Star.
London, England, 1830-08-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS.

Tunas.—We alluded yesterday to an argument advanced in certain
..lra.loyal quarters, that tne treaty of Paris guaranteed the Throne of
France to the elder bravo' of the Bourbons. The public treaty con-
tains no such stipulation, and on further inquiry we have reason to be-
lieve that there is no such ',era article as that referred to by the Right
liners in question. One fact we can announce with equal confidence
?lid satisfaction. The ready and cordial recognition of the King of the
French by the English Govertiment is thoroughly acquiesced in by all
the great Powers of Europe: and no time will be lost by Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, in signifying their complete and amicable ac-
knowledgment of the new Government of France.

Ti t es.—The principal proceeding in the Chamber of Deputies, on
Tuesday, was the introduction of a bill to repeal that violent prourip.
don which was the work of the furious Ultras after their triumph in
11115. It was known, from what passed in the previous sitting, that
this measure of reparation, winch will recall to France a number of
men who distinguished themselves in the first revolution, was to be
brought forward. With whatever disgust the conduct of some of
these individuals may be reprded, the repeal of a law, the mere pro-
position of which was a gross violation of the charter, is not the less an
act of justice and wise policy. In consequence of the resignation of
M. I assimir Perrier, on account of ill health, M. Lafitte has
been chosen almost unanimously President of the Chamber of Deputies.
M. Labbey de Pompieres succeeds 111. Lafitte as first Vice-President.-
6ome amusement was excited by a motion to discharge the two state
messengers of the Chamber. There is at present in France a strong
disposition to dispense with much of the etiquette attached to political
institutions; but the fashionable dislike of ceremony, though aided by
the recommendation some economy, did not succeed on this occasion,
and the old messengers kept their places, which it seems they have
occupied since the commencement of the revolution, carrying mes-
sages with equal impartiality for every party which has happened
to be in power, in spite of all changes of so extraordinary a period.
Several of the Paris papers state, that Charles X. does not intend
to fix himself in England, and that he expects, in answer to a letter
he has written to the Emperor Francis, an invitation to reside in
Austria.

CHRONICLE.—To an stride in The Times of yesterday, to which
we have not occasion to allude, there is appended the following singu.
lar paragrah ;--" A reference has been made, in quarters which we shall
not at present name, to the Secret Treaty of Paris in 1815. We shall
now merely hint that the cases; forderis in that impolitic instrument
does not apply ; that the supposed guarantee is totally vitiated by the
peculiar circumstances of the present crisis. Let those who dispute
this point publish That Secret Treaty, and we will demonstrate that,
astregards the existing condition of France, it is waste paper." This is
a most important paragraph in many respects. It is evidently de-
rived front an official channel ; and it leaves no doubt that there is
a Seem Treaty among the Allied Powers to guarantee to the
Bourbons the possession of the throne of France, and that Great
Britain and some of the other parties to this Treaty arc now at
issue with respect to the interpretation which ought to be given
to it. We presume the point on which the &fence of the
English Government turns is, that the guarantee of the Allies had re-
ference to the Government of France as then established, and that
Charles the Tenth having himself set aside the Charter, and attempted
by revolutionary means to alter the government and constitution of
France, has thereby deprived himself of all aid under the Secret Treaty.
Another question however, immediately suggests itself. It Charles X.
and ilia Ministers communicated, from the commencement of the l'olig.
sac administration, the measures which they had it in contemplation to
adopt, and at the same time the other patties made no secret of their
approbation of them in their diplomatic intercourse with England, is
not the silence of England to he construed into a waiver, on her part,
of her tight to escape from the guarantee ? The English Ministers
ought, in fairness, to have intimated to Austria (the l'ower, we sup.
pose, which is at issue with us), and Russia, and Prussia, that the mea.
sures about to he taken by France would place that kingdom in a con-
dition essentially different from that to which the guarantee had refer.
ence. This would have been but fair to all parties. if, however, the
English Ministry, with the usual Maehiavelian policy not unjustly as-
cribes" to England, anxious for the success of the measures of Charles
(and we believe in our conscience that the upper classes of this country
were very generally desirous of that success), remained silent, with a
view to be able to shape their conduct according to circumstances, the ob.
jcction must now come front them with a very bad grace. Is there a
man in England possessed of a vestige of common sense, who believes
that the English Ministry were not in full possession of the designs of
the French Government ? Nay. that these designs were not the subject
of frequent communication between all the great Powers ?

