Star.
London, England, 1830-05-03 00:00:00

ANTI-DUELLING MEETING.

A meeting was held on Thursday, at lklorrisson's
great rooms, Dublin, to take into consideration the best means o!
preventing the breach of courtesy and waste of life in society. On
the motion of Mr John Milky Doyle, K.C.B. Mr. Bennett took
the chair, and read the requisition, which assembled the meeting.
lily. JOSEPH HAMILTON said he did not conceive he would b.
doing a duty to the public if he entered there into a discussion of
the objects for which the meeting was held. The absence of many
gentlemen of rank and respectability who had promised to attend,
and were high authorities on the subject in which he took so gran
an interest, made him disposed to postpone any decisive proceed-
ings until he could have the benefit of their presence. He would et
present merely propose that a committee b. appointed to take the
matter into consideration, and propose a petition to the legislature to
revise the laws that relate to duelling, and to establish a society, or
court of honour, for the prevention of that vice.
Mr. HAMILTON read long extracts from a book on the subject
if duellist; to the meeting.
The Rev. Mr. 31.Cax..., after expressing his thanks to the gen-
tleman who had just sat down, said he thought that a court at
hemour was not calculated to effect the gentleman's object, and
that religion was the proper basis for such a purpose. He alluded
to the late unfortunate duel in this city, which had created a
great public prejudice respecting duelling, and which, he
said, influenced men to overlook their duty to Goa, their
King, and the law. The press, the clergy, the law, and pub-
lic opinion were, in a great measure, with them In their oppo-
sition to duelling ; and, if founded on religion, • society might be
formed for its suppression. He did not speak without authority
wbea be said, there was a society in progress of formation, uniting
rank, talent, honor, and respectability, not to be disputed% that it
would soon ppuablish its pril#l3l.l9 which embodied these Premed
by the geae3smsa who had previously spoken, and extended the
basis, and Improved the order of the arrangement—for It made re-
ligion its aid ground; and he would, therefore, propose that ibis
meeting should dissolve, to identify itself with the society to which
he had alluded. _ _ _

in —Sir J.---oux MILLZY Dow-it said, that he in much that
had fallen from Mr. Wens, but be filmed the the Rev.
Gentleman had given of the world was as the might to be,
and not as it really was; duelling, he homede mid set be alto.
gether abolished, though he was aware that amedi adight be dime to
prevent the necessity of a too frequent appeal to that epodes alsebi.
triment.

Mr. 111Txurroci wished to know, before be adarmasil the
meeting, whether the proposed code and court of honour sandissi
duelling under any circumstances ?
Mr. HAMILTON explained, and entered on a reply to Mr.
Werea._

The CHAIRWAN interposed, and several explanations took place
between the gentlemen who had spoken.
Col. PALLiszn proposed a resolution—that a conference should
take place between some of the gentlemen wbo supported the esta-
blishment of a court of honor, and some of those engaged in forming
the society which Mr. M'Cres advocated, which was agreed to.

We understand that the Right Rev. Hon. Doctor But-
son, Bishop of Clonfert, is dangerously ill ; indeed there is
no hope of his recovery. He is upwards of 90 years
of age. Rumour is busy in assigning his successor,
should the mitre become vacant. 'file most general opi-
nion, however, is, that it will be filled by the Hon. and
Very Reverend the Dean of Leighlin, son of the Right
Hon. the Earl of Bandon, and brother-in-law to our
newly-elected representative peer, Lord Viscount Done-
raile.—Limerie4 Chronicle.

CarRN-EXCHANGE, MARK-LANE, 31Air 3.

