Star.
London, England, 1813-02-19 00:00:00

kept distinct,' is a (attire subject bf amicable atitisi.
merit. He had hitself fully anticipated a suspenthoti
of eery hostile fedi% after conceding the Orders in
Council. But it that impossible accurately to ascer-
tain the ketitirnent of the predominant party. They
had no acknowledged head in whose opihions a stan-
dard might be found of the probable wishes and pro-
fessed principles of the whole body. Few rational
men could have imagined, when they saw above 100
millions of dollars employed in a commerce which
depended on peace for its duration ; when they sate
600 vessels at one period leaving the ports of America
to viait any quarter of the Flobe ; when all this wealth
and trade were to be sacrificed by a war ; when their
whole military and naval force consisted of 1000
troops, when they had a coast of 1500 miles exposed,
and of four frigates, to an enterprising naval power,
that any Government which was not iuled by a party,
instead of guiding and cuntroling it, could plunge
into a measure so fraught with danger and calamity.
Such, however, was the ascendancy of that hostile
feeling, and he believed it had not been a little aggra-
vated, by the industrious circulation of those rumours,
of the arts employed in stirring up the Indians against
them.

Mr. WHITBREAD said, he derived. great con-
solation from the statement of the Hon. Gentleman
who had just sat down, that Mr. Madison and Mr.
Monroe had been forced into the war with this coun-
try against their own inclinations, by a party. Espe-
cially as with ersons who, according to the Hon.
Gentleman's accopunt, possessed with so conciliatory a
spirit, if an equal spirit of conciliation were displayed
by those who guided the Councils of this country,
little difficulty could intervene, and little time could
elapse before peace should be re-established between
the two countries. The Hon. Gentleman's speech
was a contradiction to itself, however, for in one part
of it he says, the Government would not, if it could
have avoided it, with the diminished means they pos-
si:ssed (four frigates only and a deficient revenue),
have entered into a war with the first naval power in
'lie world, but that they were over-ruled and forced
into it by the people. Yet the Hon. Gentleman seem
after told the House, that a majority of the American
people were in favour of peace with this country.—
These were inconsistencies which the Hon. Gentleman
only could explain ; but one thing, however, he
(Mr. Whitbread) could conceive, namely, that the
imprudent conduct of those who had -had the ma-
naoement of the contest in this country, since it ha
commenced, had given the American people a tastt
for the war, by suffering two of our finest frigates to
tall into the hands of the Americans, feeble as their
marine was. The Honotkable Gentleman had said,
he did not know whether the repeal of the Orders
in Council, had the news of that event reached
Amer:ca previous to the Decimation of War being
issued, would have prevented the war taking place.—
To satisfy his doubts on that he:4d, he referred him
to the President's Message, in se hich it was distinctly
' stated, that had the news of that measure arrives
sooner, it would have had the effect of preventinp
the war. If, therefore, a motion made by an Hon.
Friend of his (Mr. Brougham), in an early part (.1
last Sessions, had been acceded to, this war might
have been avoided—(Hear, hear)—a war which it
had been found very difficult to enter into, but which
it would, he feared, &so be found more difficult to
put an end to. Mr. Whitbread then proceeded te
animadvert on what had been stated by Lord Castle-
reagh on the subject of impressing American sea-
men, and of the abuses stated to have taken place in
American ports, in granting certificates to seamen.
He wished to know of the Noble Lord, whether any
representation of these facts, which appeared to be
so well known to the Noble Lord, had been made to
the Ainerican Government ? If such representations
had been made, and the offender had nct been dis-
missed, then he would say, the charge was brought
home to that Government. Ii no such representation
had been made, the American Government might
still be ignorant and innocent of the fact. He, for
one, could not but think our mode of impressing sea-
men had been conducted in a manner calculated to
give considerable offence to an independent Power.
