Star.
London, England, 1814-11-15 00:00:00

TREATIES.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose, id pur-
suance of his notice. He begged leave to assure
Noble Lords, that his addressing them on the subject
resulted froth no imaginable Wish to give unnecessary
inconvenience, from no pertinacity of his own, but
simply from the feeling that he was but doing his,
parliamentary duty in calling for the parliamentary
grounds of measures which should not be suffered to
pass into precedent without the most vigilant atten-
tion. Bat if ever there was reason for entering into
the fullest knowledge and examination of a covenant
made by Government, it was in the present instance,
when the Treaty was not merely one entered into,
and waiting fur . the periqil of its use, but when it
was, and bad been fcr some time, actual in use.—
This Treaty was peculiar on other grounds, such as
that of its- being founded on a state of things utterly
past. It was formed on the Treaty of Schoenbrun ;
it was formed in the contemplation of the existence of
that greed power which we had seen so lately extin-
guished ; it looked to the reign of Bonaparte. There
was another peculiarity—the enormous expense with
which its provisions were attended. The objection
to the production of -this Treaty was, he understood,
its not being ratified. He could see no difficulty in
the objection. It had been passed.over already in
both form and substance. In form, in the instance
of the American Treaty, negotiated by two Honour-
able friends of his, five or six- years ago it was laid
on their Lordships' Table, though the ratification of
the American President bad nut been procured. As
to, the substance, it was true, that there might be de-
lay, when: there was a fair doubt of final ratification,
when subsequent differences had arisen, and other
causes. But hoe there were none. This Treaty was
not arranged by Ambassadors or Deputies, but by
the Principals themselves. If a treaty existed, call-
ing on the country for heavy expenditures, it was, at
all events, fitting for Parliament. that must provide
for them, to know something of its grounds. Yes,
if any thing could add to the duty of parliamentary
vigilance in the case of such great public measures,
it would.be such enormous demands on the public
purse. So gar as had yet been ascertained by ac-
counts produced, the .excess of naval and military
expenses for the last year was not below thirty mil-
lions. This extraordinary addition to the contem-
plated burthens of the country undoubtedly called for
some enquiry into the mode by which it grew out of
our Continental System, and what was to be for the
present and Use time to come the nature of our rela-
tions with the Continent of Europe. How these bur.
theta were to affect our internal concerns, must
mingle in the interest of the question. It was im-
po4tible not to look to the new state of our manufac-
tures plunging into competition with every other
country, end yet forced to struggle under such pm-
, sures. Ireland was not to be forgotten, whose
finances, as it was said, were not more than ale-
' quate, with all her efforts, to her own expenses. A
question strongly connected with all this was the use
that was to be made of this influence, paid for as it
was. It was impossible not to fix a powerful curio-
eity on the'proceedings of Congress. He of course
,eapected to have no detail of its objects. He asked
'none from the, Prince Regent's speech. But consi-
dering the grand part which England ought to sustain
at that meeting. he certainly did expect to find in the
speech, those ptin Iples explicitly and fully stated on
Iwhich we were :o conduct our share of the negocia.
titan. Of the Congress, as he knew little, he should
styliule ; but it was impossible to- shut owes ears

wholly to the rtimottrs that wee pass*, 0401eltetta es
of aggrandisement and change were announced which
forced mess attention. NMI heard something of
not merely the -destruction of the lodependent ,States
of Italy, of Lucca, Genoa. and others, but even of
alterations in thtioteaior of Germanys.which ye count
not sufficiently deprecate. Their Lordships had for
many a year rearan to regret that European crimes;
the partition of Poland. There were, perhaps, few
of any party who would not now ascribe the original
calamities of the Continent to thee partition. Theyl
all knew what even the latest results were of its
being, to use the French phrase as most barbarous
.in its sound as in its meaning, dare/60,44=4.
.It wee
left with its great military population for the purpose*
of the first military adventurer; for any man that'
like Bonaparte was inclined to use its• resources....
How it had served him was now not unknown and
it conveyed an idea not unprofitable, if wisely felt, of
its resources for war, when their Lordships would
know that Poland, in the last war, even after all its
losses and privations, gave no less than from 80 to
100,000 soldiers for the havoc and misery, or wlete
might have been the havoc and ruin of the Con-
tinent. But that war bad taught us one great lesson.
It had taught that the defence of national tranquil-
lity was to be found in the local affection of the popu-
lation to their country and government. To what
was at length the deliverance of Europe to be as.
cribed ?To its fortified places—to its strong holds ?I
No : they all sunk—ethey were all broken down, and
swept before the invader. To its armies ? No : the
disciplined &trawls of the nations was undone—,the
system of the most military kingdoms was prostrated
at once. And what restored the Continent ? It was
that spirit of local affection which made every Ger-
man Gentleman an Officer, and every German pea-
sant a soldier. There was a time, not long since, but
nine months ago, when the great powers were alive
to those considerations: when, in that proud day
of triumph. the proudest part was their recognition.
The pledges then given ought to be strong in every
recollection : he could point out even the day.—
No farther back than the IGth of March he found
them disclaiming all views of aggrandisement, and
this not as to France alone. Their declarations went
on to state the impolicy and injustice of attempting
to unite nations whose differences of custom and
feeling could not admit of association with the neigh-
bouring natiep, even in centuries. His Lordship
continued—it was time, after our experience, to look
to a higher standard than we bad hitherto adopted.
We must look to the natural. rights of nations. Of
all the Powers of Europe assuredly England was that
one most called upon to stand forward in the assertion
of that standard. At present how much at variance
with it were the rumours scattered abroad of changes
not merely embracing Poland, but interfering with
constitutions already established ? For instance,
Saxony. He would not now speak of her services,
nor ef the important part acted by her in the thirty
years war, nut in the struggle of Maria Teresa, or
how largely she had contributed to the general civi-
lization, or how happy and numerous a population
she sheltered. She was now to be crushed. Lusatia;
now discovered to be a new acquisition ; it was
one of 300 years-back—was to be taken from her.—
Lusatia, the gif: of Austria for services done to her,
was now to be dismembered by the act of Austria,
and Saxony to be abandoned to another Government.
He hoped it would not be assigned as the Cause or
this, that Saxony had taken part with France. If
that were the reason, these would be a quick end of
all the secondary States of Eut ope. If the
.great men
who constructed the treaty of. Westphalia, had thus
done, where wotlld have been the German constitu-
tion ? What would have become of Savoy long since ?
But which of the great Powers on the C9ll6lll:fit was
not infected with that alliance ? What was to be-
come of Austria that had joined the Continental sys-
tem, and embarked in the war against Russia ? But
look, above all, to Sax‘iny. It. was now known, that
before Austria had declared, Saxony had entered into
a secret treaty with her, by which she was to join
thr Austrian arms. Bonaparte entered Gtrrnany.—
Saxony was overrun before Austria declared. Saxony
was unassisted, and in military possession of Fraisce,
after the battle of Lutzen. The Saxon King was
forced to return to his dominions for the protection of
the people, and his submission was without a single
attempt on the part of Austria. But look. to the great
day of German triumph—the battle of Leipzie.—
Look at the services of the Saxon troops while the
conflict was still doubtful. They came forward con-
fiding in the declared principle of the Allies, and we
know how much they contributed to turn the day.—
Would they have done this, had we said to them, we
are going to extinguish your country ? It was on
grounds of justice and respect for national rights that
we could alone hope to-slot:lin the pet mance peace
of Europe. A resolute and unrelaxing adherence to
such principles would put into the hands of govern-
ments an instrument more potent for public•safet)
than any oilierthat could be devised. Europe might
be now quiet, but who could answer how soon its
quiet 'sniaht be disturbed ? Or what enemy might.
not arise—or whether some great military geittus
might not again start forth to take advantage of the
general discontent, or whether even Europe might
not again see that extraordinary being; who was nov.
exiled to Elba, coming forward to take another eagle
flight, for power—coming to display
" The terrors of his beak, and lightniogs of his eye."
His Lordship here regretted the length at which he
had been forced to trouble the House—he spoke from
a sense of Parliamentary duty, when great burdens
were pressing on the country ; when heavy demands
mere about to be made—with an army to maintain
on the Continent—with the drain of an American
war—with the competition of foreign industry and
cheapness threatening our manufact ores. Ile could
not sit silent, when the question WAS now tu
those difficulties. For the purpose of taking the first
step, and informing their Lordships of some part of
our situation, he should now move for —" copies of
the engagements entered into by us with foreign
Powers, for the maintenance of troops on the Con-
tinent."