The continuation of fine weather, together with the very great
supplies of English Wheat and foreign importations, cause our
market to be extremely dull, and inferior and ordinary temples
cannot find buyers even at a reduction of ils. per quarter. Barley,
for the very best bright malting samples, has, in some few it/Manage
kept up to last week't piece. Oats, owing to the very great Supply
and the dullness of the market, are somewhat lower. We have there-
fore to quote Wheat at about 2s. per quarter, and Oats Is. per qr.
cheaper. Barley as last week. Ileans and Peas the same. Flour
(best), nominal price fibs.
Wheat, Kent & Essex . litis 76s i Peas, Grey . 35s 37,
Suffolk, . 66. 74s 1 Bean!, Small . Mis 444
Norfolk . 614 611 s I Tick 26s 326
Rye . . NA 34s Oats, Potato, 27s 31*
Barley,2Ss 27s— Malting 331 37. Poland . 25a 28s
Malt —.S —S Feed • 115 s 4.511
Peas, White • 3111 40s Floor, per sack, 60s 65s
Boilers . 440 --at Rapeseed 261. 281. per last.
AN TOATATIONS LAST WEST.
Wheat, English, quarters 8,338 Irish Oats
Do. Foreign . . 13,948 Rye, English .
Irish Ditto . . . Beane, English
Barley, British . 7:619 Ditto Foreign
Dm Foreign . . Do. frith .
Irish • --Peas, English
Malt, English . . 9.497 Ditto Foreign . ---
English Oats . 12,328' Eneisb Floor, sacks . 10,985
Foreign Okto . . 491 American ditto, brie. . 2.091

• 8,159
1,325

SMITHFIELD, MA• 3.
CAIIII.II AT siMaingr :

Beaus.. 4.756 ('s
I Sbeep sod Lambs 19,050 Pigs
Beef 3s OA to 3. 64 Veal . ...... ..5s 04 to 6. 04
Morton 3. 64 4a Sd Pork 3s $4 is Id
Lamb
Hay (pet load). 4'2 104. to .C 4 ISt. noose, 43 0.. to 43 Os.
Straw, £2 Ss. to £2 10s.

ST. JAMES'S HAY.MARKRT, MAT 1.
Coarse Heavy Lowkod Meadow Hay, £2 61. to £2 15s Useful
ditto, £2 16s. to £5 15s. Flee Uphod Meadow and Rye Grass
Hay, £4 Os. to XS Os. Cloves Hay, £5 10s. to £5 ss. Oat
Straw, £2 Os. to £2 4s. Wheat Straw, £2 4s. to £9 Os. per load
of 36 trusses.

NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL, Moo 1.
By the I arease.—Per stens of Om
Beef, ts 4d. to 34. 4d. Motto.,, Its. Id. to Ss. 10d. Veal, !a. to
4s. al Pork, La. W. to 4s. Oa. Lasib, O. Od. to la. N.

COAL-EXCHANGE, We 3
Only two new mire were entered for sae le-day, bet awl to
the eveabee left weeeld es May, the wanly beia of Mdeelaed
ad Ifewerede Cell wet aisniert. The-100e1 Ilaslwaga was win
;sasedis4 by ossubese.
Sips unwed doles t s.smib at Apt ••• • SOS
am .
Dobilralbsei
OW eats MUMS'
Olga as abebes, Mt:

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SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING.

The entry for this meeting, which takes place next week, closed
en Elatem'ay night at Newmarket as follows:

MONDAY.
Filly Sweepstakes of 100 sore. each. R.M.
Lord Clarendon's f. by Don Cossack, d. by Sam ; Lord Ches.
terheld's f. by Merlin, out of Rowena ; Duke of Grafton's Emerald,
by Emilie+.
The Forest Stakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. Bst. 41b. R. M.
Lord Clarendon's f. by Centaur, d. by Don Cossack ; Lord Ches.
terfield's b. f. by Figuo, d. by Watty ; Duke of Grafton's ch. F.
rnance. by Merlin.

WATCHY!.
200 eon. h. ft.
Duke of Richmond's Rough Robin, Bst. Vb. agst Lord Sefton's
iicrr!, Dancer. B*.t. 3lb.
200 son. h. ft. R.N. _

Orn. (irosvenber Fashion, abet the Duke of Richmond's Conan.
80 son. T.Y.C.

Mr. Hadley's Blinker, 9st. against Mr. Wagstaff's f. by Bus.
t.rd.
'Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each. A. F.
TUESDAY.
• Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 sore. each. T. Y. C.
Fifty Pounds for Three-year Olds. R. M.
Match, 50 toys.
_ _- -

Mr. Stoney's c. by Cervantes, d. by Walton, apt. Lord Chester-
IA id's f. by Tramp, d. by Filho, fiat. 10Ib. T. Y. C.

