Star.
London, England, 1830-12-15 00:00:00

TRI7CX SYSTEM.

Air. LITTLETON said, it was with considerable satisfaction that
be had at last approached the time for moving for leave to bring in a
bill to put an end to the baneful Truck System. He lamented that it
bad not fallen into abler and more experienced hands; but the neces-
.ity of something being done must be apparent, so imminent were the
dangers resulting from the system. He begged to premise, that he did
sot propose that the bill should be extended to Ireland. With the aye.
tem in England he was now tolerably fully acquainted. The system
was the payment of wages by goods, out of stores established by the
several masters. Tickets were given for the wages, and the tickets
taken for goods, money seldom passing, except to evade that
punishment which it so justly merited. The stores were generally
kept by relatives of the masters, or persons who allowed a discount
to the masters who sent their men to the stores. For the goods the
storekeepers obtained six months' credit, and those bills were often re-
newed for three months, thus giving the storekeepers the greatest ad-
vantages. He did not mean, however, to say that there were not many
fairly conducted stores ; however, many of them were too oppressive,
and gave the masters too great an advantage over those =stets who did
not resort to the truck system. The system had continued four hun-
dred years—but more particularly within the last one hundred and thirty
years—and recently it had been most alarmingly on the increase.—The
Interference of parliament was now loudly called for. lie begged here to
state, with reference to the difference of prices, between those of the store-
keeper and those of the markets, he had nothing to add to his statement
of last year. The difference in charges was often 30 and 100 per cent. and
never less than fifteen per cent. He mentioned cases where men had
been imposed on with goods instead of wages, where the goods were
next to useless to the man, and for which they were only able to get
much less than had been charged. Where men had pigs they were
obliged to dispose of them, in order not to have the pretext for avoiding
the truck stores. Where the wages were 12s, 9s. were paid in goods,
and, many, consequently, were obliged to pay their rents with
goods. Cheese was charged 80, where the price was rid,
and that was the proportion of most articles of food. Since
he last addressed the House a new evil had grown up in the
truck system. Most of the masters, or stores, had now a
beer license; and they wore now in the habit of " commoning" their
men with stuff which they called beer. They sold what they termed
ale at 6d. a quart ; but it was no better than ditch water. Besides corn•
palling them to have this stuff for themselves and families, the men
acme obliged to have a quart at the pay table, and that generally led
to the dcmaud for more, a system which the house would sec was equally
injurions to the interests of the poor and their families, and prejudicial
to the morals of the working classes.--(Hear.) This part of the system
was most dreadful—affecting the health, morals, interests, and comforts
of the men and their families. Surely such proceedings ought to be re-
medied if remedy were in the power of legislation. They had lowered
the working population to an extent that was truly appalling. Be-
sides, they were most prejudicial to the money-paying masters, espe-
cially where labour constituted the chief cost of the articles manufactured.
Time money-paying masters complained of this system, and justly ; and
they now said, and naturally enough, that if the parliament
did not do something to check the system, they must adopt
it in self-defence. The offenders against the law were the
only gainers those who paid wages in money were the
losers. As to retiring from the businesses, that was impossible in
most instances, for the capital of the proprietors was embarked in their
premises, maehinety, &c. Laws to meet such evils had been passed at
various times since Edward IV. An act of that reign imposed revere
penalties, entitling men to recover their wages for a long period, even
when they had been discharged by goods. It was much mitigated by an
act of Geo. I. and the 29th Geo. 11. again interfered, fixing wages and
limiting truck to twenty pounds. To remedy the evils, be intended to
propose to prohibit the practice, and to render null engagements made
fpr payments in truck ; also, to increase the facilities of gaining evi-
dence—to give increased powers to Juries. and to deprive the masters
of the means of recovering for any goods that they might have directly
or indirectly supplied their men with for wages. It was in vain to tell
the men to go elsewhere—and even reduction of taxation would not
remedy t'ie evil. Suppression of a system that held out so many tempta-
tions only would remedy the evil. He should introduce a clause to em-
power the King in council to exempt particulardistricts from the opera-
tion of this act. The law must be made effectual, and great penalties
must be inserted to compel the masters to observance. The honourable
member stated that be intended to insert a clause to exempt the opera-
tion of the bill on certain descriptions of individuals, so as not to:affect
local arrangements in particular districts, because the honourable
member for Middlesex had given intimation of his intention to
move for a committee of inquiry into the subject. He (Mr. L.) would
reply to some of the arguments that he knew the hon. member for Mid-
dlesex would urge against the bill. The hon. member proceeded to
take a long review of objections, and advanced reasoning to confute
them. Itmight be said, that if taxes were reduced, and the corn laws
abolished, that this system would cease; but such could not be the case,
tor these alterations would bear alike upon all ranks, and their relative
situations would still be the same; nothing would check the system but
slaw made for the purpose. It bad been said that trade would be af.
