu never bad bee; the basis of representation, and
the criterion by which the constitution settled the portion
that the mus of the people ought to bare in the goveninte:tt
of the country. But the basis of this Lill was pupils'', 1.,
and that basis he hesitated not to say must lead to revel:,.
non. (Hear.) It we, a basis that was most covering to tie
mimics of monarchy. The Ministers, in truth, had Ida
themselves to the spirit of discord; and on the condi• ton mat
was usually described as the terms of such sales— that use
spirit was to be their slave for ever. But by tre side, ...41
they not Mae themselves the diet% of that trfluet.ee wt.s rt
they imagined they had purdroul?As to d I bill tie rep a e .
it was bad in principle; it took fur its bases that wows had
never existed ; therefore, it was Imams to go icto Crostini ...,
with it, foe the evil of it was that whieto L., ii,.:..
mittee could cure. First, it destioyed veinal, ourriugt•s__
although the author of the pres_or bill hid dee..0....
that toe existence of Li:ought' was requi.ite to ern. .t.
the govatiment of the country. For that purpose to .......
solutely requisite that the ministers 'boa.. leave at . A I"
command a certain diem of intiudice ; u.hers iw, If i! ei
happened to be unpopular, how were they Its Nct ••:... N. I.
mutat ? They were to rely on what as, tin sue.. Hi_ e...s .c

power of the Constitution ; and in what did that elastic I
power of the Const:tution nisi. but in those boroughs which
were now to be condemned ? That mewed to mini-tees the
emus of 'teats, and thus the liberties of the people were ef-
&chattily secured against the shocks of popular commotion
and party fury. Let this fatal bill be got rid of, then they I
might remedy the evils that existed ; and to correct those
evils deliberately—not with a einelo blow—he should be as
ready as any man en moist. This bill lie trusted their
Lordships would reject. and he contended that it was
not not of their province to reject it. On the contrary, he
thought it was their neeuliar province to r jeet this bill. Ile
dill not wish their Innirhips to have ',meet permanently to
r.?•ist t 4 feelings of the p•onle—(hear, hear);—hest its re-
jecting this hill, he did not believe that they would be re-
:Awing •,:e feelings and interests of the people. (Hear. hear.)
The •ertlted from extrrordlnary excitement; he was
eesis •os that it should eulAtis ; he .wished, in fact. to ap-
peal `• frem Philp drunk to Philip sober." He did not
wish ell to he risked in the fate of one I:ill ; and considering
that all was risked by this bill he should vote for its rejec-
tion. To agree to this bill would he to sanction a most dan.
germs extension of the constituency : to admit the 3..
householders would he to give power, he feared. not to the
frame•make•s, but to the frame.l.reakers. He then Hai
culed the idea of this hr:ng a final measure ; the contrary
was proved by the alriresses of Mr. W. Cobbett and Mr.
:41 neauley. to Manchester and Leeds ; and he concluded with
str,:eglecalline on their lordship; to reject this bill.
Lord PI UNK F.TT then rose, hut was for some time
very impetftctly h.ard be ow the Bar. He ob 1, that
in all that had been stated by noble lords opposite, not one
r.• .::ark occurred as to the principle of the bill. There was
:he observation over and over again reiterated that what was
pripo•ed was a new Constitution ; but still the observation
was left by each succeeding speaker where it was found, and
suffered to rt•t merely and purely on assertion. It had also
Oren said, that the grievances adduced in justification of
the bill wem chimeras all ;" that the bill attacked what
•• worked ;" and that by the measure they were cn-!
lingering, net amending or restating, the Constitution.
To every one of these assettions he gave the,
lanst distinct denial. It was said the bill was built on
thtnry, and that it was at direct variance whb all the
peticiplcs of the Constitution 3 but be it remem.,
betetl, that those who complained of injustice being
done by this Bill, were themselves usurpers:—
( Hear.) lost admitted that some reform was requisite,
and yet they were for rejecting this remedial measure—a
measure that was to prevent a danger not remote, but imme-
diate. He had viewed its progress with deep and anxious
alarm, seeing how it was resisted ; he deplored the rancour
tlett was at first evinced towards it ; and he rejoiced that
such feelings had in some degree abated. However, as to
the character and consequences of the bill, he repea'ed that
the charges rested on assertions, and assertions without
prom's. But his denial of such allegations would have no
further effect than the pertinacious repetition of the asser-
tions, except he sustained his denial with proofs. He was
saved from some labour by the abandonment of part of the
com.:Lints. fcr there was no longer any talk about corpo.
ration robbery : aril, with one exception, all the Noble
Lords admit.ed the necessity of some reform. That one
exception avowed himself tit, uncompromising foe of all
reform
Lord MANSFIRLD made some remark, but what it
was we could not collect below the bar.