WEDNESDAY.
Handicap Plate of 501. A. F.
Sweepstakes of 10 sous. each for Thme.year Olds. T. Y. C.
THURSDAY.
Sweepstakes of 500 son. each, 200 ft. T.Y.C.
Mr. Walker's Roundwaist, brother to Longwaist; Mr. Nowell's
c. by Walton' out of Rosamond; Lord Exeter's Patron ; Duke of
Portland's c. by Abja, out of Pledge; Mr. Ridsdale's Tyke, by
Tramp ; Mr. Daniell's c. (dead) by Tramp, out of Woodburn ; Sir
J. Shelly's c. Fortuneteller, by Tramp; Mr. Roger's Francine, by
Tiresias ; Duke of Omfton's Post Obit, by Woful ; Lord Groove.
nor's Ebony, by Muter Henry; Lord Alountcharles's b. c. by
Whalebone out of Spree's dam.

A BRIEF GLANCE AT THE STATE OF
PARTIES.

From the New Monthly Magazine.
Non rumors solum vos vestros cognoseere, verum etiam presentes
spectate opottet. Cic. Oria. 1. in Philip.

Never since the conclusion of the war, to go back to
no earlier period, have the times worn so singular an as-
pect! The very constitution and essence of the repre-
sentative system are already changed. We debate about
Parliamentary Reform as if it were to be begun. We
are far in the heart of Parliamentary Reform at this mo-
ment. Hitherto the conflict of two Great Parties made
the real business of the House of Commons; the people
looked on and imagined they were admiring the discus-
sion of opinions when they were gaping at the strife of
interests. These two great parties are gone—before the
new grow into maturity, the people have time to pause
and to awaken ! Delusion was a shuttlecock kept up by
a mutual contest ; the players have ceased, and the delu-
sion has fallen to the ground. We repeat, we are in the
Leart of Parliamentary Reform. The Whigs are crumb-
ling away;—the Tories, that massive, impenetrable,
serried phalanx, drawn up armed oa all sides against the
multitude, are broken into a hundred skirmishers—no
longer formidable because no longer united. Other par-
ties may be formed, but the old blinding associations
the magic of names—the stirring and heating memories
that have existed, can never be revived ;—the contests
may be equally fierce, but they can never be equally
fruitless—the contests will be of principles as well as of
men. Every day the sentiments of the people will rush
into representation, and the jealousy of many sects, whose
only umpire can be but the public, will bring popular
truths into voice, better than all the measures which all
the Russells would introduce.

While Members of Parliament prate for ever on final
results, they stop short of every beginning. We have
begun without their aid: the wise and the witty pun in
the Colloquia of Erasmus, is not inapplicable to us,
What book is that in your bosom ?" asks Hedonius ;
and when Spudssus, like the grown school-boy of the
Commons, replies, " Dialogi, Ciceronis de finibus bono-
rum," Hedonius answers, as we would answer, "At
quarto satius asset quierere bonorum initia qudm fines ?"
Rapidly glancing back to the opening of the Session, we
see the eyes of all men turned to the proceedings and
divisions of Parliament, with far more than the wonted
curiosity and earnestness which await a new administra-
tion. We all know that the Duke of Wellington had
entered upon a bold and a novel policy. We all know
that—without referring to party—he had not leant even
on a single one of those bodies which usually make the
fortress of a minister, as his party make the soldiers to
defend it. An Aristocrat—he inclined not to the Aris-