fected, and men thrown out of employment, it' Parliament interfered;
and that it would hurt the prices it the change was attempted on a
sudden ; but he did not believe it. He would, however, insert a
clause, that the bill was not to come into operation for three months
after its being passed; and taking all into account, that could not
be until October, so that there was sufficient time for arrangement.
The system, it was argued, was conducive to morality, as it, in ,
some degree, suppressed the vice of drunkenness; but that was too
vague to require reply; and, .with regard to the bill affecting
prices, there was always competition enough to regulate the price
of manufactures. Unless something was done, England would be
reduced to a dreadful state, so much excitement did now exist
on the subject. The honourable member said, that although that
afterwards the Luddites did wreck themselves its other matters, that the
truck system was the origin of their discontent, and led to all that fol-
lowed. (Hear.) Unless the house passed the bill, the truck system
would in time become the mode of payment all over the country. It
was a dangerous state to place a people beyond hope and leave them
in despair; and such would be the case if the labourers% were not
protected by the law, if they were not remunerated for their labour by
the proper medium of money. The learned gentleman concluded with
quoting a passage from Dr. Adam Smith, asserting the necessity of
money payments : " The law that compels the master to pay in money
instead of goods is a just one," ficc.
Mr EWART seconded the motion.

blr. HUME rose to oppose the bill moved for by the hon. member,
from whose arguments be totally dissented. It appeared that the hon.
member had only advanced exaggerated statements which had been re.
presented to him ; but before these reports were received as facts an
inquiry ought to be instituted regarding them. Ile (Mr. Hume) ad-
mitted that there were many who attributed their distress to this prose.
lice, but the idea was wrong. He would call the attention of the
noose to the rawly attempts and laws that had been passed to prevent
what was called forestallers; but they were all found abortive--the
desired purpose was beyond the power of legislation. What was then
supposed to be the'jevil requiring remedy was now acknowledged to be
the best means of keeping the equilibrium in the market. The hon.
member was now bound to go on with bis bill, he could not wait fur
inquiry ; but his Majesty's ministers had a more serious responsibili-
ty. He ( Mr. Hume) would not follow the hon. member through all
his arguments ; but 111 reply to one practically, he would ask, if there
was a labourer in Kent or Essex who would not be glad to take pay.
ment for their labour in corn, or flour, or wooll? There never had any
inquiry been propuly made on the subject. he result of distress was
the cause of recourse to this practice, and it was not prudent that this
house should interfere to leave that distress without remedy. The hon.
member stated that lie had visited the cotton mills at New Lanark,
which had been constructed in a desert spot, lit only for a few hovels,
on a river side, but it contained a population of nineteen hundred per-
sons. It was found impossible to support an establishment iu every
line to supply the wants of these people, so a store was established in
the general line, in which was to be had every article required, from
a bottle of wine to halt' a pint of meal, better and cheaper than could
have been supplied by small establishments for each. He had exa-
mined the boas when he visited the place, and from what he saw he
was convinced that to withdraw the practice there, would ruin the con-
cern. There was certainly no compulsion to deal with the store, bat
there needed none, they all dealt from choice and advantage. When-
ever • person came to be employed at the mill, if be chose he wee pro.
vided with a letter of credit on the store, for the whole or what portion
he chose of his wages per week. lie had a pass-book which was set-
tled every week, and to the amount of his credit, he might at once get
the amount in one article, or he might have it in many, from a hat to
a halfpenny worth of salt. They made no secret of their profits; be.l
aides having better articles, they realised a profit of ten per cent. and

from these profits were supported poor children of both seas, who
were instructed from the age fit for infant schools, till they were twelve
years of age, and fit to go to work. The expenses of all these semi-
aeries were supported from these profits. When the same bill was
'lmpaled last session, much had been said about the grievous effects
elktfrom the system in Glasgow, and after hearing so much, be (Mr.