The Earl of LIVERPOOL began by observing,
that there was much in the speech of the Noble Mar-
quis to which be must refrain from adverting at the
present moment : not that he undervalued Any one'
of the topics there introduced, but a fitter time for ex.
planation would arrive when it would be the duty of
thp,Princeßegent's servants to state at the saute time
what they bad done, and the.principlcs on which the'

had acted. 'He thought. that the tiewiliesia.*
%it!) him, that much could not be ,eirieree.apareeoi
of the topics which the Noble Motiule bet ;umbra; ,
upon,without materially affecting hose hear
were now under disiussion in th Congress of LIMP?
peso Powers. He trusted also he eliouW be .able to,
chew that the object of the Noble Lao!. is meserig
the -present edsizets, ',could be suCientjwiriewit,iiir
another though less forinel way ;
.thotigh -he eteeaa
first sta•P some of the prominent circumstaocee which
occasioned our keeping a large force on the Coati.
nent in British pay. When the Allies entered Paris in
the spring, one course which they might have per.
sued was, that of Ageing an armistice,, and leaving 4
general peace to b' settled at a Congress,. to be held
at Vienna, or any other convenient place : but they
adopted a different course, and one which he thought
was marked with much wi4om. They determined
that no time should b! lost in. *titling the peace of
Europe with Trance hetsel; and that whatever
points remained for future dettlemeut betsees the
other Powers of Europe, slionld be adjusted sker.
wards, leaving none unsettled as for as whited to
France in particular. Had the Allies, while in Peril,
adopted the plan of an armistice merely, it was quite
plain that, withdrawing their armies to the froni..re;
they must have these kept them np
.to their full
amount ; and even though peace was signed, he
thought it must: be obvious that there was a beeessito
similar in kind, though not in degree, for keeping op
a large military force. Considering the etanaulsiens
with which Europe had been torn, it seemed to grow
oqt of the very nature of the caste that the Al:ire, eie
ther by a tacit or open understanding, shield mein..
tain on foot a powerful body of troops. Under them.
circumstances, wculd the Noble Lord, or any one eke„
Ileac recommend/1 that Britain, looking to ecoocesy •
'emir, should withdraw the whole of her force burn
(
the Continent, and leave the other Pewees to theme
selves. The argument not, llowever,rer: r
11
c,i
upon general grounds : there were special s
which every British subject felt his interests deeply
involved; for whatever diversity of (Tinian had ex-
isted as to the degree of our interference in continental
affairs, there never had been any difference of epironn
as to the importance of the independence of Heterad
and the Low Countries, to the interests of Britain...-.
He recollected Mr. Fox himself, once, when the sub-
ject of neguciation was debated, declaring, that if
there was any chance of regaining or defending tire
Low Countries, no exertions ought to be recknoed too
great, and that war ought to be continued fur that
object alone. When this, then, was one of the very
points which required to be adjusted, would any Noble
Lord have asked Ministers to bring home our armiei,
and leave it, as well as every other great interest, to
be provided for by our Allies exclusively The pile
licy, indeed, of maintaining a force on the Contioeot,
under such circumstances, was prior and paramount
to the actifel engagement to that effect; andarry Mr.
sister would have been pronounced criminal by his
country who had not discharged this great duty. lie
Thad now to assert, upon the ground of expetience,
that the keeping up of a British force in the Nether.,
lands had produced a beneficial effect. He copld ape
,peal to thahundreds of.persone now in London, and
elm had visited that part etfAbe Continent, whethef.it '
had not had the effect of conciliating and coneoling
the people there, shewingthem that we felt an interest
in their welfare, and shteting.thena that we %newel nee
give up the prom-eta/it of those who-had at all times
shewn themselves atucitid to ibis country, He had
next to observe, that atout the end of June las., a
treaty, was concluded, by. whit!) the Allied Power;
did agree to keep up a specified force, far the main-
tenance cf tranquility on the Continent. When tire
treaty with France was discussers in the late .session,
no objection was madcfmni anyquarier to a Ileitiili
force being kept up with. this view. The vote of certelit
of last session, which naturally.afforded an opportu-
nity of attacking ur questioningthtepolicy,paseschalas
without calling teeth any remark; though on mos-
iog the ad.lress en that. setijeete. onthe ',Nth of Joie,
he distinctly recollected his having stated that the
voce was called int. partly on acentmeof the elonerte
can war, and partly to suppriet• a British fere: on tier
Continent, until the negotiations at Vienne were
brought to a conclusioie ale just now, 'weever,
Collected, that this vote did not pees without saw a&
'creations from a Noble Barone, not now in this come- '
try (Lord Holland): though they were SO link of a
hostile nature that the address was adopted arena Li.
soutane. that the Neble Merquis complained, thatahis
measure of policy exposed the country to immense Is.
pense, and urged, that Perliesreet had a right to fell
iefonestion on the sel.-ject. He aweed with the Nee
ble Lord, that,the House and the Country were
tied to ample infocmaCon, both as the amount of the
force employed aoll the extent of the expenditure
created. There was no disposition oa the part
nisters to is ithholcl the convention/ flimsily's.; left
as they had. not art undergone theforrnelitoe f rato
ficasion,ire trusted abet therr Lordships vstlrhe stir
tied for the present with their substance. He was{es,
pared, %shoed* roper time artiveJ, ee defead the*
Policy, and felt conviacptabat Cie, bad alreicly en.
&iced the must heneficieleffects.
Lard GRENVILLEIdecIeted, that PO one WS.
irss eraposed thin bitnielf oloccupy their Lerdsaipat
tires With a 41,scussion.aboat forma, wizen there e as
a prospect of obtaining the substance ; but he cool'
conceive no reason why the address, es at poser
w"ded.6ll4>uld Or't Pau, as the Prince Megenteniela
reply, that he sould give directions for layiee nu'
substance of the c ,nventions before the Heuer, ce
documents themselves not }et having gone threat)
the regular forms. After saying thus much, he (Ler4
Grenvide) was not aware that there remained 261
thing farther to debate upon; but the house sea#
probably allow 'him that opportunity of styieg a
words On some of the topics cornected with the sir
ject now before Vein. And, in the first piece, it ea'
appear to him that the constitution of the ceeeff;
reqnired that a measure so stupendous as that le
maintaining an immense British army on the conti-
nent in time of peace, should have been distinctry.
communicated to Parliament by the Crown; eci
that, with ell due respect to the Noble Lord, what
either he or any other Minister might have Said in 11:1
own person in that He tse, could not be cnnsidere‘i
that constitutional information which Parliament
a right to expect. It might be doubted, also, Wk
ther there was that unanimous feeling in the eotiewr
which the Noble Lord seemed to intimate, •at tir
policy of the course which was pursued. The Nisll
Lord bud uisi aoutething op, the ;node in veltitt 14°