CH 'toxic LE.—A Correspondent calls our attention to a passage in a
speech of Mr. Huskisson's, of some importance in this respect. Refer.
ring to the paragraph in The Times, he says,—By this bold face being
put on the matter, we may safely conslude that all is made snug at
Paris—that the Ministers of the four great Powers have succeeded in
their entreaties to the French Government to keep secret the contents of
the iron chest found in Polignac's bureau. But notwithstanding all
this, the public, that obstinate public, will still entertain their opi-
nions when they turn to the columns of The Times for June, 1828,
where they will find a statement of one of the initiated, one of the
Duke's own Cabinet, who, on his dimissal, turned King's evidence, and
in the face of Parliament and of the country, on the 2d of June, 1828,
made a sppech that astonished every one, and from which the following
is an clitraet

"Ile ( Mr. Huskisson) could not believe that Mr. Peel would think that
the Minister should be more powerful than the House and the Country ;
that he could entertain the notion, though he knew some did entertain
it, that it was the duty of Government to arrest improvement and con-
troul advancement. Persons who looked with alarm at the example of
liberty and toleration in other countries—who thought there was danger
in the interchange of sentiments between nations, and of the moral influ.
ence which one nation might exercise over another, who dreaded such a
change as much as he knew this, dreaded the interchange of articles of
commerce on more equal terms. He should be ashamed if his Right
Honourable Friend could see England reduced to a fifth or sixth
station among the nations of the earth, and a Holy Alliance (With.'
blished here—that could think a Holy Alliance in this country pur-
chased at a cheap rate; he should be ashamed, could his Hon.
Friend contemplate the liberty of free discussion—of the fre.dom of the
press, and the placing the expansive mind of man order an influence
which would have an immense standing army to enforce its operations !'
fhis speech, coupled with the abominable foreign policy acted on
since the Duke has held the reins of government, will not admit of a
doubt of his having joined the firm of Me.ternich, Polignac and Co.
and in spite of the a:d of The Times, Courier, &c. he will be unseated,
and deservedly so, from the place that he acknowledged he was inca-
pable of tilling in the year 1827." In Mr. Huskisson's speech on Lord
Palmaston's motion, on March 10t1t, he had the following memorable
passage, as reported in The Chronicle oldie llth :—" Would his Right
lion. Friend (Mr. Peel) tell him within how many days Louis X VIII.
had prepared the Charter of France ? Yet he hoped that that
Charter was not doomed to experience a premature destruction,
merely because it was prepared in the short space of three days.—
After a farther observation to the above effect, the Right hon. gentleman
proc,etittl to dilate upon what he conceived to be the alterations which
had taken place in the laws of nations since the year 1815, complaining
that wherever free institutions were proposed by the people, or improve-
ments of any kind endeavoured to be effected by the popular voice, they
uniformly experienced the opposition of every Court in Europe, and that
milittry execution was inflicted upon them by the nearest power pos-
sessing the requisite strength. He dented altogether the assertion made
on the other side, that the people of' Portugal were favourable to the re-
.trtiart of the constitution. Ile complained, that at present even legi.
tnalr power and legitimate sovereigns were not supported by the other
sovereigns of Europe, if they had any free institutions ; while, if they
were tyrants, they received every support. This country ought not to
act with such criminals, nor follow the practices of such persons." This
bet, an Ex-Cabinet Minister ! But the Secret Treaty must not be
dnpped : we shall return to it.

POST.—MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.—The Gazelle of last night
contains his Majesty's Proclamauon, for convening the New Parliament
to Tuesday the 26th of October next,:tben to sit for " the dispatch of
divers urgent and important affairs." -The business of the first day
will consist principally of a formal communication from the King to
the House of Commons (made through the Lord Chancellor) ordering
them to proceed forthwith to the election of a Speaker. In obedience
to his 31ajesty's command, the House (the Clerk presiding at the
table) will immediately go through the necessary proceedings in
this respect, on the motion of some distinguished Member. There can be
no doubt in regard to the person on whoin this high and important situa-
tion sill be conferred. Long experience, great talents, dignified de-
meanour, purity of character, and inflexibly impartial conduct—all
which qualities are possesstd In an eminent degree by the Right Hon.
C. Manners Sutton—point him out at once as the irresistible choice of
the Representatives of the Nation, and it would be superfluous to add,
that his election will do honour to their decision. No other business
will be transacted On that day, with the exception only of the necessary
formality of informing his Majesty of the result of this preliminary pro-
ceeding. On the second day, the Commons being summoned by the
Gentleman Usher of the Mack Rod to attend the House of Lords, the
Lord Chancellor will inform the speaker, in person, of the entire
Ipprobation of his Majesty of the choice of the House of Com.
.eons in his favour. On the return of the Commons to their own
!louse, the Speaker will inform them of the King's gracious'
Approval of his election to the Chair, and he will proceed immediately
to the swearing in of the Members of the House. The third and fourth
!lays will be occupied in precisely the same way, namely—the swearing
of the Members. On the fifth day, when a sufficient number of
Members will have been sworn in to enable Parliament to proceed to
husiness, a regular communication will be made to his Majesty to that
effect. This will be Saturday, Oct. 30. On the following Monday',
Nev. I, his Majesty, probably in person and due state, will formally
°Pen the business of the Session with a speech from the Throne. The
Accessary and pressing business, including, of course, the Supplies re-

maining to be granted from the last Session, will, it is expected, be dis-
posed of in about six weeks; and both Houses will therefore, In all
probability, adjourn about the middh: of December to the beginning of
February.