Itlume) when he subsequently visited Glaow, made particular in.-
quiry on the subject. e inquired of Mr. Kirkman Findlay, a gentle-
man well known, and he had, strange to say, never heard of the truck
system. neither in name nor practice, in the whole city, that cm:tains
a population of 150,000. On more particular inquiry it was found only
to exist in one coal-pit. He cited these circumstances merely to show
the necessity of information being obtained on those rumours before they
were accepted as facts. He could have many more instances, but
these instances were enough. There were several whose opinions would
be valuable—Watt and Bolton, and many others, who had never ex-
pressed themselves on the subject. The hon. member believed that
there were many men of capital who would be glad to see the bill
passed, because It would put down those of small capital. He bad
told the men so who had corresponded with him on the question, that
it would make their situation worse, by taking them out of the hands of
a greater number, and they would then be at the mercy of a few. The
hon. member noticed the circumstances regarding the repeal of the law
against combination and conspiracy. On that occasion he had asked
for, and obtained, a Committee, and every point was most closely sifted.
The Committee were all so fully convinced. that the bill passed with
I less delay than any bill had done before. That bill swept away at coos
about 70 statutes that had been framed for restrictions, and by it liberty
was given to masters and men to make what bargains they chose, if as
violent means were resorted to. If a bargain be duly made Ie
give a portion of produce for labour,and the man agrees to accept that
as his wages, the compact is as fair as if the engagement bad bees
made fot money. Men are not to be treated as children, and to be
taken care of by Acts of Parliament.where mutual interests must di-
rect the measures. The lion. Member asks where the means are
to enforce the fulfilling of such engagements between master and
man—we are provided with it in the Act Ist Geo. 4, c. 114, an act
to enforce contracts between masters and men where a summary
remedy may be had by going before a magistrate. He (Mr. Hume)
did not wish that any man should be under controul unless he was under
a contract and he did not think that he was asking for too much when
he asked the house to pause before they interfered. In fact the meals
are now the oppressed individuals. He (Mr. Hume) had bees
blamed by the masters when he took the part of the men in the
Combination Law, as having done so for popularity; but he ailed
then as he did now, upon principle. He had had maay
txo-
muniations from the country, some of which were offered to be
proved on affidavit. One circumstance he would relate, of a master
having been brought before a magistrate for paying a man in goods,
and when the master appeared in court, he taxed the man with in.
gratitude, saying, " Did you not come to me and tell me you
were starving, and then I told you I could not employ you ;
but if you took goods I could find you worki for a short time. Did
The
not agree to those terms, and have I not fulfilled my bargain ?"
The man acknowledged the truth of all these statements, and said he
was grateful for his master's kindness, and was willing to continue
on the same terms, but that a committee of the men were sitting
on his master, and bad compelled him (the man) to bring for.
ward the prosecution, without his consent, and against his will.
The master for this act of kindness was fined ten pounds. And
such was the law at present, any one could become an In.
former, and a tradesman might be fined ten pounds for saving a
family from starving ; and the fine is increased on repetition of
the act ; but by the bill sought for by the honourable
Member, a tradesman may be transported. There is too
much distress and excitement existing in the country already, and corn-
, mittees sitting in every district. It will be found on enquiry, that the
truck system has been caused by, and is not the cause of, the existing
depression. it had its origin in the want of capital. Whatever might
be said about popularity he cared nothing, he must give his honest opi.
nion, Independent of high or low, this side, or that side, inside, or out-
side.—(A laugh.) Ile would remind the hon. gentleman that he knew
there was a depression, but he could not tell the cause. Every one had
a nostrum for some said take away the corn laws, and that will relieve us
—another said give us free trade, and that will relieve us—one gentle.