tocracy ; a corrector of abuses, he had not thrown him-
self on the people : whatever the power of his enemies,
his own forces were doubtful, beyond even a precedent.
To the very last day before Parliament met, he knew not
on what side this member would vote, or that member
would harangue. No administration was ever less as-
sured either on the exact quarter of its strength, or the
real points of its weakness. But every bystander felt'
that the general temper of the adherents to Govern-
ment was lukewarmness. Some feared the bold-
ness of the Premier's policy—others recoiled from
co-action with certain of his colleagues. This baronet
was disappointed in a peerage—that younger son of a si-
necure ; this lord threw up his place because it was ex-
petted that he should attend to its duties—and that fa-
vourite of Royalty complained of respect untended, and
compliance unyielded. The Church were sore at past
acts and suspicious of future intentions—a doubt rested
on the sentiments of the King—the moderate Liberals
were anxious for place themselves, the fierce ones were
too eager in their demands ; and the great mass of the
people, unflattered by speeches, and promises, and tricks,
yielded the Premier a reluctant esteem, rather than a
personal affection. Added to this, too, he was met by
an enemy worse than the hostility of Sir Edward Knatch-
bull, or the wrath of the Morning Journal—that enemy
was the distress of the country. With these disadvan-
tages, negative and positive, the administration com-
menced the session. That it has not lost ground is con-
ceded, and the administration which does not lose, gains.
Time alone is the surest ally to Power. Still, at present,
the administration is not so confirmed as to baffle the
hopes of its opponents, or lull the fears of its supporters.
Nothing seems settled, or quiet, or defined ; a ferment
rests on the surface of politics, and though the stream
Bows one way to-day, the barometer does not by any
means promise that the wind will not change by to-mor-
row : this uncertainty has of late been doubled by the
illness of the King, and the alarm into which that illness
has plunged the Country. There does not seem to us
that there can be a better moment in which to survey
the various parties on whom depends the final result.—
In the first place we perceive Mr. Huskisson, Lord
Palmerston, and their adherents : next come the Vivian,
the Knatchbulls, and the " long order" of the High To-
ries. Thirdly, standsullenly and aloof the professed Re-
formers. Fourthly, we descry Lord Althorpe and his
members. Fifthly, the declared supporters, of the admi-
nistration. Sixthly, various individuals scattered in gur-
gite vasto, and fighting like Dryden's Almanzor, accord-
ing to ceprice,'or to interest, or to passion, white they
consecrate the cause with, the name now of magnanimity
now of independence. Seveathly, apari and afar, look
upon tbd rett a small band of men Whorn Ws shall more