(AA hisqr itof .
t tante was coneTurfcct.' lqe
(Xord Grentille)at the time that treaty was-under
consideration, had eitiresired great doubts of the wis-
dom of the proceeeing.which bed been adopted, be.
cause it tended to lessen, if not to annilolate, the in-
froentent Britain with the continental Powers, her'
allies. True' it was, that the conclusion of a treaty with
France, instead of an armistice, tended to limit the
claims and interference of France as to continental af-
fairt,leaving the other continental powers at liberty to
modify and carve out their inure arrangementsat their
own discretion. But with regard to us, it had a very
different effect ; for, brit, We ceded to France all her
colonies, all those •stequisitions which would have
game us an influence in ulterior discussions with the
,Piavers of Europe. France, from her position alone,
*Could not be excluded from influence in discussions
bout Continental arianorements ; but from our insu-
lar position, our only influence rested on the posses.
eioß of those great colonial acquisitions which we
were entitled to hold, not only for the purpose of re-
ducing France within just limits, but also with the
*claim:nal view of making other arrangements on the
Continent, in which this country naturally felt a deep
iutetest. No man ever existed, deserving the name
of 'a statesman, who could doubt for a moment as to
the deep interest which this country must ever take
irathe fate of Holland and the Netherlands. What,
then, had we done With the later of these countries ?
Austria rejected them, Russia and the other Powers
felt s° interestin their defence, so that the whoie
lawthen of proe-cong Mem was throws. upon the
*boulders of Britain alone ! If an armistice only had
been signed at Paris, we should have brought to the
Ulterior negotiations all that influence which we pos.
sassed at the close of the war, and thus should have
been able to prevent that fatal delay which had since
ensued. When the Allied Sovereigns honoured this
cotnary with a visit; the language was, that that visit
was shortened because the Congress was immediately
to assemble. Wire then could have supposed that it
was to be so long adjourned, that even at this mo-
ment, perhaps, its proceedings had not actually corn-
nienced ? In this interval we had surrendered all the-
means of influence afforded us by our own acquisi-
tions, and werein consequence sadaled with the im-
mense expense of maintaining an army on the conti-
nent, in order to defend interests which our situation
alone at the dote of the war would have enabled ii
to protect. Had the old mode of negotiation beau
pursued, all.fita other Powers would have felt the
same burthen which now presses upon us, and
would all have been more anxious to accelerate a
,definitive treaty. into the nature of this engage-
ment, when it should come before the House, he
should enter more at large; he sheuid now only
remark upon its reciprocity, which was. most ex-
traordinary ; for, according to the Noble E irl, it
obliged unto Maintain an anti y on the continent, where
Prussia,. Russia,anchAustria would maintain one with.
oat obligation. What effect the presence of our army
might have in settling the minds of the people of the
Netherlands, be did not know; but that these minds
should be settkd at all by a foreign army, did not ap-
pear en consoling to this side of the House as it might
tO the other. 'Unless be wee grossly misinformed as
' teethe effective strength of that army, though the ex-
rarieneit was grievoc s, avid the precedent alarming,
sinnusuch asit was twadeavi•honothe consent or know.
Indathialterliannwit, iivivegaretto its effecrem:sheocion,
• ells :of Russia, Amnia, itieftaance, altlioop the
amount of it onlght.leit elliniiable in quality (3s he I
was suie such portioii as consisted of British soldiers
whistbo,) in pointolquantity, is was utterly incoa-
ble of producible any elf-ct at all an their councils.--
Having said_ thus muth, it mug not'be supposed that
he had exhaosted the subject. He would say more
when ibeeffect of that measure of separating the de-
finitive from the primitive treaty came before the
House. As to the enormous -expense of rem army
abroad, he did not deny that it was necessary ; but it
was not shewn to be so: the measure WAS 'IL W, and
called for the .moist distinct arid precise eni
of its necessity. As to its fleets On the general pact.
fication of Etirapp, the Noble Earl was silent : he did
.not call for his explanation • at present ; but dreadful
would be that inonsent when it should come, in which
the name of a British negotiator should be found
• auctioning the renewal and final eoabiishment cif
• Mat system of unjust partition, tibial) was, as his
Noble Friend (the Marquis of I.utsdowne) had truly
called it, the origin et, all our calamities. What
steps would be taken, he would not venture to pro.
nounee ; but at least we might have this consolatinn,
that if instead of hailing the re-estahlis!lment of that
national independence, the principle of that great
ramie in which we had fought and conquered, we
should be doomed to witness its Joel enndemnetion
to se: an act which should recognize no right in any
nation to independence, but which shoula declare
that the power a f the strongest was the only
and that ambition was the only rule of justice, sigifed
by all the Sovereigns at the Congress, and handed
down to posterity as the final issue of the Contest of
Feirepe—we nyglit at least have this consolation, and
the Noble 1 irl might have at least this satisfaction
al accompanying the dreadful ins:rumen' with a pro-
test lamentieg its execution, disciairnieg any alaitre
in it, refusing to acknOwledge it, steaming it to be
an insult on the ri4lits of mankind, and a violation of,
thoseprinciples solemnly recognised in the State-paper'
which had been read by his Noble Friend ; but be
could not enter into the separate cases of those powers
ho would be the victims of such an instrument, for
that would imply a doubt that such a measure was
contemplated ; he Caold not make a question of the
tight cf transferring the sovereignty of Sazony, (a
people happier in their own galvernment than any ,
other nation of Germany),. against the desire of the
Oeupiti—anal in opposition to the will of those armies
aetio congnered at Leipsie, the battle of which was
tle root and feundetion of all success—teethe demi-
tion of any other power : he could not bring himself
to enquire whether natiens were to be transferred like
flocks and herds—not as subjects of a Prince who
held their government in trust for their benefit, but
as peoperty to be assigned at the will of its possessor.
He should have felt moreut ease, nevertheless, if the
Noble Earl, ineteed of preserving silence on this
point, bad proclaimed principles like these, and had
assured the house that though our negociatiuns might
be unsuccessful, the, should at least be never stained
with the guilt of making us a party to principles de:,-
trtictive of the DUSK iiiiiffests and dearest rights of
linttiolik • •••••a.. ••
TM anvils of LANSDOWNE raplained. and