man remarked that his (fir. Hume's) nostrum appeared to be, •' Take
off the taxes." He (Mr. Hume) really thought taxation was a bad
thing, because it took the money out of our pockets. The
gentleman who made the remark was from the other side of
the water, and it might be that he considered that taxation
put mosey into our pockets. However, the right nostrum
could only be ascertained by inquiry; for it was unfair to attribute the
evil to an improper cause. He would appeal to the hon. Secretary for
the Board of Trade if he thought it would improve industry by putting
it in fetters ; and to pass this bill would be to fetter industry
to the utmost point. (Hear.) He (Mr. Hume) therefore resisted
the bill, both for the sake of the toasters and the men. (Hear hear,
hear.) The bill was not to come into operation until o;tober ;
what objection, therefore, could be made with respect to there not
being that fur inquiry ? If the recess was of sufficient duration, and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give him a committee, he was
ready to go down to Bolton, and watch the operation of the present sys-
tem (hear). He had the greatest confidence in the good sense and right
feelings of that class; he would have more confidence in a committee of
sixty members taken from that class in Glasgow, than in one composed
of sixty peers of the realm. He confessed he was for repealing the
whole of the legislathe enactments on the subject in question and leav-
ing the parties under the protection of the law of man, under that of the
common law ; and if that course involved the repeal of other laws, of the
Hawkers' and Pedlars' Act, the Stage-coach Act, and of all the other
acts, which impeded communication, which for the sake of a revenue
of a few thousands, imposed ruinous fines on individuals, and de-
prived the community of their labours, he should be glad of it.
The less they legislated between the buyer and the seller, between the
master and the servant, the better ; when each had the intelli-
gence to understand his interest, and the power to enforce his right,
who could not make the bargain better than the parties themselves P It
was said that when the master paid in goods he contrived to have the
workmen under his controul, by getting them in his debt; but how
could he have more facilities of indebting them now than when he paid
them in money P Why should the workmen prefer being the slave of the
dealer, who, as he was personally informed, did all he could, when the
workmen had to deal with him, to arrive at that species of contrail ?
Under these circumstances, be hoped for the concurrence of the hones Is
the amendment, " That a select committee be appointed to inquire fats
what have been the operation and effects of the Acts prohibiting the
payment of goods otherwise than in money ; and on evidence brought
before the Committee, to report as to the propriety of either repealing
them, amending them, or bringing in a new BilL"
Mr. SADLER said. that though there might be exceptions, the
general working of the system was productive of a vast masa of evil;
this he knew to be the case, from having personall watched the opens-
lion of the system. The working man was paid In deteriorated pro-
visions, to which the employer had the power of affixing the price be
chose, and of which, in the present want of labour, he had the power
of enforcing the acceptance.—(Hear.)—There was no freedom of trade
on the part of the workman.
Mr. ROBINSON considered the truck system rather as the effeet
than as the cause of distress. The statute law and the common law
already enabled the workman to claim the payment of his wages in
money ; if there existed a moral compulsion, which precluded him frees
availing himself of that power, it arose from the insufficiency of work.
The present law, while it augmmented the price, would diminish in as
equal proportion the quantity of labour ; it would besides be a sourced
litigation. He was for inquiry ; the real loss of time was in a too hasty
legislation, which by passing acts, the operation of which was mischiev-
ous, rendered' it necessary to reconsider them.
Mr. VILLIERS said that to proceed in a question of such magnitude
and importance, the bearings of which in the mode of dealing in the
greatest national Interests were altogether undefined, when they had no.
thing to proceed on but isolated statements and inconsistent arguments,
without consenting to an inquiry so repeatedly and so strenuously de.
mantled, could not be justified In the public mind. So far from the nee.