Lord PLUNKET r said he did not +lab to misrepresent
any noble Lord, hut the noble Rarl in question undoubtedly
had adopted a somewhat whimsical mode of' opposing re-
form, in declaring. in his fanciful flight, that the measure
would lead to the upsetting of the King and the State, but
that it would fix the ministers in their places; also that it
would occasion war with Portugal, but nut with France;
that it would lead to the destruction of primogeniture, and
to the cut ing up of all property by the toots ; and, in fee:,
that it would le ol to the repetition of all the follies of the
French Revolts:ion. lie would not follow these remarks
through all feel, extravagant excesses ; but he would sup-
port the bill on its own grounds and merits. He repeated
that with ene exception all the noble Lords who had spoken
admitted the tv•ceesity of some parliamentary reform.
Lord FA 1.310 U I'll rose and made some remark, but
four the noise occasioned by there interruptions we could
rct collect what it was. .

Lotsl PLUNKF.TT observed, that the one exception was
not only against this measure, but against all reform. But
even those who admitted the necessity of some reform drew
most unhappy auguries as to the tendencies of this bill. A
noble earl, who was much relied on by noble lords opposite,
had admitted that it was right some reform should be Intro-
dined ; he was for enfranchising some of the great towns,
and for increasing the members for particular counties • and
he regretted that some measure to admit so much reform
had not been introduced, instead of this bill. (Hear,
hear.) The extent of the present bill, however, was made
the ground for resisting it. But he thought the way in
which the bill had been brought before the house ought to
have secured for it a more courteous attention than had been
extended to it. There never were persons who had less sought
to obtrude themselves into power, and on the country,
than had the present ministers. Never were there persons
who bad manifested less desire for office. They had evinced
the most complete self-devotion. They stood by the noble
duke anti sustained his administration (Hear); their self.
devotion had never been surpassed. The noble duke cer-
tainly was entititled to his gratitude for the manner in which
he brought forward and carried the Catholic bill ; and his
grace was supported till the period of his retirement—a re-
tirement that resulted flow an unwillingness to concede the
question of reform.
The Duke of WRLLINGTON exclaimed in a loud and
distinct tune. .• No ! an exclamation that was so loudly
and peculiarly cheered by the Marquis of Londonderry, as
to eutll forth much amazement, and more merriment,
Lord PLUNKE said he had certainly considered that
the cause of the noble duke's retirement was the question
of reform.
The Doke of WELLINGTON rose to explain. He
said. having found by a previous vote that he had lost the
confidence of the House of Commons, he did not wish to
agitate the country and excite the House by entering upon a
fresh qiiestion ; and on that account be had made up his
mind to retire front his Majesty's service.
Lord PLL'NKETT resumel and said that he had at the
time ureerstooel by the words then uttered by the Noble
Duke. that it was because he was not prepared to meet the
question of Reform that the Noble Duke had tendered his
reaienatior.
The Duke of W FLLINOTON said, that he certainly
had not intended to resign until after that decision of the
House of Commons, and he had fixed a day—the Tues.
day following, but he had considered it most prudent to'
conceal that fact to avoid the consequent confusion which
it might have occasioned ; and he did not choose to risk his
government on a question of Reform, he not having the
canlidence of the country.
Lord PLUNKETT, after a few observations, purport.
ing that the explanati..n of the noble duke had only confirmed
Lis statement. proceeded to say, that he had particular rea-
son to remember the noble duke's words at the time, for he
had taken them down, and the noble lord had said, that he
not only was not prepared with any measure of Reform, but
he could not take a part in any Ministry that had such a
measure in contemplation.
