Star.
London, England, 1831-09-29 00:00:00

THURSDAY EVENING,

STATE OF THE SILK TRADE.
Silk Goode and Foreign Thies n Silk, im-
ported during the fret fourteen days of Sep-
tember. 1831: £. s. d.
154 Aids of Tulle Lace at 10s 72 0 0
reiBllk Goods, ad valorem ..... 26,235 0 0
2,120 pee. Nem bats Bandannas at 21s 2,249 10 0
31 do. ditto Broad Goods at 71 217 0 0
27,773 10 0
18,050 lbs. Foreign Thrown Silk at 24a

01,••••••=.11ED
£4,029 10 0
As above, the public have again an extract from
the Customs' Returns, showing the melancholy
results of Mr. Heakijesee measures being still
emeniseed in. • '
The Silk Trade is &tea into a dreadful state o
esehernewenent; most of the Manufacture's sad
Throwsters are coming to a stand-still ; some
Mills are totally closed • others reducing their
employment to a half; and all are obliged to con-
tract the small pittance of wages and all for
what ? Because Mr. Huskisson's scheme is to
be tried a little longer ; and a year ap, Mr.
Fitzgerald (by the advice of a Political Empiric)
gave the grinding screw another turn, by a fur-
ther reduction of the Duties on Foreign Silks.
We trust the Board of Trade are alive to the
ruinous importations which are crushing the Ma-
nufacturers, and that something will be done to
relieve them, or a wretched winter, we forebode,
awaits this neighbourhood.—Macclesfield Courier.
A
LUCBA, 114NOVEX.14MdflICA.
At a namerous and respectable meeting of the
inhabitants of Hanover, held -at the Court-house,
in the town of Loam, on Saturday, the 30th July,
1831, convened by the Hon. Robert Allwood,
Castes of the said perish, in conformity to a requi-
sition from the said inhabitants addressed to him,
for the purpose of taking into consideration the,
alarming state of the colony ; the following reso-
lutions were proposed and agreed to :
That this meeting, taking into consideration the
alarming state of the 'country, look upon an open
and fearless avowal of our sentiments as the only
means in our power for the preservation of our
lives and the security of our property, as nothing
short of our destruction and annihilation is aimed
at by the malevolent and interested views of a ma-
lignant party in Britain, who, under an assump-
tion of sanctity, conceal the greatest depravity,
and beneath the garb of religion and philanthropy
promote their schemes of political advancement and
pecuniary interest to.our ruin.
That we have been most grossly traduced and
calumniated by the Anti-Slavery Society, who Mis-
represent the actual Mtn .000111d411.0tOorl
negro population, and that the teeliegs of our fel-
low subjects at home are wound up to the highest
pitch by the basest acts, most wanton Old atro-
cious falsehoods, relative to the management of our
peasantry, notwithstanding we anxioulycoort rigid,
inquiry into the real state of our labouring class.
That his Majesty's Ministers should be thus con-
trolled by- such a faction we deeply lament, and
until that ceases we can have but little hope of a,
fair and impartial hearing.
That whereas our property to slaves has been'
recognised and guaranteed by repeated acts of
the British Parliament, any attempt to destroy pro-I
perty thus sanctioned is a violation'of every prin-
ciple oflaW and justice, unless full Compensation
shall be previously awarded by the British nation.
That though our fellow subjects have been re-
lieved Of 30 millions of taxes since the peace, yet
the war tas on our staple has, contrary to all good
faith, been continued, and this during the period of
most unparalleled distiess : and that as we have
every reason to know we have every thing to fear
from the policy of the party in Britain, and nothing
to hope from its justice, we proceed to elect a de-
legate or delegates from the meeting, to consult
with the delegates or officers that may be appointed
by the other parishes in this county, as to the best I
and most efficient means to form a colonial union
for our mutual preservation.
That we are still disposed to evince the same
loyal and patriotic feeling to our beloved and re-
veiled Sovereign, common with the rest of His
Majesty's. subjects, we there fore take th's oppor-
tunity of offering our congratulations to William
IV. when we observe n the throne of Great
Britain a Monarch who has resided in earlier life
on the shores of this once happy and contented
island, and who is thus enabled to judge of the real-
state of our affairs, to whom, 'leder the presetogloomy
prospects, we look for countenance .and protect'on.
Accounts have been receivelat bublin, by two
ships from Antigua, that the dreadful hurricane at
Barbadoes has been worse than first represented;
more lives and shipping were lost.
Some medical men in France are said to have
ascertained that gold is preferable to mercury in
many diseases. These learned gentlemen must be
wags. Mercury, we all know, is the god of gold
and of physicians. Gold applied to the palms of
the latter has always been a panacea among them.
CURL FOR Tilt CHOLRR A Morava.—Several
of the clew of the French frigate Arethusa, when
lying at Annapolis 12 years ago, were attacked
with cholera, and the following simple remedy was
.used with the greatest success:—" Rice eater,
made very strong, with much sugar and a little
laudanum, drank plentifully." Out of 140 sick,
only one di: d.—New
.York Paper.
From the returns presented to the House of
Commons it appears that the official value of the
imports into the United Kingdom from the British
colonies and possessions, in the year ending the
'sth of Jemmy, 1830, was 19,863,8401. 12e. 9d;
'that the British and lrieh pn deco, exported to
them in. -the same period,. was, in official value,
'15,534,8821..2... 11d. and, m declared value,
10,996,2451:105. 10d. The .Foreign and Colonial
smirchoodiiie exported_ to out coloniskand posses-
sions, from the United Aingdem during that year
was, in official value, 1,765,0781. 17s. Id.