ture of the evil being accurately known, no two persons were agreed
as to the important question of what was its origin. if the
acceptance of the truck system was originally voluntary en
the part of the labourer, the present question wu one et
neral policy, and its solution would determine the
mode of paying wages • If that acceptance was forced,i" leg
'
es qution was one of detail, relating simply to the enforcement
of contracts. Now, he thought the acceptance of the truck system had
been originally voluntary on the part of the majority of the workmen,
for If the system had hem introduced by deception it would not hays
been so generally adopted amidst an intelligent population ; if by force,
the workmen would have had recourse to the system of combination. It
would be a very strong measure for the legislature to say to the work.
men, you shall not sell your labour for truck. (Hear.) It was a mea-
sure that should not be adopted by the house without full inquiry. He
had read the petitions, from which it appeared that there was peat ex-
citement in their production. Petitions were no sufficient ground for
legislation ; they contained ex-parte statements, and though ex-
cellent for drawing the attention of Parliament to any sub-
ject requiring it, yet they were not the evidence on which
Parliament should legislate without inquiry. It was remarkable
that there were no petiitions in favour of the system, and that
was one of the things he wished to inquire into.—(Heari)Llt was said
by one Honourable Gentleman, that to put down the Truck System in
Ireland would be most injurious ; by another, that it was the life and
soul of Cornwall ; and by others, that to put it down in the a
tural districts would be their ruin. Wben this was the case, hetrieledit
to be reasonable that inquiry should 'precede legislation. Inasmuch as
the system had extended so greatly in the manufacturing districts, and
was found to wort well in other places, it proved to him that it should
not be abolished without the fullest inquiry into the effects of the sys-
tem, and the probable effects of its abolition. It would affotd him great
satisfaction to be able to support the measure of his HOD. Friend, whose
seal and feeling on' the subject be must admire; but even if the
measure had been Introduced by the present enlightened cabinet, he
could not but think the house would neglect its duty if it were to adopt
it without inquiry. The right hon. baronet (8 ir R. Peel), wieh whom
he generally agreed, had, last night, called the lineation of the house to

the degraded state of the agricultural population, and cautioned them not
to allow the manufacturing population to fall into the same state ; but
a great portion of the misery of the agricultural population proceeded
from the continual tampering with their wages and labour by alterations
in the poor laws. This measure was more important than many re-
specting the agricultural labourers which had not been introduced with.
out the report of a committee.
Mr. DAVIS GILBERT said, in Cornwall the miner was paid
partly in mine, and that system worked well; but he was afraid that
might be an exception to the general rule, and he was inclined to think
the bill of his hon. friend, with some improvements, might be useful.
He understood a very strong excitement existed in those manufacturing
districts where the truck system prevailed, and he thought the bill of
his hon. friend should be allowed to pass to allay it.

Lord ALTHORP said, after the best consideration be could give to
the subject, be thought adopting the recommendation of the member for
Middlesex might be mleehi,vous. All the laws against the Truck sys.
tem should be repealed, or a law should be which would be ef-
fectual The bill of his bon. friend all former acts, and would
contain the whole of the law on the subject. The question now was,
whether the house would allow the bill of his honourable friend to be
brought in; and when they saw it, determine whether it should be
passed without inquiry by a select committee, or whether it should be
referred to such a committee in the first instance. His hon. friend, the
member for Middlesex, bad made& most able and argumentative speech
against interfering with the hours of labour , but his arguments had
proceeded on the mistake that the labourer was free. The fact was, he
was not free—he was, by his necessities, placed in the power of him
who had employment to offer him. He at first thought his own opinion
on the subject would be different from what, on inquiry, it had become,
and the house might be assured that it was a strong case that made him
in this instance depart from those principles of political economy,
which he had long supported. On there grounds, he must support
the bill _ _ _ _

Sir IL PEEL said, he did not support the Bill on the principles of
political economy, which dealt only in the means of increasing the
wealth of a nation. He looked beyond that consideration to the moral
condition of the labourer (hear, hear.) We had, as a civilized people,
a standard of value by which contracts were to be determined. If the
labourer contracted for his wages in money, the contract could be en-
forced before a magistrate; but if the wages were to be paid in truck,
there was no standard of value. The quantity might be ascertained,
but who was to determine the quality (hear, hear.) The labourer was
compelled to pay his debts and taxes in the legal standard ; and he was
entitled to be protected in obtaining his wages according to the same
standard. If the effect of the system was to degrade the manufacturing
labourer, it ought to be put an end to. He thought it had that effect.