[At this part of the noble lord's speech there were a
number of voices in interruption heard from the opposite
side, and the most prominent, we understood, to be the
Marquis of Londonderry, to whom, we believe, the
noble lard commenced an expostulation on the subject of
the frequent and disorderly interruptions to which be had
been ael bjected.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, in a hurried manner, and
evidently wilt much warmth, left the Woolsack, and stood
tip to address the !louse. He said, that be had often been
reflected upon fer not interfering, and he was always unwil-
ling to do so; but there were cases occurred that he found
himself' compelled to stand forward. Such interruptions
were exceedingly troublesome. When a noble lord found
himself misrepresented, he had his remedy by correcting it at
the end of the speech, and that was the way to explain after
the speech was concluded. There sere some cases where,
to prevent discussion, slight interruptions might be allowed,
but such interruptions must have their limits—(loud cheers)
and those limits could not be expected to extend to bye-
wanders who had not been misrepresented. The conclusion
of the noble lord's speech could nut be heard for the cheering
and co:4obn that ensued. .

The Duke of WELLINGTON admitted the propriety of
the noble and learned lurd's observations, and said, lie would
beg of the House to withhold their judgment until the proper
time had arrived for his explanation.
Lord PLUNKETT again resumed. He said the Noble
Duke had not only acknowledged that he was not prepared
.tie any measure of Refonn, but that no such measure bad
cahted in his Majesty's Council or Cabinet, and that rather
trim risk their aminlatratios oo so great a civil question,
they had tendered their resignatios.
Lard HARROWEY ewe agate to correct the statement
et his Lordship, and said, he could not keep his ant under

the elm:interns, notwithstanding what had been hid Ewa
as the law of order by the Learned Lord.
lord WHARNCLI FFE said, that it was the tastes in
another House where allu.loos so particular were made, to
refer to the papers of the House.
Lord PLUNKETT mice move resumed, by repealing
most minutely what be bad preeiouely stated, as the IMO
of the Noble Duke% resignation ; and be coneludal that Ile
inference could ally be, that the resignation of his lliwirAsy
was imperative—(Hear)--they not being prepared whit asy
measure to meet Parliamentary Reform in the Hasse of
Commons ; and it was on that account that the present
Ministry was formed. Such being the ease, was it fair to
upbraid his Noble Friend, Earl Grey, for accepting office,
when called upon by his Sovereign, when, be might say,
be was deserted by his Ministers, or fur bringing for-
ward the measure which had formed part of the terms
of his accepting office. But when it was said that the
introduction of this bill had caused the hurricane, as it bad
been designated, could they pay that to it was to be attribu-
ted the loss of piece to the noble duke, when. in fact, at that
time the bill did not exist. The noble lord then went into a
circumstantial detail of the dissolution that ensued, and of
the King's having adopted the means to take the sense of his
people not upon this bill, but upon the general question of,
Reform, and they had testified their sentiments in the most
decided manner on the measure. insomuch that every mem-
ber had been railed upon to pkdge himself; and they had ail
been sent into the house as delegates of the people to support
it; and he would ask their lordships if these elections bad'
not been all conducted with the greatest observance of
good order.— (Laughter and cbeerr.) [The noble lord
was about to proceed, when he was again inter.
rupted, and he shortly expostulated with a noble
marquis opposite.] Herald that most of the attacks that had
been made on this mew ure, had been founded on the basis of
the assertion that the people of England were incapable of
forming an opinion, but they had on that occasion shown
that they were capable of expressing an opinion. ( (Aught*,
and cheers.) The noble lord made a few severe remarks and
animadversions on the adsninistration of the noble duke, and
contended that considering the manner in which the measure
hail been brouitht forward by the wiser house, that it was
entitled to the moat serious attention of their lordships; and
while they were exercising their proud and independent pri-
vilege, it was no mean consideration to bear in mind that
they were sitting in judgment on the people England.—
( Hear.) He had he.ini in the course of the debate massy
sarcasms thrown out, many well-polisbed epigrams vented;
but he could not too seriously impress upon the minds
of their lordship., that the people whose petitions had
been sent op to that house were not to be called the petitions
of the low rabble; be would say that they were the petitions
of a great nation—of a people iletructed and intelligent, so
as to entitle them to attention beyond any other nation that
existed. The people of England had no such views of inti-
midation as to threa'en that they would destroy the institu-
tions of Church and State. The Noble Lord next alluded
to the mode of reasoning that had been adopted by the noble
lord (Wharncliffe), who had said that he would reject the
bill because of its details, and not on account of its
principle, and because of these details he would refuse its
admission to • Committee. The noble duke (Welling.