THE SPRING GUN MILL.

---.41,..---
TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR.,
Mr LORD,—I can scarcely dosed% the as-
tonishment and disgust with which I pertnertin the
public papers, a few days ago, the repeal aide
in the House of Lords to bring in a bill to legalise
the setting of Spring Gene. 111111 thhig-cineld
la, increase those unpleasant f . 4. it we' .11ffr
support which the proposed seas AIR&
have received from your
.: •: It if new
only a few session, since the *well Osaka 1,-
1 ceitedAfter protracted opposition. What every man
of oesncrson -man and common-humanity hailed
milelieWlyilaw- •
IP* vitroz*ity be considsied fo '611,11111110
country, ihe'Fcrturrstle OF JUSTICE. Is it.tken,
*doer. I ask, that a man &ell not may• be eon-
damned, bet, it may be, snot DEAD? is it not,
my Lord, admitted universally in this country, that
it is better that twenty guilty men should be ac-
quitted. than that one wise is innocent should be
punished ? But Isere, admitting the crime to be
deserving of death, scarcely one really guilty has
ever suffered by these inanimate engines, while
scores of innocent ones have been shot. Tn. pa-
nishment would always precede the crime. Are
we, my Lord, under any circumstances, give me
leave seriously to ask, to do evildmh good may be
effected, supposing, which .1 do not admit, that any
good can be effected by such means? 1 think
that yiur Lordship, will say No.
Would it be boron, my lord, in any state, that
individuals should' be frullsoriseiti by law to erect a
gallows, on partictifir Tiarte of their estates, and
set men to watch, day and night, for strangers
wandering within those prescribed accessible Limits,
authorised, if they could secure suck, to bee(
them without asking 'them a angle question? .0:
what amounts to much the same thing, to set thorn;
men so to watch, armed with guns, with orders to
shoot such strangers unchallenged ? I think that
your lordship will answer No ! •
Death, my lord, is a mellows thing; such, my
lord, we shall all oue-day find it •to be. It is of so
serious a nature, that under no circumstances, I
aver, ought man to inflict it. The man who may
beiMight to deserve it the. most, is, of all others,
the least fit to meet it. Man ought not, in any
case, to extend punishment beyond the 'boundaries
of the world in which the . crime was committed ;
and death Is of ell punishments, 1 am persuaded,
the least calculated to produce any of the legiti-
mate objeCts which it is intended to effect.
It maybe asked, how otherwise, than by spring
glia!" am tbn 1404114141. to be peevented from
rase** timsir ilibliimal purposes ? I can only an-
swer—by rational jolt and proper means. lam
not bound to say what those means should be, but
I will here venture to point out one, which would
not only be such, but which would certainly be in
a great measure effective.
I 'observed, my lord, that the debate which pre-
ceded the second reading of this most foolish, cruel,
and iniquitous bill, was (for, perhaps, the five hun-
dredth time) a. very long one on the almost squally
foolish, cruel, and iniquitous Game Laws.. Now,
my Lord, send these at coca, and for over, to those
Andes to which alt-unjeit wawa end Modem
ought to be sent, -and liundredii. nay, thousands
of useless gamekeepers will he'fbrown out of em-
ployment. • 'Let these, 'my Lord, all be eat‘-if all
ebouldhe aseessarpi-to watch inpeacethoire farms,
corn stacks, or other prAperty, which may be
thought to be in danger. HeM, my Lord, we bare'
many good purposes effected at once, without a
fart's*/ of expense being incurred, and without
violating any lane, human or &Sim.
What good does your Lordship or any other No-
bleman, conceive would be effected by setting:
spring guns about your corn stacks ? I'll tell
your lordship. what evil, I conceive, would re-
sult from it. Every one would thereby be re-
minded of the crime, and many who else would
never have thought of it, be led by that means to
he guilty of it. The villainous would be roused
to desperation ; whilst you would have furnished
them with a most effective instrument, ready al-
ways at hand, and they would often be *sagacious
and ingenious enough, to turn the gun against
the stacks, instead of against themselves. But ad-
mit,'nty cord, that out of the hundreds who may be
injured by these infernal engines, one real incen-
diary would suffer. What would be the conse-
quence? Why in all probability that the crime
would be multiplied, perhaps ten-fold. You meat
remember, my Lord, that there are means of firing
stacks, without coming near them.' It is at all
times, my Lord, both dangeroui and impolitic to
exasperate unnecessarily. Ler villains see that
you are not afraid of them, but never viola's
the laws of either. GOD or man, to detect or