particularly describe than the others, because of all, while
they are the least immediately, they are the most ulti-
mately influential.—To speak of Mr. Huskisson. If
ever man were placed in a more delicate and embarrassing
situation than another, as to the chances of power; it is
Mr. Huskisson. His own party is strong as an ally—it
is nothing as a body. He attracts a considerable notice
—he may excite a very reasonable fear. He is powerful
as a part of opposition, but he could no more form an Ad-
ministration than Colonel Wilson or Sir Joseph Yorke.
Coalition is not only his evident, it is his indispensable
policy ; but coalition with whom?—there lies the ques-
tion. The Whip ?—What l—the Whip hate him, and
Mr. Huskisson knows it. No man can pass a night in
the House of Commons, and not perceive the bitter tem-
per felt towards him by the • and the —of that
long-memoried body. Note how coldly fall his speeches
on the Whiggish ear ; note how loudly, how chuckingly
bursts the applause when any one—even though that one
be Minister of the Home Department—refutes a stabi-
-1 ment or retorts a reproach ! Denied coalition with the
Whigs—and we beg to remind our readers that coalition
with the Whip is a very different thing from acquaint-
anceship with Lord Lansdowne—will Nlr. Huskisson
lean to the Tories—the High Tories ? Some weeks
since, it was expected that he would; and certain mea-
sures towards a union between the two factions were (we
use a coy word) suggested. Mr. Huskisson's speeches,
since then, have proved the suggestion was without fruit.
Nor would it be less than madness in him to dream of
coalescing with a party which, having considered him the
Julian of his country, would now ask him to mend mat-
ters by becoming the Judas of his principles. Mr. Hus-
kisson, indeed, stands upon an eminence lofty and nar-
row—one false step, and his fall is inevitable. He has
incurred doubt; he has aroused hatred; ho has forfeited
power ;—but hitherto he has clung to one tenet, true or
false, and the tenacity of his grasp has saved him. The
objection to coalition which applies to the Whigs, ap-
plies also to the Reformers ; and as for the members
headed by Lord Althorpe —even supposing that the greater
part of them were not Whip—it is sufficient objection,
that they give a general support to that Government
which Mr. Huskisson opposes ; we might add, as a
a still stronger reason, that their support is scarcely con-
nected with anxiety for office. We must own that, look-
ing rather with favour than in neutrality towards Mr.
Huskisson and his coadjutors ; acknowledging Mr. Hus-
kisson'e experience and hie enlightenment ; allowing the
great rise which, as a man of genius, Lord Palmerston
has made in public estimation; holding in high respect
the unblemished honesty, and the quiet but undeniable
talents of the Grants—we must own that, in spite of all
this willingness to admit their individual merits, we do
not know, among the various factions of the hour, one
so unlikely to enjoy and retain power as the Huskisson
party. And the great obstacle to it is Mr. Huskisson
himself—a man unpopular in the House, unpopular with
the nobles, unpopular with the Church, unpopular with
the philosophers—a far more powerful body than is ge-
nerally suspected—unpopular with the people, without
strength to stand alone, or adroitness—it may be fortune
—to ensure support. He and his friends make at once
the most ostentatious enemy of the Administration, and
the body least likely to replace it !
Looking towards the Tories, we are reminded of the
sign of the ' Good Woman'—we see a marvellous proper
body, but where the devil is the head ? They are the
very reflection of a Highland army ; there are men, and
arms, and courage enough for conquest, but there are
more than enough divisions for defeat. Instead of one
captain, they have fifty ; they are all impatience for ac-
tion, and all confusion when action should begin. They
are like the Frenchman's plum-pudding ; the ingredients
are excellent : there are the citron, and the plums, and the
suet, and the sugar, and the brandy—nothing is forgotten,
but the bag that should have kept them together. This
want of union is a remarkable and portentous trait in the
existing state of the Tories. Hitherto, their great strength
has been their unanimity—this has atoned for all their
other infirmities. The unanimity is gone; they run to
and fro, and are at their wit's end. Happily for the
country, unhappily for the Tories, when common faith
and confidence have once deserted any common body of
men, long time and many concurring circumstances can
alone restore them. Meanwhile, by the necessary gravity
of power, the Government rapidly attracts towards itself
all the severed and solitary particles released from the
general mass.
We now turn with a deeper interest than we bear to-
wards the ordinary divisions of political combatants, to
the party formed by Lord Althorpe. We beg all who
would know the crying vice of our political state, to note
the professed object of this party ; it is the object of en-
forcing a rigorous economy. The crying vice of the coun-
try is—expense ! Whoever reduces this vice is the real
Reformer. But mark! the expense is not limited to our
taxes, to our houses, or to our food. If the first thing
requisite to a sound State is cheap bread, the second is
CIiEAP JUSTICE. Let Lord Althorpe look to this; let
hinkextend the scope of his policy from our expenditure
to our laws—from the King's Court to the Judges'—from
the budget to the code—from the purses of the poor to
the minds of the poor. Let him, in a word, exert the
same watchful, the same resolute, the same united force,
for the improvement of morals, that ho exerts for the
saving of money, and we shall say that this country has
never owed to any single man so large a debt as she will
owe to Lord Althorpe. We can conceive no reputation so en-
viable as his may be. We can conceive no possible party
based upon so firma settlement as the party which he forms.
If the:ambition of that party be turned towards power,we feel
that we echo the voice of the whole country when we say,
" Be but sincere, and we predict you a success beyond that
of any combination of men who have gone beyond you ;
for you are the only combinatiou of men who, with
wealth, rank, and influence, have united yourselves ac-
tively and vigorously with the public. If we hated you
as individuals, our veriest interests would inevitably
make us support you. You are like the men in the
Chinese fable, who gained the height of every head
they struck off from their enemies; your enemies are
those of the community ; you rise by every tax you re-
move ; you become great by every abuse you destroy !"
We dwell the more emphatically on our praise of this
party, because we consider it deserving of a far more ex-
tensive and audible approbation than it has yet received.
We think this association a momentous sem in our na-
tional politics, not only from what it is in itself, but from
the example it has set. Narrowing now our view of its
consequence to the present time, we look on the power
of this party as a circumstance remarkably fortunate for
the Administration. A neutral body of chosen men,
whose public conduct has been long tried, most of whom
are signalized as being of lukewarm inclination to office
—who have united on one ground, of retrenchment and
vigilance—and who, nevertheless, give a general support
to the Administration—give us in that support, it must
be owned, a remarkable pledge of the sincerity and whole-
some intentions of the Government ; it is exactly upon
such a support, the support of honest and unbiassed men,
that, if we could form a Utopian Administration, we
would place it.
.1