••• • • •
afteed to inftr; 4h6i*dtdii- *cr stifi,f6neoo aftettht
word 46 copy" in bib Address 1 after4hitil it was pt
and carried nest. eon.—Adjourned.
HOUSE Of COMMON:I.
•
New writs were ordered to be issued fcr rite County t4Gia.
morgan. in the ro Am of Thomas Vymtisam, defeatotti--.
for the Borough of N..Wport, in the liet of Wight, lo the room
of Sir leo. W tn. Holmes, Barr. deceased t•itrei- fur the Borough
of Aylesbury, is the room of 'l'hotaaslisupcy, k,sq. wiso has
accepted the yhii! ern Hundreds.
The Ci-iAstt 11.1.01 t of the ttarne2oEtt brottilit up the
suboance of the Coneention cencludedstiltie4tseut to the tread..
of Chmmont and Pais, between Great Britain' and tip Ewe- '
rots of /twat ia and Russia, and the liug of Proesia.
Mr. CitOKER moved tilt: second rratling of the Seamen and
Petty-officers' Relief Bit, teas done accordingly, and to b:
committed to-morrow:
C3LONEL QUENTIST.

Colonel PALMER postponed his motion for the Evi-
dence of the Court-martial on Colonel Quentin till
Thursday. • •

SU?PLY.

The House then re;olved itself into a Committee of
Supply, when theehancellor of the Exchequer enove,i
that the necessary liAimates be relerreJ to the said
Committee.

Mr. TIERNEY complained. that the Right Hon:
Gentleman h.td not condescended to enter iota any
explanation of ilte:e estiin a:es.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
replied, that the only account which requi;ed expla-
nation was a sTrant of X 1,200,000 ; that ;...rraur tvcuia
be asked for the service of the Allies, of
House were apprised', With- respect to the oilier
votes, they were only the ordinary accotint.s, and iie
-thought to them there would be no t)l)iect:nn.
. The. House then went into the Coi;intittee.

"Sir G. WA R KEN DER then moved the vote of
seamen for the service of the year 1815,• oliservimz,
that it was not necessary fur him to Auer into any tit .
tail, as the war with Atotrica would require that the
trambers •thould be kept up. It was :as° particularly
desirable that the commerce of the country ahooki Le
-protected, the enemy's ships be annoyed, aiid there-
lore t',,e Vote would be for 70,009 ?nett. The other
Votes which would follow related to.k..opiirt,,,, the fleet
afloat. He then moved,—" That 70 vi i 0 men be
granted for the service of the. year 1;415, including
15,(44) Royal Marines.—Also that a sum of
.(,8! 5,250 be granted tor wages, at the rate cf.
e!. 15s. Gd. per man per nrinth, lor the said thrum
months."—On the quest;on being pear,
Mr. PONSON BY- expressed his sin prise that Mi-
nisters had not given a satisfactory statein;•nt to the
House, upon the general finances of the erniittry. He:
also desired to know why they had been called .firr;
early. together? If he were to conjecture, the' want of
money was the reasln. He hail read the Speech eveni
the Throne with attention, but he confessed that he
was not ingenious enrtt.,;ll to find out the canoe of tae
early meeting. To deny tile Vote of Supply seesuctis
peculiarly harsh, but lie must refuse to give his assetrtr
to any Vote for the public service, until the Mini.ters
had declared the rea3on. Some extraordinary pro-
ceedings had lately taken place between the Chaheel-
for of the Exchequer and what was c died $$ the mi.
Med haerest," witch required (it the vehicles (tom
which he gathered his informatLn were cot er..• ).sotrae
explanation. lie had also seen in the sante vehicles,
the Newspapers, r-nt;ments proceeding from a Citi.
a !man in the Chair (Sir C. Price) at a Meeting nt
Wet Ifirit*; tretioni Maje;ty's $$ the f:Cst aud
Wisest G riernment • Which the country • had ever
known," and ytt that:Gentleman had deel ired, th
this best and wisest Othretnntent was pursuing men.
sues most destruetiveto the eelznmorce ttf the eourtry.
He tvisherl, therefore, some statement from 'Emit Otte
of. the Muti,ters in respect to the tinarves.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
replied, that there. never was a more eirisplett decla-
ration of the cause t'w calling Parliament together,
than the Speech fioni the Throne contained. As to,
a financial St3'..ernnt, if the Right Honourable Grp-
tlem.l3 required a foil stateimnt, it crould not now-
be made, as the accounts w. re not all made op.--
He (the Chancellor (4 the EsLheqiiel ) had no obj:c-
tion, ii.ot‘ever, to answer any cluebtion now, a!thniugh
a few dal.s would hi ing the whole of tie acconnts be.
1.7 e the House. There was nothing of an alarming
kind in the state of the finances—nothing even to
create suspicion. As to the Loan—a false. rumour
bad gone, abroad upon the subject, which he had eon-
tra&r.ted through the Governor and Deputy Corer-,
?fur of the tank of Etteaud ; who had, lie bel.i. vett,
communicated his rate.sage.-tt, the Gentlemen c0n..1
cerned in the Lean. --There was no idea on the past
of Government of propoin.7 a Loan, err of funding
the outstanding Exchequer 111 F. All that would be
proposed were the ordinary Vides of the annual tascs
—the renewal of some Etc:lir:per Bills not paid (:i.
Three millions had been provided for in the last Ses-
sion out cf fifteen millions, and the remaining twelve
would in this manner be provided for. • The Right
HtintitivableGentleistan had alluded to the Bonding or
Vi'arettonsing System—that system, as the House
be*, was estAblished in Isi3. A general Ware-
housing Act was then passed, under which a v iriety
ofyonsts; some of which were subj?ct to high duties,
weir allowed to be warehoused upon giving bond for
the payment of those ditties, nithin eighteen months.
In 1809, when the continental system of the enemy
was in its fullest effect, Parliament allowed the Lords
of the Treasury to afford relief to the merchants by
extemiing the time for bonding their goods to a period
of six months longer. At that time, the goods of
British merchants were excluded from the ports of
tile Continent. From time to time this indulgence
I was extended until the last year, when, after a succes-
sion of glorious results to the arms of the Allies, the
ports were opened, and we found a market'. Then the
Lords of the Treasury thought it was time to resort
the system .to its former and original regularity. The
Rie,!,t H•at- Gentleman read the orders issued in conse-
quence from the Treasury, the lest of which permitted,
upon the usual representation, the goods to continue
in r...ie warehouses till the 30th October, but no longer.
IVl;en the Gentlemen waited on Lord Liverpool and
himeelf, some said they had not heard of the last order
—others admitted that it had been issued, but said
they thought,'Government would not have acted upon
it. Tliere were several interviews, but no one case.
of particular hardship was stated at the meeting.
With repect to the goads necessary to be warehoused,
coffee was excluded from the markets of the Conti:
neut. and tiamrfore the Merchants had been allowed
to bond that article for twelve months: Peruvian
Bark and Aara la were in the same predicament.—
Nowt with respect to the • hardihip of the rase, she.