punish them.
Were • this • proposed !sty to pass, u I under-
stand it, no man, particularly a stranger, could
travel in safety. He might be continually coming
'from various causes and necessities, on deadly ground.
Neither man, woman, nor child, could be safe. We
should be in a more savage state than the inhabi-
tants of the South Sea Islands formerly were.
The King (but not the Nobles) could there take
any building, object, or place, i. e. decree it death
for any one to treat or come near them ; but then,
even in that case, and in that place, they ,were first
heard, and formally condemned. But here, in this
civilised Christian country, not only the King, but
the nebles, and even the landowners in general,
would be able so to take-asty place, theft it might
be ISSTANT ristfiTH for tidy !Moir oreirtore tot ap-
proach within ► certain distance of them. Really,
my Lord, I think that, ombidering ;OS airlifts
'lance. of the present tithes, %Vedas offnetteilleb
madders. Intlit'haVe seized sou* of the memkos
o your liglekbooourable hoax. Do, my Lam,
• -Am pooidolrill not boor 4bio,
••• 141, 021111111,118 /I IIHOLDP.R
Shlfeld

in U.

1831.

PRICE SEVENPENCE.

SIGNS OF THE TIMES.

SPEECHES OF TWO WEAVERS AT THE LATE 'groan
MEETING AT MANCHESTER.
A man named Ashmore, a weaver, ?resented
himself. He said be wished to say a few • wok].
before the resolution was pilt to the vote. He
was not come there, as army might suppose, to
offer any factious opposition. (Hear.) As a
working man he came there to speak his send-
meats freely, and he hoped he should be allowed,
at all events be should demand to be heard, whether
allowed or not. He regretted that a meeting of
clew inhabitants of Manchester bad been called it
tleptTeets. Whroot 021 a meeting in the *an j
ahrm.a-- el .ea_. S._ n •