He considered It a great encouragement to the working man to be ena-
bled to lay up something for his support in old age, or perhaps to por-
tion a daughter, and this could only be done by enabling him to receive
his wages in money. For these reasons he should give his cordial sup-
port to the bill of his hon. friend.
Mr. GURNEY said, the bill proposed by the honourable gentle.
man last year, contained clauses which, he had no doubt, if carried
into a law, would be productive of great evils. If there was a bill that
required the previous consideration of a committee, he thought this
was that bill. _ .

Mr. ATT WOOD deprecated that the house should, without inquiry,
add another to those changes which had already been productive of so
much calamity. He thought the Bill was not a remedy for the suffer-
, ings of the manufacturers, but that its effect would be t increase their
distress. Why was it that the labourer submitted to the oppression of
his master ? The cause was the depression of trade. He would thew
Ito the house what was the real state of the manufacturing labourer in a
part of the country where the truck system never obtained. The hon.
gentleman here read a petition presented last year, from the Ironmasters
of Merthyrrydvil, which stated that they employed 8,000 workmen, and
always paid them in money ; that alarming distresses prevailed In the
town from the depression of the trade, and praying relief from taxation.
There was also a petition from the inhabitants of the town, stating that
they had suffered the utmost distress ; and the masters said they could
not get for their utanufacture the amount of the wage. they paid for
lis production. There was the root of the evil. The price was the ca.
!amity. Parliament had produced it by raising the standard of value.
They in fact said, that the rate of wages and the price of manufac-
tures must fail, and by this act they produced the distress which
no abolition of the Truck System could remedy. (Hear, hear.)—
That Act was the greatest of all evils that afflicted the country. The
Truck system yas an attempt to escape from the calamity which that
Act produced. His hon. friend, the member for Stafford, had truly
stated, that manufacturers were continuing their works at a loss. He
had often heard that position denied by those with whom his hon. friend
acted. They would not believe, that while men continued their trade
they were not making profit. The last change In the currency, by the
withdrawal of small notes, was not attended with the same failures as
the former changes. What was the cause? The manufacturers had
endeavoured to escape from it by the Truck system, which it was now
attempted to destroy. He was now advocating the cause of men
(though by inflicting a wound on their feelings), many of whom he was
confident would be driven to bankruptcy by the operation of this bill.
If the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not retrace the steps that had
been taken respecting the currency, he must lower taxation, otherwise
the productive industry of the country would sink under the insupport-
able oppression.
Mr. P. THOMSON said, in supporting the bill of his hon. friend,
he did not think he was departing from the sound principles of political
economy. He thought the truck system bad become an indirect means
of lowering the wages of the labourer; and in the present excited state
of the country, he thought the legislature should endeavour to protect
the manufacturing labourer from the grievous abuses which had now be-
come a part of the truck system. Bad as the paper currency might be,
the exchange for truck could not be an improvement. (Hear.)
The ATTORNEY GENERAL said he had received many commu-
nications on the subject of this bill, and both masters and workmen
were anxious that the principle of the bill should be carried into effect ;
though he must own he feared it would not be productive of all the
lgood that was expected from it. But he had not the courage to set up
his own opinion against the numbers of both classes who now call fur
such a law, which he hoped would be regarded as a just good rule, and
that its penalties would seldom be called for. He agreed in the opinion
that masters and men should be allowed to settle their contracts between
themselves, and that it was for this reason he wished to lay down that
rule which an imense majority of both classes called for. (Hear, hear.)
When the honourable gentleman at down there were loud cries of
question.
Mr. HUME said, if the house was so impatient, he would move an
adjournment.—(Cries of no, no.)
Mr. TENNANT said the house were attempting to pass a law
which could not be effectual. A higher power would interfere—
the principle of self-preservation. None of the supporters of the
bill appeared to expect that it could be effectual.—(Hear, hear,
hear.)—The noble lord opposite supported the bill because be said
he was afraid to oppose it. He thought the noble lord was
the last who would use the argument of intimidation in that
house. He thought the bill quite opposed to the principles of po-
litical economy, and he thought it ought not to be received without
enquiry.