•
gOodil Witelted:ed. were liable to ti • liefiattel
Je1,g00,009 fordinies. Indulgencies had bten gya4sel
s.st onliane-Itic ana, in fact, the whole of the dritieS
'which (supposing GovernMent persevered in transit.
tsu the payment) would amount to about .€3cr,0091.
Tfiiir 4.itie the violent and harsh pro:.eediog :,d'opted
towardi the ,Merchants. Ent; of that bum only
£75,000 was to he paid down, the rest to be paid by
instalments in four months. In saying this, he did
not mein to deny the value of the warehousing Sys.
tem to the country, hut the Revenue Officers were
of opinion that it was open to great abuses. The
accounts of the revenue, in respect to this system.
were very voluorinsars. The Excise accounts of the
duties exceeded 10(1;) folio volumes ! Consequently
great confusion must arise in kecpintr, theic accounts.
He had no objection to exend the Bonding System,
but first the pre4nt system must he wound up.
Mr. BARING sand, that the system was one of
the greatest rnornean to the commerce of the country,
'rue Right Hon. Gentleman had certainly put the
question •on its fair ground; in admitting its value,
and he 11.1 d said it was his intention to introduce a
new one, bin the first must be broke up. He (Mr.
Daring) had• eaMplain on the part of the Mer.
chat:., that he had iteVeir given the fair explanati:in
he had not condeltiendeetilrthis nirht to give it,and it
would not be till thgtfdtrow, through the public prints,
;hat they weadd know it. The Merchants had for
own hours tried ell their eloquence to persuade the
Right lion. Gentleman that it would be ruinous to.
:.teak it.op,Arast the only reply- they could obtain
was, that they should have an answer: The next
morning they got an answer, which was, that th:•
tolii‘t be p tid-on such a day. The Merchar.tt.
li id reason to sittipose, that as they had been indulged
year afier year, from 1803, some little exten.-iion
would now he grtnted them ; but they Must send
their goods out of the country, when Government'
knew tf eyer. wail a dilicrtitlty in finding a market. The
13onding System was simply this, that on goods p l-
ing duty i drawback was allowed on exportat'on ;
bat if "goods were lodged in the ting's warehouses,
ley rerintitred; and only paid duties if intersded for
home consumption. ' What he recommended was,
that. Metchaial should be allowed to import °leir
goods, and warehouse them, and that the. Oili•
erry of the Customs should Only notiee those goods
intended. Vr'hoine toosomption. That was, in fact...
the emit 61 l3an linr Syi'aem which the merchants de.
iircd. •Tney had orild the Right Hon. Gentleman,.
drat they were *ready to setae any cf:".ficiencies, or
Ake any arrangement on his own trims ; but .the
(tight lion. Gentleman would not he satisfied with.
Ottt breaking up the system altogether. The come-
isinhe is; that the Merchants Must send abroad ten
years' innartnption. Such was their situation, that
aakssahese elaims were attended to, he should feel'
it his duty to move for a Committee to i noire into
the subject. The Right Hon. Gentleman had talked
.if a thousandfoliti volumes; the truth was, he had
listened too math to' the Revenue Boards, and too
iirtle to the merchants. He could assure the House
that there was no consaMption for the great matt of
goods irbported. The Right 'Hon: •Gentleman had
'salted of starting afresh: to that he had no obj,ction,
if he meant to settle the question amicably. It was
a 'fact, that the confidence of foreigners in our corn.
Lthertial relations was +mach . shaken, Forme! ty, by
:short)d Naves:rid to any foreign:c, if the cprextinn had
been put-to him (Mr. Baring) that our commercial
system was the wisest of any knowu system ; but now
he could not say so, for same new whim nrsiAlit come
across Ministers within the next six moothi. The
Hon. Gentleman wished to know what objection Go.
vcrnment could possibly have to taking a tomer of
the goods now under hond, and allow them to pay
dmieifor "those 4101 y intended fur home consumption.
Mr. B .iiogcor.cluded With stating, that he would
scale. for the new system of the Right Hon. Gentleman
b-fore he moved for :t Committee.

Mr. VRO'II'HEROE sAitt, the Honourable Gen-
tleman uho h 4 just..sat down had certainly favonred
the Howie with a very lifcid account of the.bonJed
system ; hut he did not think he hid treated the Right
Hon. Gentlym•in With•the utmnst eandnur, When he
used Vie expression, that it ivas the Right Hon. Gen.
tlenun's.intention to break up the bonded system.
Having seen so much I itelY in the public prints on
this subject, he had Wen rather in expectation of re-
ceiving some instructiont from his constituents on the
ribjecr ; but they had not. even sent him it-single ob.
servation on it, nor could lie find that in any of the
oui.potts the merchants viewed 'the subject in the
same light hts those of Lnndnii seemed to do.

The —CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said, it was impassible to persuade the Gentlemeri
who waited upon him to he satisfied with what they
called " a partial redress." • In respect to the foreign
ports, the restriction at Marseilles was much stronger
than in this country. Here the bonding system was
only for the year. As to the operation of the ten years
consumption, the orders applied principally to three
exciseable articles—tobacco, wines, and 'spirits ; the!
operation in French wines would be abnu: a 30th part.
On others, the consumption of six weeks, about one-
s ighth ; on brandies one-60th ; on Geneva one.3oth ;
on rum about the (220. h part, and yet the lion. Gen-
tleman talked of a ten years consumption.
Mr. SHAW, in allusion to the loan, recommended
some offical communication in fcture in that respect,
as from the late private one, advantage had been
taken of the circumstance, and the fends in a short
time experienced an advance of between tour and live
per cent.