T
—.•••••••• mom., POW {ialMilL
'ilog of dm inhabitants of Manchester, when:hey
eaelclrt *mad! He Mgt adverted to the hour
at winch it had been called, and said that the
' people who worked in factories could not possibly
attend, and even if they ronld attend, (fired not
for fear of being bagged [discharged]. (Laughter.)
He contended there was .a material alteration
in the minds of the people now, to what there was
at first, as regarded the bill. (Cries of no, no.)
At all events, in the minds of the working claws:
and be was sorry to see so few of that class
there. (Hear, hear.) When' the reform bill first
Came out, many, glad of any change for the better,
approved of it, but now they thought differently.
The reform bill gave him nothing, and for that rea-
son be Was not content with it —(oh, oh !)—but he
would take it as a stepping-stone to a still further
improvement. (Aye, do.) He wanted annual
parliaments, universal suffrage, and election by
ballot, and the Reform Bill said nothing about
them. The gentlemen who had addressed the
people of Manchester on the. subject of the ensu-
ing election had. said nothing about these things ;
but he hoped when the -time mane, the people
would demand pledges from those who wished to
become their representatives. There was not a
word gloat extending the suffrage, and they must
expect nothing from either whigs or tories (cheers).
Beth agreed that the people should be robbed.
The brigs there not rob us now. (laughter.) He
next alluded to Mr. Hunt's motion for a repeal of
the corn laws, and said that the legislature were
averse to the pock man having a cheap loaf, and
as a proof of his assertion, instanced the great
majority against the motion for their repeal,
when there were one hundred and seventy -votes
against a cheap loaf, and only eight for it. (Cries
of Question.) He was digressing, it was tote, but
it would be to the point, (much laughter, and cries
of " have done.") In allusion to petitioning the
Houseartionis, thi spOsileir laid he did not know
if speaking any way disparagingly of the Rouse of
Lords would be right or not, but, for his part
be could do well enough without them. (Or.
der.)—[The Chairmen said he would or t allow
any such observations to be made at that meeting.
The House of Lords was an integral part of the
constitution of this country.]—Mr. Ashmore, in
eentinnation, said he was no enemy to the Lords,
but he wished Reform to go forward; rand would
say, that he for one would not petition them at all;
be would demand Reform as his birthright. He
was not opposed to the bill, but it did not go far
enough for him.
' Thomas Johnson, (a working man) said it was
his wish that every thing at that meeting should
be done peaceably and quietly, and that nothing
like confusion or uprc'ar should occur at that meet-
ing. He wished to refer to the resolution then
before the meeting, which expressed a desire that
the representation of the 'country should be more
perfect than at present. He thought the reform
bill, if passed, would be of great advantage, even
to the working classes, (Much cheering, mingled
with a few hisses.) Will the radicals hiss me
down ? (No, no, no.) Do they not wish for
free discussion, and that every man may state his
opinions freely ? (Yes, and applause.) They say
that the reform bill will not give them more food,
more clothing, or better dwellings to reside in ;
but still be would say, let us have the bill, for it
would be the means of enabling them to send some
men into the house of commons who would do their
duty when there, and protect the interests of the
labouring classes. (Great applause.) It would
be sure to effect good ; for, in proportion as the
*forking classes suffered, the other classes would
staffer also ; and they would then send members to
parliament in whom they could have confidence.
If the working man was reduced to ten shillings,
a week, whets be should receive twenty, would
not the shopkeepers and every person with whom
he expended his money, feel the doffereice between
receiving ten shillings instead of twenty ? And
yet when it would have this effect, could there
be any among the working classes aho would
say that this bill would do them no good ? (Great
applause.) It was his opinion that, limited as the
bill was, it would be to the working classes a great
advantage. (Applause.) He could not think that
the lords and commons could be so stupid as not to
see their own interests ; they would not all dins,
that their's and the people's interests were the
same. Members must get into the bone of com-
mons at the forthcoming elections who would do
the people justice; and the whole "wane would be
compelled, from the force of circumstances, to at-
teed so the wants of the working classes. (Cheers.)
Could there be found any man in the house that
would say that four Or five shillings a week was
sufficient wages for a working man ? (No, no.)
He Would say to all the radicals, receive this bill
thankfully, and then get all you can besides. Let
Mut look forward to the day w hen they will most
assuredly have dials winds rights ; then they should
in Itermeay ardism. and goo en in tqle-
riots Iftly. (Cheers end 'soapier.) .11ry. ght
halo; lame comical' ibe duties. was toggled el
the labouring chases. Several voicesherocalled
out theeMlea. sod Mr. Atheism., in the men in-,
'clout manner imaginable, said to the speaker,