He thought, however, a negotiation on the subject
might have been opened, and even that one might
and c ught now to be cart ying on. It was said in
our Declarazion, that America was subservient to
the interest of France. He denied that it was so.—
She had been oppressed by us, and oppressed by
France—but she had declared fel. neither. Notwith-
standing all that he bad said, however, he should
vote for the Address, as he felt it his duty, now we
were engaged in the contest, to support it.
Mr. CANNING rose. He observed that the
Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had, in the speech with
which he prefaced his motion, very properly stated
that the only question for the House now to consi-
der was, whether upon a view of the question, they
would give their voice in favour of the justice of the
cause in which the country was embarked, and placing
out of their view all points of minor consideration,
say, we think our country in the right.—(Hear, hear,)
and are determined to support her in asserting that
right. In taking such.a view of the subject, he was
glad to find himself relieved from minor details, and
would not dwell at any great length upon the sub-
ject. The Honourable Gentleman who spoke last,
in expressing his regret, mingled that regret with
consolation, in reflecting that the differences with
America were now reduced to a single point.—
lie agreed with him, that if the differences with that
country could be brought into discussion with one
who could represent that Government divested of the
passions that seemed at present to influence it, then,
indeed, there might be some probability of success,
even on the subject of impressment ; but, combined
as the contention was with national feeling and na-
tional passions, it did not appear to him to be one of
such very easy settlement. With respect to impress-
ment, he would not allow i: to be a point in which
equal concession could be made. The statute which
the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) had alluded
to, he was disposed to construe it very differently
from him. By that statute this country intended to
mark what she could do municipally, imparting by it
to other nations the knowledge of what it was in her
power to do, by considering, as an adscription to her
society, those persons who had served in her Navy for
the space of two years. It was not intended by that
Act to place the subject of another country in such a
situation as would, in the event of war with that
country, relieve him from allegiance to his own sove-
reign. Such was not the (laming of the Act. What

likeneil then ants therebeßieen that ActincittreO
ndw brought forward by the Athetican Gotermnetlt
Those claims were distinctly aVostred by the oigin
that Government; who, with respect to Masi' set,
men servin on board American vessels, was tepd
to have sail they have become American sailors, an. i '
must be protected against any right their Soverei.
might claim to their services. So far from confiders
ing the Statute alluded to as placing Great Britai • •
under the same circumstances as America, he woul •
say, that if a similar law were promulgated by th
Government of America; one great step would he
made towards the settlement of that d spnte. But
when they considered the practice, together with the
rights which citizenship was supposed to confer in
America--that it was supposed to remove the indea
structible right of birth and alltgiance, and all those
ties that bind men to their country and their Sove.
reign—he wondered that any person could for a mo.
ment consider, that the Statute of Ahne, and their
certificate of citizenship, were of the same nature.
It did not appear to him that there was any thing on
the face of the papers bet;:re the House, from which
it appeared that this country had shut the door against
negociation. In the two first proposals for negocia.
don, it had been refused as to the mode of commence.
ment, because in that mode there was dentaneed by
America, in a covert way, the concession of an import: •
ant point. Was that a fair mode of proceeding? Whe.•
ther this point was defensible or not, at least it was a
long-established usage—it was one of which, according
to the est tblished lawof nations, Great Britain was long ~
in possession. It was proposed to discuss the point; ),
but the proposal implied an abatement of the right,
during the period of discussion. Nothing so pr. pos.ii
retorts could have been expected by America, as •
this country would trust to her enactments for the re
gelation of a right so important. If it had beta
once yielded up, even for a moment, the renewal
it would lead only to additional exasperation. 11 iti
were once pantei with, how was it to be rectrverecif
except by a war of perhaps tenfold asperity The
other point alluded to in the course of the debate, re
(erred to the blockades instituted by this country.—.
On this subject :-.11 appeal was made to his recollec•
don, whether the blockade of 1806 teas not made a
matter of remonstrance ; and whether it was n.