Mr. BARING, in explanation, stated, that in al-
luding to the consumption of ten years, he meant
there were certain atticles not consumed by the coun-
try at all.
Mr. TIE RNEY rose to state, that as the question
was likely to be soon under discussion again, he
would not trouble the House at any considerable
length. He commented briefly upon the Bonded
System, and proceeded to condemn the communica-
tion which the Right Honourable Gentleman oppo-
site, (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) felt it his
duty to make with reference to the loan rumour.—
(Hear, hear.) —The consequences would be ex-
tremely unpleasant, if, upon every occasion when
rumour canvassed the financial measures of the Mi-
nister. he ,WAS himself to come forward, and tender
official explanation to the public. When done in one
ease, it would be expected in another, and the pre
cadent would lead to the most dangerous results.---,
He fully acquitted the Chanuellor of the Exchequer,
to the purity of whose motives• ha had at alll times

_ ~ ~~:•,

gittiralefitt; 'at :Ay blitz* itthich 10"liti1Kr.
'meek of mtitirt4 the cntnnittniesttlon, it itzrsr;•l
Irats ritmdu; prevailed of in intenJeci
Christian t tie funds went down. Whe! the IT).
pert ursti.• declared without fnun.fatinrri ;bey aeliii•
etvoirer4. The fact was plain, howeVer; that Uri
Civy had some little idea of the finincial. stve of the
'couirris and it 1145 plain, that eien after such
Large grants to the Government, th"y plaited .no
very efiensive confidence in the pledge (I the Mir
nister. They were right in the fact of his wanting
mini, but they erred In hitting upon !t
( Hear, mar.)—lt appeared in Vain for his Right
:on. Friend (Mr. Ponsntiby) to inclu;re tite reasons
for the early call for Parliament, with a v'ew of
seeking minutes into existir. frairr. The night
Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of thb Exclieqtr.a
remained mute ; but rviw the reaitin was chitin:is :
the present vote explained it, and fortified
surmises.- (Nlr. Tierney) had nti
wn.h to embarrass the public sertice—qni•e the re-
verse. He merely wanted to know why money WM
wanted now, after the grants so late as last July ?
Was not that entitled to a reply ? Did the :•linlstxr
mean to say--4, T want money for purposes nl i.a I
1.1” not choose to explain, and vl-en you Vote it' yrni
may go about your business ?"—Tliis was the svennil
Session when such conduct had been pursued. The •
first time the House felt Cue awful s:tilacon of tke

country, and h:id armed Ministers with the Man ex-
tended means of Contending with a delivra*eneitiy I
the times were nose alter:d, the necessity had vanished;
rejOkingi "friefthletiltintivicestplsiee, and the public •
were entitled in enli•for every eiplanatien inginritt4
with the expendituie they were to fix called oral to Meet.
This decision became peculistly thanilest. b (*ban;
ceflor of the Exchequer called fop nti•ltiarik he had
yet heavy arrears to discharge, their amount he with.
held from Parliament mail the It erinent be demanded
supplies, and even then without .InfOftbitian s and
by this proceeding erpo!ed himself to 'the aktarsatiod
of having conceuled faces which he was bound to &to
choice—(Hear, Mfr.) The operation of.edth ,
rice could only deteriorate public confidence--.it Itad
done so, and the result was visible. It was time' to
arrest its source ; so impics ied was he witlf thin
feeling, that he would not vote for a shilling
the items up to the January demands fut. the (Alit:
.service. He implored the H nice to NUS! before Oct
blindly advanced in an ungwirdtd dispnial Of did •
money of their constituents : to vote no more until sa- •
ticfactory information preceded the grant: If they'
neglected this.admo &ion the eensequelice would be
the money would be wrung trod) the people, and
Parliament would be dismissed until February per. •
haps—(liter.) AU'lhnse 'alarms of invasi ;n were
now done away—all those unjust aspersions 811411
attached to men who il.ffered with the (Jilting Co.
vernment, wete at an end—and it becathe tae Hon‘c
of Commons to express its sentiments, as tue legi.
timate guardian of the puhlic purse—(Hear, hear.)
He felt it his dirty to impress upon thlm, and not
without :folly inquiring into the question Itself, the
declining nature rf the finances of the country. HO
affirmed, without the fear of contradiction, that not 4
moment was to he lost in probing the state of the
sources of the nation, and of applying an imm..:JiaLe
remedy to the perils which encompissid them. A
,1 pet was necessary. wit'anut an hour's delay. upon
the total income expenditure, not only for the pia:
pose of sliewing by whrt ce:enemy (and even .
word is hardly expressive enotOi for the called for
retrenchment) a saving can be eirectee., but of Asti
ascertaining and defining the lirsi s o( a .I'.:ace-
Establishmenf. ( Hear.) For five years he had
urged this revision to tita House—it read not h.ent
attended to ; and m.O k 11,,w they h. d proceeded...-
In the year 1141 t.: ,e Army Extraordin,,ries were
stated at R 1,7.50,000; —the next ye..r a scum of
4'3'27,000 was cAlled far to make up a deficit ;- a
1811, £3,2,-)0,000 was their stated amount; the year
after a deficit of ‘2,503/00 was called tor. Tho
hollowing years five millions was the calculation, and
four millions it; addition was subsequently necessary
to meet the.claims. In the.list year ten Millions hbeen voted, and there now appeared a sithrue of n 0...!
millions. (Hear.) —Cn;uld su:li a system last ? and
yet in the Prince Regent's Speech the revenues were
represented as in a flourishing state I The Ministers
had taken the responsiblity of putting into the mouth!
of the Sovereign an asvrtion quite at variance with
the fact. He (Mr. Tierney) affi-med, the reventica
were in a miserable condition.—(Hear.)—Twenty
years ago a revenue of 20 millions might be stated
as a flourishing standard. Such a sum was now any
thing but flourishing. Of what use were great receiptsi
if the demands were in proportion greater ?—(Hear.)
Here Mr. Tierney begged leave to read an abstract
of a statement which he had himself prepared upon
the subject of our financial condition. In the first
place, he assumed that twenty millions would be suf.
hicient to wipe off the war expenditure up to the first
01 January next, including the American war•eXpenseg .
hch he assumed would terminate within the same' •
period. The amount of Income receipts of Great Bri4
tam, taking the receipts of January as the standard;
including taxes, increase of the Sinking Fund, &c.
amounted, alter the usual deduct io:ts, to, 10,344006:
This sum, together with the Customs arid Excise re. •
ceipts, amounted to a sum total of a€ 46,367,00
against this charge, including the deficit of the Iriub
debt, and Various other reductions, we had to place :i
debit of 5e46,912,000 ; the balance, therefore, remain. '
ing for our peace establishment, was solely £65,000.
The Right Honourable Gentler:lin entered into an
elaborate detail cf the various items upon which his.
calculation was founded, and clearly shewed that the
stuns were all taken in the most reduced shape, as
bearing upon the public expense, and much uni+er
what the real issue would be which the public wou/1
ultimately be called to defray. He submitted
whether a peace establishment of sixty-five thou.
sand pounds was not calculated to appal any man
conversant with the national wealth—and where
was the remainder to be procured ? What resources •
remained untouched t The plan of last year, namely,
the draft upon the Sinking Fund, had certainly saved
fresh Taxes, but it had done considerable mischief.
—(llear, hear).—The Right Honourable Gentleman
next entered Into a statement. by which it appeared
that the Sinking Fund was reduced 9?4,400,000, br
the late appropriation, and that its effect must have
greatly tended to the late fluctuation in the Public
Funds. Front this it was dear that no Rather redue.
tion of that pane could be attempted. What that
was to be done? Aras,ooo wsutd feta their only item