llt ALM—Parliament, it aeons, is prorogued till the 26th of Octo-
ber, then to meet "tor the despatch of business." These " a ords of
course," as applied to the last Sleeting of Parliament, were merely such;
for it would not be a very easy matter to point out what business it
really despatched. Some persons seem to be of opinion that there is
more delay than there ought to be in assembling Parliament, and that
its meeting is postponed to the very last hour to which the vote of credit
will extend. We do not, however, feel inclined to quarrel with the pe-
riod fixed ; for, though we dare say Ministers are anxious to ?ostpenc the
evil day as late as possible, yet, if they employ the interval tn preparing
and maturing the measures which it will be their duty to propose to
Parliament, this, with the relaxation which men in all public de-
partments are entitled to expect, will not make the interval longer
than could be reasonably looked for. The period fixed is
the week after the quarter sessions, and the week before the term, when
both the country gentlemen and the lawyers (who form two such large
portions of the Legislature) will be able to assemble with most conve-
nience. But what is to be done by way of preparation in the interim ?
" There's the rub !" The Duke of Wellington, we imagine, cannot
willingly attempt to march through Westminster with such a regiment
as he headed in the last campaign. The battle which was then to be
fought was mere child's play to that which may be now expected. Of
the 93 auxiliaries which the whipper-in was sanguine enough to pro-
mise his Orace, it is now doubted whether one will be found ; while
unforeseen events have occurred, requiring talents which it is quite
clear, from past experience, the present ministerial phalanx do not
possess. Various reports are afloat of overtures being made to this
and that party to join the Administration. We have heard various
nameementioned, but none of sufficient weigh: to make any serious
impression with the country. We should not at all wonder if, after
all, these minor negotiations were to end in nothing, and that the
Duke were forced to meet the new Parliament armed, or rather
unarmed, as he did the last. If such should be the case, it will
be easy enough to tiirsee what must be one or other of the issues. Either
the Administration must sustain its weakness by such a liberality of
concession as must disarm all opposition, or it will be left in such a
sate, as to numbers, as will ensure its overthrow.

CORBETT'S REGISTER.—LETTER TO THE DUKE Or WEL-
LINGTON.—In this present letter, I shall speak to you of the publica.
tions in London, which give us reason to believe that the tyrannical
measures of Polignae WERE INSTIGATED BY PERSONS IN 'ruts
COUNTRY. This IS a very serious charge against our country ; but
it is not more serious titan it is TRUE; and this I am now about to
prove ; not to insinuate or assert, but to PROVE. There is a publication
called the QUARTERLY REVIEW, which is published every 3 months.
This work, the names of the writers of which are kept completely
secret. is called by ail who talk of it, a Government publication. Ido
II not call it such, because I cannot prove the fact ; but I can call it a
publication of the ARISTOCRACY AND TUE CLERGY, because it is
sold by a bookseller devoted to them, and because they support it and
circulate it. From the time that the POLIONAC.IIINISTRY was
formed, this Review and all the newspapers and other publica-
dons called " ministerial," began to inculcate the necessity of making
the
.Government of France " snore monarchical !" As POLIGNAC
advanced in his plans, these publications advanced !ri boldness;
and as soon as the Chamber of Deputies had been dissolved, they ap.
plauded the wialorn and firmness of POLIONAC. When they perceived
that the people of Franc: had not been deluded by the Algerine expedi.
tion, and that the new elections would be against POLIGNAC ; then they
began openly to recommend an abrogation of the Charter, and the as-
sumption of arbitrary and absolute power on the the part of the
king. This hired writer says that we must " buckle on our ar-
mour for another quarter of a century of wars." From the moment
that the news of the revolution reached us, I put in motion all
the tilde means in my power to prove to the French people that
they had to apprehend no open hostility from Enyland ; and this
I did, not by vague assertions, but by laying before them facts, show-
ing the state of our debts, taxes, and misery ; by showing that even if
we had the criminal wish to embroil and enslave them, we had not the
ability to do it. No doubt at all that the WHOLE of this body KNEW,
in the month of May, that which was then known to the hireling writer
above cited. No doubt at all, that they anticipated Polignac's coup
d'etdt (stake-stroke) with delight. No doubt at all that they exulted in
the prospect of seeing all real liberty of the press, and all nal right
of representation, extinguished for ever ; and therefore their sulky si-
lence is natural ; but not more natural than the loudly-expressed joy of
the people of England ; not more natural than their generous sympathy
with the people of Fiance, and their admiration of the valour, wisdom,
end promptitude, by which they have vindicated their rights.