Star.
London, England, 1830-03-30 00:00:00

reasonable. Therefore I say it has worked well. That Bill had also
this advantage, which no other corn bill ever had,—that it was car-
mil into execution without any interruption. All the corn laws
that I ever knew, and the amended bill amongst the rest,
were infringed upon by government every year or two years,
by the great quantity of corn which was brought in without
paying any duty at all. This was, of course, attended with great
profits to some one, but was a great disadvantage to the agriculture
of this country. One great object of my Bill, as your lordships
perceive, was to give protection to the agricultural interest of this
country ; not merely in a political point of view, as an indemnifi.
cation to them for the heavy duties which the nobility and gentry
have to perform, but with the more extended view of seeming to
the country a supply of this necessary of life under all the va-
riations of season, favourable or otherwise. The noble baron ri-
dicules the apprehensions respecting the possibility of a duty
being laid abroad upon corn coming into this country. Is
he ignorant of Bonaparte's having laid a tax of 20s. a quarter
upon all licenses for importing corn into this country, and that in
fact, he derived as much revenue from this source as he did from
Austria and Prussia, when he was master of the capitals of their
kingdoms ? If Bonaparte did so, what is to prevent the King of
Prussia or the Emperor of Russia, from doing the same ?

The Earl of ROSSLYN—" And in fact, the King of Prussia did
lay on such a duty in 1801."
The Duke of WELLINGTON—Most assuredly, there is no.
thing to prevent them doing so again. We ought not to calculate
upon their forbearance; if they find us trusting to their supply they
will certainly take advantage of it. Government, then, my lords,
cannot do otherwise than secure to the country, in some way or
other, those supplies from its own resources, which, if we trusted i
to foreigners for, war and other circumstances might totally pre-
vent. (Hear.) The noble baron has occupied some of your
lordship? time by enlarging upon the want of profits which the
shutting up of markets by this corn bill will produce to our
manufacturers. He proposes that we should take corn from 1
the continent in exchange for our manufactures, by which the profits
of the manufacturer would be greatly increased. But he forgets the
great cause of the depression of profits—the low prices of manufac-
ture abroad, and the high duties imposed upon those of foreign
workmanship in other countries. In some places there is a positive
prohibition against them—in others, very high, amounting to nearly
a prohibition; in all a determination to encourage their own, and
to discourage the manufacture of strangers. I ask, then, the noble
baron, what good it will do us to traffic in this way ? If we
buy all the corn in Poland, can we sell an article the more in
France, Prussia, or Russia ? I should think not. The emperor of
Russia will say, " You buy my corn because you want it, and
you must pay for it; but as you would not come here if you did
not want it, I shall not take an article of your manufacture, be.
cause of your taking my corn." But, if the buying corn of the
Pole, the Russian, or the Prussian, enable them to give high prices
for your manufactures, why don't you give the same advantages
to those nearer home? (Hear.) The noble baron himself admits
that the home market is the best we have, and that of the largest
of our manufactures—cotton, two thirds are consumed at home;
of woollens, the whole ; and of iron, and other manufactures, a
very considerable portion. I ask, then, if such profits are to be
derived from an exchange with a foreign market, why you do not
cultivate the home, which is admitted to be the best market of all ?
This, my lords, is not my conclusion, it follows from the noble
lord's own observations. My lords, this is a subject which has been
over and over again discussed in your lordships house, and it is one
which admits of a great deal of discussion. lam not one of those
who are unfriendly to such discussions—l think the more it is
discussed, the more will the country see that the interests of
one are the interests of all ; that there is no distinct interest for
cotton, iron, or any other trade, but that all are concerned in ar-
riving at the same result—the producing the greatest quantity
of provisons ; affording to the producers such a security as so im-
portant an interest deserves, and at the same time taking care that
the consumers shall have the provisions at the lowest possible price
which, under all circumstances, they can be sold for—(hear.)
The Earl of ROSSLYN said, by papers laid before the house, it
appeared that, in 1801, the King of Prussia laid a tax upon corn in
his dominions, and upon its being remonstrated against by his sub-
jects, he answered, " The tax will be but temporary ; as soon as
coin falls in England to 60s or 60s it shall be taken off." So that
it was cleat foreigners knew how to avail themselves of our wants—
(hear.)
Lord KING shortly replied.
The resolutions were then put by the Lord Chancellor, and nega.
tired without a division.
Adjourned at Nine o'Clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-MONDAY.

Petitions were presented from Manchester against the introduc.
tion of the new police system into that town ; against the opening
of the trade in beer; against the monopoly of the East India Com-
pany, from several towns; and several petitions complaining of
overwhelming distress from all parts of the country. .

CURRENCY.
Sir F. BURDETT begged to state that he this morning received
a note from Lord Eldon, in which that noble lord denied the doc-
trine attributed to him the other evening by the hon. baronet, iris.
tire to the currency of the country. He (Sir F. Burdett) felt it
necessary to make this statement in justification of the noble lord.