1

1

fora peace establishment. They .must .restart to a
loan petit ,ps. The rtopeety Tax would expire on
the sth 4pi Was itintended, in open violatiotiaol
a tolenin
,legislative pledge, to prolong that wont
heavy impost ? _That tat legally expired withitX:six
months after the war which was in existerwe at its
enactment. No legal attempt at quibbling could
affix any longer term to its duration without an open.
and flagrant breach of public faith., It was time,
therefore,
.to require explanation. Aids expiring
at the same time, those for instance relative to the
Bank restriction, had been early provided for; and
if the Property Tax was conceived at all tangible,
was it not likely to h:ive been.included with them ?
lf the House overlooked all those para Mount consi-
deration*, and consented to an adjournment at the
will of the, Minister, they may not meet, as some per-
sons said, until rebruary, when it would be too late
for the ceasideration of the petitions which would
Now from ever quarter• against this infraction of a
compact, which, if once 'violated, would fur ever de-
stroy every confidence in public security. It would
be more candid and move hone,t to come forward and
state the bold facts known long since to every inquir-
ing mind,. namely, that the finances of the nation
were crit.e,il beyond example—that the. House and
the c mirbt look them in the face, and apple a
hold but steady.,rtmedy---(llear)—new taxes must be
adopted and ettforced, as the only alternative—the
House.must inqnire and report upon the evil—above
ail they must see where retrehchiuents can be grasped,
and rigorously avail themselves of its utmost advan.
time—(Wear, hear!)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
declined followirig the Right Honourable Gentleman
through the various (Weis of his elaborate speech;
the gloomy predictions it contained had more than,
once been made with equal perseverance, and had ul-
timately been found surcharged and illusive. .He
fully agreed that the financial state of the country was
entitled to the deepest attention, and that any re.
trenchnient would be a•practical benefit—of those
views he trusted he would never lose sight. The
/Height Hon. Gentleman, however, had thought pro-
per"to load him with two heavy charges. To the first,
namely, that of concealing from the public any
branch of its demands, he would at once give a de-
cided negative.—(Howe, hear.)—The circumstances
which had led ,to the unexpected alteration in the
grants, arose princip.:lly from the Navy Estimates
besting fallen short an their application, owing to the
urfareseen return of a number of prisoners with
heavy demands, and also from the expense of the
American war The army establishment was also
upon a larger scale than had been at first intended,
and greatly contributed to swell the present amount.
To the second charge, which was of a more serious
complexion, viz that of having falsified a statement
for the Royal- ear, by mis-stating the revenue, he
would also reply with an ec,tually decisive contradic-
tion. The revenue had been progressively increasing
during the last three years. The tact was indispu-
table ;—the quarterly returns placed it beyond a
doubt'; they alwaved a regular monthly increase. It
was true the Consolidated Fund had not much ex-
asOeded its charger:
.It WAS the same at the close of
the' foliar:. American war. The same predictions
then ass tiled it.; and in a few. yearsb2w rapidly it
race under the auspices of Mr, Pitt. (That, hcar,)—
Jfpnce soul Spain were then equally powerful;
and- he, therefore. hoped, that the pretent prospeci
wnuld not be lin maimating in. its guise, and
saoislactory in its result. :The Right Hon. Geutdetnan
Lad salted rather niumphantly, • what bad become
sit• the Lund, which he (the Ctrancellor of the Excise.
maser') had formerly spoken of, as being applicable to
the exigencies of a peace establishment ?
:In.anstver
to this he should Merely observee that, though a part
it bad been aperoptiated, in consequence of the,
great loans that were negociared within .the last two
years and a halo yet it was much more extensive
than the Right Hon. Gentleman was willing to ad-
mi7. It amounted, at present, to obout setio,ooo,ooo.
That thereallould be marry points, cornice:ocl with
the finances/at the country, which called fur examine.
tior, at the end cf so long and expensive a war, ,was
not surprising. • '1 he Property Tax . would expire on
the Sth of April—the Bank Restriction Act in March
.—and various •other important statutes about tlw
sapre time.,—which was a sufficient pledge that they
slaaild assemble at a reascro.bie period after Christmas.
Mr. PONSONBY contended, that the Property
'Via expired at the end of the st ar, and that Parliament
eoold not, in jusOce to the public, continue it longer.
sr. W. KEENE reprobated the conduct of Ame-
rica in joining France against the liberty of Europe.
The several Resolutions were then read and agreed
to, Oa the Vote for the Ordnance Service,
*Mr. 'WHITBREAD wished to know whence arose
the difference between the calibre of Capt. Barclay's
guns and those of the Americans, which occasioned
that Officer's unfortunate failure ?
Sir G. WARRENDER said, they had no infor-
mation.
Mr. WHITBREAD—" Were the Admiralty not
in possession of a letter from Capt. Barclay, stating
that be had not less than eight magazines for the
different sizes of guns, 01) board his ship."
'Mt. CROKER said there was such a letter, but
there was no information by whose order that ord-
nauce was put on board. •
'MI. W lin BREAD said, it was very strange that
die letter was not produced on Captain Barclay's
tiial. He hoped illtre would be no objection to pro-
ducing it now, as it would foam an important charge
against the Admiralty.
Mr. BARING wished to know why the Admiralty
had not a sufficient force on the Lakes ? The Ame-
e'c,ns began the war with as bare a naval power on
the Lakes as we had. They have now beaten us off
two of the Lakts.
CKCIE,Ett said, that all the statements, with
regal,: to the naval affairs on the Lakes, proceeded
fro m misreOresentation, Government would be found
ready u. art any charge.
Ti c CHASCILLLOR of the EXCI:ItQUEIt
then moved, .tut, f 1,690,0(.0 begranted to naake
sopa do
:Tteati at;tl At' Erupt:tor cu Russia, &c.;
sel‘soo,ooo to pioWide f r putt tandieg 4zeroquer
Ull ; ao.l £1541000 tot it purpuse.
elialeft-OSSOVII.Y . w isl.ed to 'know the amount of
Pciwque, 1411s,sioss putstanding .
,tbk C or the EXCHEQO,4R
saideobla fla ayl4 a !v. lle aecounts in iolew dila; but
t!..e num rah vety I ; about .
444 r. t 0N49441T. MY, there lak! Aavef.biefore

THE EVENING STAR.

