Star.
London, England, 1830-03-30 00:00:00

Mr. Pitt to all the elaborate network of the noble duke. The noble
duke, or some of those who acted with him, had framed a law
which was to be looked upon as the perfection of legislation—the
duty varying a shilling, up or down, according to circumstances.
The valves of this machinery opened and shut to perfection. It
was as good as the air-pump, and equally destructive to the animal
which came within its influence. The nobk'duke (he begged par-
don again, the noble duke could never have said any thing so ab-
surd,.-but some person had said, that the spread of machinery
was the great cause of the distress, since it had thrown such num-
bers of the working classes out of employment. Why, who had
ever heard of the invention of machinery being the cause of distress
in former times ? But machinery had thrown these people out et
work since the corn laws were in operation, and there was no cor-
responding demand. But if the corn laws bad not been in existence
there would have been a nding demand. Did they not all
recollect the spinning jencn7eXich had dispersed a greater quantity
of manual labour than any other invention ? and did they not re-
member the various improvements in frame-work and other machi.
nery ? But these things, instead of throwing persons out of em.
ployment, added tenfold to it, because there was a demand for our
goods on the Continent, and we sold our manufactures there, and got
their corn instead, which afforded the means of subsistence to our
population, and also furnished a source of profit. It was the corn
laws then, he said, which were the cause of machinery throwing the
industrious classes out of employment. Machinery certainly had
not now the good effects which it had produced formerly, but that
was in consequence of the effect of the corn laws. The noble duke
had certainly great merit in having given religious peace to the
country. He wished the noble duke would now give peace from
distress and discontent by an alteration of the corn laws. Let him
thus secure the peace and tranquillity of the country. This was
now become essentially necessary from the state of the country.—
(Hew, hear.) .Before he proposed his resolutions, he would say
that he had not in the resolutions made any allusion to a fixed
duty, or to any other duty; and for this reason.—that, before
they talked of duty, he would have them agree as to what change
should be made in the principles. Let them first consider whether
the prosperity of the country could be ensured without an alteration
of the corn laws. He was convinced that, if they did not agree to it
now, not many years would pass over before they would fled them.
selves obliged to make a great aheration, if not a total change of
the laws. But before they talked of duty, let them see whether
they were prepared to agree to that alteration. Now as to stirring
this question, as something had been said about the inexpediency
Obis stirring it at present, he would ask if he was not to stir it,
why should the noble earl opposite (Malmesbury) stir it? The
noble earl had stated the other night that he was inclined to nibble
at the averages. Was not that altering the law ?—(The Earl of
Malmesbury said No, no.) The averages were not taken high
enough for the noble earl's notions. He would have them fixed
higher, in order to shut out foreign corn still more. He (Lord
King) had once been desired not to stir this question by what
a noble lord, not now present, called interlocutory debates. He
was told—" Bring on your case, and argue it regularly." Well,
now he did so: he brought it forward, and called upon their
lordships to entertain it. But he should now be told—" Oh, the
question is now at rest, and you must leave it so; you must not
stir it ; the law works well." Thus it was. If he called the atten.
tion of the house to it on the occasion of a petition, he was told
that it was interlocutory; if he brought it regularly forward in this
way, it was at rest, and he must not disturb it. He should not
now detain their lordships further, but should conclude with pro-
posing his resolutions.—The noble lord then read the following re-
solutions :

That all regulations, duties, and prohibitions. which prevent the
admission of corn, and increase the price dame necessary of life, Ire
impolitic and unjust.
A regulation of the trade in corn, for the pretended benefit of the
public, is a moat impolitic interference of government in the ma.
nagement of the most important of all trades, which government is
wholly incompetent to direct, and which it never can attempt even
to regulate without the greatest detriment to the public interests.
A duty levied upon corn for the purpose of raising a revenue is
the worst of all possible taxes—being, in effect, not less destructive
than a curse of sterility inflicted en the both
An absolute prohibition subjects the consumer to the most perni-
cious and the most odious of all monopolies.
That Great Britain, by the abundant supply of coals, by the ad.
vantages of machinery, by the accumulation of capital, and by supe.
riot skill and industry, possesses the rare and inestimable advantage
of being able to make eth labour of her people more efficient and
more valuable than that of any nation in the world. More efficient,
because when that labour is applied in directing the powers of steam
and of machinery, it produces mote goods than the same quantity
etlehoor can produce elsewhere; and it is more valuable, because
that produce will exchange for the produce of more labour in any
ether country; and in this manner it highly contributes to the in.
green of public wealth and individual enjoyment. That it is there.
tore the true policy of England to encourage the full development
of her most productive industry, to avail herself of all her great, na.
tura, and acquired advantages. That it belongs only to the most
perverse ignorance, and to the moat culpable misrule, wilfully to
preclude the country from the fullest enjoyment of these benefits, by
prohibiting, under heavy duties (unless when at a famine price), tbs
admission of corn from foreign countries, whose labour, applied le
more fertile soils, can supply that article of first necessity at a far
cheaper rate than British labour, when applied to the least fertile
soil under cultivation in this kingdom can produce.
