Star.
London, England, 1830-11-16 00:00:00

ON SATURDAY EVENING.

M. 31 AI; GUI X. —ln the Congress of 1814 the Allied Powers, amongst
whom was France, laid down as principles, that no people had the right
to change ha government ; that they have a right of control on the use
which each state may make of its liberty ; and, above all, that they
wil: give up the right of preventing in France the establishment of dis-
eriler under the name of government. Since that period they have
shown more than once what sense they apply to the above principles.
Ti:e constitutions of Naples, Piedmont, and Spain have been 'violated
art. trampled under feet : they wore overthrown, notwithstanding that
Aalbassadorx had received their credentials to the new Government :
and all this was effected much more by the aid of diplomacy than by
the force of arms.

We lead in the spach of the King of England. that he and his
allies are determined to maintain the general treaties by which the poll.
itcal system of Europe has been established. Now, the treaties in ques.
tiou are those of 1814, which are inseparable in their execution from
the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna; inseparable from the right
of intervention, and from the system of the Holltance. forming a
part of the political system of Europe. It is useless to dissemble. and
:here is no reasoning against facts. If we compare this declaration of
an inviolable attachment with the feeling the British Cabinet have lately
.lisplayed, we shall be forced to confess that our revolution is viewed
wish a jealous eye by the British Government; and when a Govern-
ment allows its repugnsnoes to transpire, it announces at the same
time its future projects. When we also compare the speech I have
just alluded to with the Congress now opened in London to decide
upon the Belgian question, we may certainly be allowed to entertain
some uneasiness relative to the conduct of the late Administration.
Intervention--such is the principle of the Allied Powers. Intervention,
in order to prevent the establishment of any kind of Government that
may not happen to be in perfect harmony with their own ; such is the
tight they proclaimed in 1814, as they had done it before in 1792 ; and
let us add, such is the right proclaimed by the British Cabinet in 1830.
But the treaties or 1814 secure the possession of Belgium to the House
of Orange, We are therefore obl logically speaking, to espouse
the cause of the Dutch against thei Belgians. But if so, what part MN
we to play at the Congress P The intentions of England are Est
doubtful, and the persevering tenacity of the Minister now at the Ina
of its affairs is known to all. If we take the part of the &Igloo
against Holland, we shall violate the treaties of 1814, which we bad
promised to observe. If, on the contrary, we defend the rights
of the House of Orange, the Belgians will refuse to submit.
Shall we then declare war against them ? All Francs would
revolt at such an idea. In what a painful situation have we
been placed by an imtrovident administration; we must either com-
promise the peace of burope, or fight against our dearest neighbours.
Let us hope that the new Cabinet will find means of putting an end to
such a cruel alternative, and also of maintaining the liberty of Belgium.
When our revolution of July gave to our politics their former power and
tittnness, another line of conduct might have been adopted in regard to
Spain. It is far from me to vote for mu, and, indeed, it would not
hwe been necessary, to obtain satisfaction. But we ought to have a
decided course of politics; no kind of half measures. The Spanish
Constitutionalists were enabled to levy troops, to buy arms, and to make
every necessary preparation for war; but then, also, their arias were
seized, and their troops dispersed. The result of their attempt is well
known ; they have been vanquished, and now these generous men, wan-
derers on the summits of the Pyrenees, accuse the irresolute policy of
France. A question of the utmost gravity now engrosses our whole
investigation. Are we to remain in peace, or are we to go to war ? We
all wish for peace, and every one knows that France has never feared
war. But, without attempting to lift up the veil of futurity, there are
;ertain measures. We certainly all ate of the same opinion with the
Minister of the .tiarine, when he said, in answering me, that the Go-
veinment wished for nothing but peace. But l ceased to be of his
:pinion, when he added that the Government only intends to fill up the
vacancies in our army. Of late, certain people affect to entertain appre-
hensions of a republic. and of anarchy. bush fears either prove a want
.4 candour —a thing that I never suppose—or a total ignorance of facts,
winch would be truly blameable. As soon as the opinions of the Prince
:ocritnt known, every kind of division ceased; all rallied around the
iht,eie; and, as he himself has so often acknowledged, the republic's
ratty has become his most faithful:and firm support. (Explosion drum.
aims.) I mean one of his most firm and faithful supports. A consti-
tutional monarchy, in fact, satisfies all desires. ll'e all wish for it; we
aish for it with the Prince who reigns over France; we should find no
inc whose heart is more just, whose intentions are more sincere. If
my question is put relative to the object of our movements, there is but'
one answer to be made, and that is, that we do not make any inquiry about
hose of others. France ought to take the lead in the events which are
it hand ; if the ministers know how to direct her, they will have a right
to vie gratitude of the people. I wait in expectation of the explanations
!tare been demanded. (A great agitation followed the delivery of
:iris speech.)

Marshal MAISOs, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, rose and spoke
-s Allows, in the niidst of the most profound silence :—" Gentlemen,
Not knowing beforehand the sentiments which M. Alauguin was about
to address to you, I could not prepare myself to reply to all the details
upon which he has interrogated e Ministers. A representative go.
vernment is one of publicity and of discussion. The Government
et:ow all its consequences, and accept all its duties. But, gentlemen,
%serve is imposed upon what concerns our foreign affairs. It is not
4ith a Chamber so enlightened as that which I have the honour to ad.
itet4s, thus much argument is necessary to maintain such a proposition.
'the most simple and direct negotiations have to run through various
phases. Before they have attained their complete course, any invend-
zatinn,discunsion,or explanation, Is impossible, or at least unsatisfactory.
The members of the cabinet can, however, give this positive assurance
t,) the country, that by no act of their's will they compromise the safety
..nd dignity of France. We shall further take especial care, that while
se preserve our own rights animpaired,we shall equally respect those of
other nations. The speech of the King of England, explained as it
has been in the British Parliament, ought not to create unfounded'
alums. An armed intervention in the affairs of Belgium is not in-
tended by England, and we may be assured that one of council and
fiiendly interposition is alone contemplate:l. The guarantee given by
rive Powers to the union of Belgium renders this necessary. In fine,
some persons wish to discover something like the Holy Alliance in the
,onferences in London, although England has always kept herself
:part from that association. We are confident, then, that Europe will
preserve the greatest of blessings--peace. Peace is the expression of all
;tieEuropean wants,and is preferable to thelreateetvictory. France,gentle-
:nen, may well glorify herself for her moderation. In the Belgic question,
she has thought that the principle of non-intervention was far preferable
10. that of an effort for aggramlizetnent. We do Dot want the inter-
'emcee of others in our own affairs,nor shall we suffer a violent:interven.
%on to rule the lot of those of other people. Impartiality and good faith
snail be the rule of our conduct, and our government will persevere, in
the firm determination of not interfering in any manna in the ,in.
t'mal regime of other nations. Such is the character which we shall
impress upon our acts as long as the king, the just appreciator of all
Junes, shall think our presence necessary tot the conduct of his affairs.'
Marks of approbation.)
31. Bignon followed in a long speech, in which he entered fully
Into all the considerations which, according to appearances, a
slue of peace or war, and coacluded by expressing his op' Pesos
was not likely to be troubled.
The Chamber then adjourned.