LON DON.

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1814.
PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT TWELVE Wt.. LOCK:
Reduced 6913-4 per Cent. per Cent. Navy 961 i
Consols 64t —for account, u 4 a—Wu:tutu 3il
Batik Long Aons.l6 1 -16th—Indta Bosidris3. Lbs. pre.
Exchequer Bills to sn. prent.

This morning we received Paris Papers to the 13th.
Theo- contents are highly interesting.
We informed our Readers yesterday, and on gcocl
authority, that a general Constitution was preparing
for Germany, founded on principles calculated to se-
cure the happiness, safety, and independence of every
individual State; and on such b.ises as would frus-
trate entirely the hopes of restless and unprincipled
men who wished the elements of imbecility to be per-
petuated in the Constitution of Germany. Our limits
do rot allow us to dwell on this subject; but the
extracts which we hate this day selected from
die Continental papers, will partly explain to our
Readers the arrangements to which we alluded.—
' It is impossible to contemplate the opening prospect
without emotions of the most pleasing kiwi. In one
word—The Rulers of Europe, now convinced that
tlttir own true dignity and independence is insepara•
bly connected with the rights, privilegfis and inde-
pendence of their subjects, are incessantly occupied in
devis'ng and organising those institutions which may
best promote these desirable ends.—Happy prospect !
It rpay pvt ipstantly tle realised: but if kept steadily

in view, die day may be /laded as not vety distant.
when “ town ►hall learn the art of war tr, more)'

HANOVER, OCTOBER 28.

The folio wing Proclamation has been published here:
" CARLTON HoOSR, AUGUST 12, 1814.
CZORGE, Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his
Majesty, our Father and Sovereign, Gaoling ill. &e.

" The principles, according to which our ancestors have, for
centuries, governed our States, are a sufficient guarantee to our
subjects, that it has never been our intentan to profit by the
overthrow of the Germanic Constitution by the restriction of
their rights. Since the deliverance of the Dectorate,the military
circututtances in which Germany found herself placed, and the
continual presence of foreign troops, have still farther prevented
us hoot forming regular deliberations with our faithful States,
as the measures which it was necessary to take would not allow
of the least delay, and as most of the arrangemetiu which they
commanded, were necessary to be executed according to the
resolutions agreed upon between the Allied Sovereigns. Never-
theless we have deliberated by ourselves alone with the States of
the different provinces on the affairs of the country, as often as
possible. Although the State may not have a complete Consti-
tution befire the issue of the Congress of Vienna, which, we
hope, will be fortunate; and although the resolutions which may
be
_adopted at it may have a decisive influence over the internal
relations of the German Provinces of hii MAJts-rr, yet we have
wished not to defer any longer the entering upon discussions
with all the United States of those provinces relative to the dif-
ferent objects which concern each in particular. It is natural, as
has been proved by experience, that the separation of the different
provinces should render extremely difficult the concurrence of
the States, on questions which relate to the general affairs of the
country, and that this separation OlUit necessarily cause a consi-
derable loss of time. But besides, the difference of opinions has
hitherto rendered it impossible to have an unanimous resulnti tit
on the part of those States, either because the representatives of
each province in Particular did not possess the right of deliberat-
ing on the relations of the other provinces of the country, or
because it was impossible to have an absolute majority of voices
on account of the distance of the different countries from each
other.

" This separation has produced as many different systems for
taxation, and the modes of liquidating the debts of the country
as there were different States. It was necessat y to consider as
separate countries particular provinces of the sante country, and
this has interrupted, here and there, a free communication be
useen our subjects. The change of circumstances, and the injury
done to the country by its occupation by the enemy, Ti quire
ameliorations in the forming of the Administration. We do not
propose in any manner to change the Consiitt.ttou, in those re-
:peat, which guarantee the rights and reciprocal relations be-
tween the Sovereign and the subjects. We shall, in this respect,
retain the Constitution of the States in the different provinces,
with such reservations and modifications as may be deemed ne-
cessery or useful. But as the rights of the States are confined to
their respective provinces, and as the authority of the Sovereign
extends to all the country, which ought to be governed accord-
ing to uniform principles, we ate couviisced that our faithful sub-
jects will regard as a benefit, and as a proof of coalidence on our
part, that we should decree, as we do by these presents, that
henceforth ail the general affairs of the ceuntry which may be
brought under discussion with the States, conformably to the
constitution wiach has subsisted to the present cline, shall be
submitted to an Ar:sembly or the States of -all the Provinces,
which shall adopt on such subjects a general resolution.
" As the circumstances above mentioned, and even the tin-
, certainty as to tl.c extent of the frontiers of the eountry, do not
permit, at the present time, a filial determination as to the mau-
-1 ner in which the different Provinces arc to concur in forming a
General Assenibly, we decree, for the present, that the States
of all the Province* which now compose the Electorate shall form
themselves, by means of Representatives, into a General stet,
on the 15tb of December next, at Hanover.. We expect that
these Deputies shall appear with full powers on the pert of their
Constituents, to vote on the subjects which shall be submitted to
their deliberation, without requiring subsequent instructions.—
Thus these Deputies will be regarded as the Representatives of
the wkule country, and•not as the delegates of particular pro-
vinces or corporations. Aud to the end that the Charters, aware
of the limited number of their members, may choose sneh per-
sons as enjoy their perfect confidence, we permit them to elect
their Deputies freely, without being obliged to confine them-
selves in their choice to the members of their own body. The
towns will have the same liberty in this respect, according •to
their particular constitution, and they will not he compelled to
elect their Syndics or Magistrates. We reserve to ourselves to
determine in a mere precise manner, when the Congress at
Vienna as well as those primary States General shall be termi•
na.ed, the mode of representationeand that of the election of the
President, as well as of the Deputies. For this time, the Depu-
ties will choose from amongst themselves a President, a Syndic-
General, and a Secretary. (Signed) " Cumin ri, Prince Regent."
, VIENNA, OC roBEIt 31.

Sir Sydney Smith is charged with two very impor.
taut missions to the Congress : the first is, to demand
of all the Powers of Europe the abolition of the Slave
'Trade ; the second is, to require measures to be taken
for the subjection of the Barbary Pirates, who suc-
cessively insult all flags, who desolate the coasts of
Italy and the Adriatic, and who must be attacked
and reduced. It is said that the English Commodore
has received considerable sums of moaey from dif-
fcrent philanthropic societies in London, for the pur-
pose of pursuing these two objects. Indeed, no man
can be more capable of accomplishing such a purpose ;
his talents, his activity, and the consideration which
he enjoys, will have a great weight. But the Con-
gress has so much business to attend to, that it
may be unable to turn its attention to matters of this
kind ; and it is feared that no decision will be taken on
these great questions.