...lie origin of some irritation in America If his
memory did not deceive him, that blockade wash •
deed made a matter of inquiry by the America. ;
Minister then in this country, but when explained
him, Le expressed himself satisfied ; the blockade
of 1806, howeVer, Merged in that of 1807; an.
when in January of the latter year it assume.
the appearance of a retaliatory measure, then
it became a matter of remonstrance on the part
of the American Government. It centinnes so still
Ind was the foundation of the Decrees of November,
,t.hich seemed to be the ground of the present quarrel.
The measure of 1806, permitted ingress and egress,
with respect to neutral ports. Ater that came the
Milan Decree, from which the decree of 1607 mole
rise, which was founded on the same princi, le as the
Decrees of November. With respect to that part o
the Noble Lord's (Castlereagh) speech,alluding to the%
:ime at which America thought proper to commen 47
hostilities, he did not by any means consider it -out o
reason. Every on ewlro looked to the state of Europe
at that time—who looked to the fortunes which his I
count:), had at stake—who looked to the useful,
nor the splendid, part which America might have
taken in that contest—who looked at the infant Child
of Britain becoming the ally of France and the plus.
dear of Spain, (Hear, hear,) lending her aid in sup.
port of the most desolating tyranny that ever op.
pressed the world ; looking at all this, it was impos.
Bible not to feel indignant that she had lost an cppor.
tunity, which no combination of circumetantes could
perhaps ever again restore. He would not go so far
as to wish that America had declared war against
France. He never thought it to be her proper policy.
He merely wished her to I•emain in a state of neutrality
He would not have asked her to r'sk a tender and
infirm resistance. He would not have demanded o
her to run these risks ; but judging impartially, and
considering which risk was preferable, to which court.
try she should lend her aid, to Fiance or Great Bri
tain, he would not hesitate a moment as to the choice, ,
but he would not unit her to the alternative. Ho
feared that neither the vision, which one contem;
plated with delight in the ancient republics, were yet
realized in America, nor the more refined commercial
improvements of modern republics. He was afrai.
that some hope of taking this country unprepared
for defence in her Settlements had entered into
the estimation of the American Government, other.
wise he could not conceive, that a country so badly
prepared as had been represented by the Honourab
Gentleman (Mr. Foster) could have embarked in
such a contest. He regretted that the 1500 miles o
sea-coast alluded to by that Gentleman, had not been
assailed. He regretted that with a navy of only four
frigates, she should have taken two from this country
It was no excuse to say that the scene of action for th
British fleet was extensive beyond any former exam
ple. He feared the Admiralty held the pen in their
hand, when they should have launched their thunder. ,
Admiral Warren sailed with the Beet under his corn.
mand about the middle of August, and arrived at
Halifax on the 27th of September. There he re.
mained for a considerable time. On the 10th of Oe..
tober,Commodore Rodgers sailed from Boston. Whys,
he would ask, was not Admiral Warren before Bo
ton, either to intercept the American squadron, or to
keep it cooped up in that harbour, and prevent the
enemy from putting to sea ? it was not until seve. f
ral months had elapsed, that Government took any
notice of the American declaration of war—not un-
til the 13th of October last, although the Americas
Declaration reached this country about the end
July. Why was there not some notice taken of it ,
sooner? Or why was it noticed then ? it was, becauss
on the 10th of October, Government received intelli.
gence of the loss of the Guerriere ;—an event which
made an impression on the minds of the people ,
of Great Britain, more forcible than any which
•
could have been produced by the most awful eon.
vulsion of nature. (Hear, hear.) He did not blame
the acts of the Government, but he complained of
their being dilatory. ,The Macedenian had been
captured by that very squadron which had escaped
trom Boston, because Sir John Borlase %men was
lin the harbour of Halifax, instead of being where he
should have been, off Boston. He did not impute '
any blame to the conduct of the officers and men of. "
the uthrtunate ships which had berm captured. Oa

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