ton) was, at the time of his resignation, the greatest wan
that the world had its eyes upon ; and if at that time
he could not carry on the government, did the Noble Lord
suppose that he had now so far recovered public confidence
that he could compose a government that would eels' with.
out the concession of reform. [His lordship seemed very
much exhausted at this time, and spoke very low, but we
understood him to implore in impressive terms their lordship.
to pass the bill.] He did not mean to say that the acts of
the people should intimidate their lordships, but be could
not help acknowledging the conviction that be conceived
the danger to be that they might place them in a situation
in which the government could not go on, and then there
could follow nothing hut anarchy and confusion. There could
be no danger to that house from the measure, as it did not
in the slightest degree attack the privileges of the house
of Peers. The other house might adopt the measure with.
out their concurrence, unless they meant to claim a share in
the representation of the House of Commons; if such was
their intention, to claim that share in the representation, they
must of course stand firm. He would recall their attention
to the wholesome moral sentiment, Do as you would be
done by." If the Commons or the people were to attempt
to interfere with their hereditary authorities, rights, and
privileges, would they not think themselves unfairly treated?
anti, by the same rule, that house, he considered, ought
not to interfere with the privileges of the Commons. The
noble lord went into a review of the nature and principles
of the bill, which, he said, were in strict accordance with
these rights. and that Constitution which the iilustriou
House of Brunswick had been called over to protect.—
He was not placed in the situation of an Eastern King,
whose sway was absolute and despotic; but his Majesty had
exercised his just prerogative of allowing the people of Eng-
land to reform themselves. They had been told that the
Government could not be carried on without nomination
boroughs, which were to put 10001. a year, more or kw Into
the pockets of their proprietors; but if such was to be the
ease, he considered that it would at once be much better to
give up the delusion, and let the King carry on his own
oovernment without representation at all. But the people
in this country had a right to ask to be fully and fairly re-
presented, and on that principle was the measure framed
that ministers now sought to entertain. The rotten boroughs
did not depend on the system of representation, but on
what they did not represent; and by pressing the pro-
visions of the bill they were only returning to the old
institutions of the country. It was impossible to tell
what authority that system of nomination had come from.
It was not to be found in any books, and if it had any
legal data, they had been so ashamed of them as not to
put them on record. The noble and learned Iced proceeded
to say, that lie did not hesitate to say that he saw the
elements of danger around him, but be bad the greatest
confidence in the good settee of the people of the country.
It had been said that the constitution weeks well; in one
sense that was perfecctly true; the law of the country
was well administered ; our jurors were honest, the mi-
nisters of oar religion were pious and learned, and the S.
names of the country were managed with cars ;—(bear,).—
, but it was folly to say because the instituting of the
country were good, that its representation was not bad.—
Tnis working.wcil system was founded in a deep and rse
dial error. Alluding to the debased state of the Scotch
representation the noble and learned lord said, that the peo-
ple of that country were in a state of phrensy and Wry
respecting it. The noble and learned lord concluded
amidst loud cheering.
Earl GREY then rose and said, it was quite evident the
debate could not be finished that night ; noble lords might
bare another day. He should, therefore, move, that the
debate be adjourned till to-morrow (this day).
Lord W YNFORD rose amidst loud cries of "adjourn''
and " goon." The noble and learned lord having obtained
a hearing, said, if it were convenient for the noble earl oppo-
si e to proceed with the debate, be had no objection to suit
his convenience by giving way to his wish.
Earl GREY observed, that he asked nothing for his own
personal convenience, but for that of the
Here an indescribable scene of confusion took place.
Noble Lords left their places and crowded around the table.
In the midst of the turmoil the Lord Chancellor put the
question of adjournment—but before it was carried the
voices of Lord Eldon and the Duke of Cumberland were
heard. In answer to the forma' as was understood,
Earl GREY said he had no objection whatever to meet
at as early an hour on Saturday morning as the noble and
learned Lord might wish.
The question of Adjournment was then put and carried,
with an understanding that the debate was to be resumed a;
five o'clock this day.
Adjourned at Half-past Twelve.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Mr. WILKS presented a petition from some Friendly
Society (the name of which did nut transpire), complaining
of the great expense of enrolling articles pursuant to
Portmau's Act. and paying for a remedy for the slime.