That since the enactment of the corn laws in 1815, the whole of
that long period (a period also of uninterrupted peace) has been
marked by an unusually low rate of profits in all trades, by an in.
adequate reward of labour, by the frequent recurrence of distress in
the manufacturing districts, and by the heavy pressure of poor rates
in the agricultural counties—a state of things the most opposite to
the increasing wealth and comfort which so eminently distinguished
the ten prosperous yearssucceeding the peace of 1782, when foreign
wheat was, without any interruption admitted at a nominal duty of
libiCper quarter.
r great and flourishing manufactures, by the euperiorreward
of labour which they are able to afford, tend most materially to
prove the condition of all the labouring classes, by the constant do.
and for the increasing population of their own and of the agricul.
total districts ; they provide- also the best market for every des-
of agricultural produce ; they furnish the most ample
e the most profitable employment for the new accumulaticwo
ef capital ; they afford the means of promoting to an indefinite aro
tent the general prosperity and wealth of the country I or if then be
say limit, that limit is only determined by the returns of raw pro.
duce which the great market of the world is enabled to supply.
That the impediments which have been interposed by law to the
admission of foreign corn have impaired, and, in some degree, dm.
*roll the advantages which nature and industry had bestowal
upon us; they have checked the demand for the produce; they
have greatly repressed the rate of all profits, because the rate of
profits in every country must be regulated by the return of that
portion of the nation capital which is employed in the cultivation of
the least fertile soils ; they have prevented Our labourers from re-
wiring their just reward by confining them nearly to the home
market, whoa a cheaper supply could be procured elsewhere ; they
have nodered almost unavailing the advantages which must other-
wise have inidliby attended the improvements of machinery, and
the superior facilities of manufacture; they have checked the pros-
perity of the country, Impoverished all the productive classes, and,
by tits most perverse policy, compelled our natural customers to
become our competitors, our rivals, and almost our enemies.
The Earl of MALBIESBURY said that he had not intended to
upon their Lordships' attention. but the Noble Baron op-
ts made so direct an appeal to the humble individual who
now the honour to address their Lordships, that he felt it
=upon him to say a few words in reply. Perhaps it was
foe the Noble Baron that be did not find himself in the
dtuadoo of him (Lord Malmesbury) and others who stood up as
advocates for the landed interest. The Noble Baron had indeed, on
a foresee occasion, wished to see their bands and legs tied. All he
would say at present was to assure the noble baron that his (Lord
Malmedsory's) tongue should not be tied on tite subject. . He
should net now trouble their lordships with any laboured argument
wpm the Corn Laws, but he felt it necessary to explain some cheer.
widows of his on the subject of the averages, to which the noble
boron had Tainted. The noble baron said that be (Lord Malone.
bury) demisted discussion upon the corn laws. Now he did no
snob gd.g. What be said was, that he would not support a repel
etas sent bi 11... lie bakopposed that bill tooth and nail, and he
the table baron supported it—..(Lord King said "No.")
the
the Noble baron was not with him in op it. He
plight net bow hew present. But although be
)
had oppoisillhe MB, he would not DOW alter the law. Many straw
Teases, fit be urged* for this determination, and amongst them
was an wlllAit hid been already used in that house—namely, that it
wasYls to remain with a dubious and Inadequate protection
tlsanto Udinwintly altering the law; for while that was done it
wait ingeoopilo Ise the tamer to improve his stock or his farm, or
the bland to bow whoshis.prointy was worth; therefore be milt
That kg woill Bat 'seta* a repeal of the law. But, if the noble,
bona tint kW a Mallilna of the subject now,
_ so far was be from
baviug
rfkiss ea Ili subject, that, although it might be goat
la Lim,' he felt quite ready to meet the noble baneb,
or any other arguments that could be used
He Was aware that the marsh of intellect had done mu that
this quads. was understood so will out of doors as there. He was
glad of itt-fko it was by adkossing himself to, the reason of the
crandsegralagwith thslr iddisnas, that he should wish
litstila The noble bow would say that the country
ion eggigieed with what lie calls a prohibition. Now he
woolitiiirior the noble Wow wilt Could the Dame
bumf who was so dissiiea ear mosNIW hive looked at the
aims of tits im Of footholds Ho tile law two can ?
'ea 0101 l be disa wpm Simard wit& it siseladta which bad for its
' boa proolopiot of proitibidoo ? He haw that di noble ba.
fief Undiallillig was of a very high sedie..llln it was superior