Mr. D. W. HARVEY could not think it inconsistent with the cha.
racter of a statesman to introduce a measure for the protection of the la-
bourer. For what did the opponents of the bill desire a committee ?
Was it to examine a greater number of witnesses than were already
before the house as petitioners ? They had the depositions of many
witnesses, that they could not get payment of their wages in money, but
were compelled to sell the truck In which they were paid at a loss of
fifty per cent. The motion for a committee was a motion for an in-
quiry into the state of the nation. Sure he was they must come to the
conclusion that the country was over.burthened by unequal taxation,
and that it was indispensably necessary that the taxation should be
reviewed. He hoped the noble lord would carry his intention of re.
dueing the taxes by four or five millions; and also that he would take
off ten millions of those taxes which pressed on the people, to be
replaced by a well-regulated tax. The bill he considered
necessary for the protection of the labourer, and it should have his
cordial support.
Mr. WARBURTON said, none of the supporters of the bill had
pointed out the manner in which it was to benefit the labourer. It
was admitted to be opposed to the principles of political economy; and
political economy was the science of producing the greatest aunt of
human happiness.
Sir F. BURDETT said, he found himself in a very peculiar situa-
tion of agreeing with all who had spoken on both sides of the question.
(A laugh.) He thought that the hon. member for Callington (Mr. Au.
wood) took a statesman-like view of the subject. He agreed with him
that It was the change of currency that caused the pressure on all classes
of the people, and he feared would render the country unable to smug-
gle with the difficulties under which it laboured. He was long con.
vinced of this, when he found the complaint was universal—that ma-
nufacturers, agriculturists, shipowners, shopkeepers, all say we cannot
get prices to enable us to pay the teen. He could not think he did his
duty when he heard the hon. member for Callington, or any other mem.
ber of the house, maintain an opinion which he believed to be just, and
knew to be unpopular, If he did not avow his concurrence. He believed
the authors of those changes in the currency were convinced their measures
were injudicious; but thought it lees dangerous to go on than to re-
trace their steps. His opinion war the contrary—he thought their error
might still be corrected, and if it were the country would again flourish.
His bon. friend, the member for Stafford, had given such a picture of
the distress of the workmen as should not be disregarded. Hs had no
doubt they possessed sufficient judgment to point out what would be
some alleviation of their sufferings, and were it only to give comfort to
a suffering people, unless it could be shown there would be great evil in
yielding to their desire, he would show them that everything was done
that could be done for their relief ; but to talk to the people of England
of inquiring into the cause of their distress by a committee of the
House of Commons, was the smelt° them as saying they should have
no relief; they had no confidence in such proceedings. The proposed
measure he thought would do no harm, and ought net to be delayed,
No man thought more highly of political economy than he did—ao man
was more a theorist; but a theory might be just, and if net
applied might aggravate the oat—that was the case in the =la
the currency; • sound principle was applied in a case to which It was

principle of
he would I
not applicable. He believed all were now convinced of the error—i
eagreetimainnlittre,
knew that was the case with the late Mr. Ricardo—he had heard
hon. friend, the member for Middlesex, that there sliould be no
endfrilthviloredwntiloP..retriat had
dhat that
error enlightened.
necessary interference with the wages of IsLour. He also Imm
same principle would be applied to our commerce with our
hours the French, which would be a great advantage to the en,•;„tg
He thought they could not do better than accede to the prayer of
a,..
petitioners, who were better judges that the house whether the 1.,1
would afford them relief. At all events it would he a gratification
[their minds, and ifldisappointed in the effects they expected from i•
would Increase their patience under their sufferings. When in the
P
ties interested in the subject applied for the Bill, he thought it
UT
placing theory very high indeed to place it above experitnce,
should, therefore, support the bill.
Mr. CRESSET PELHANI knew so much of the evils of the lys.
tem, that he should vote for the bill.
Mr. LITTLETON replied. He considered that he had beta
ra. I I
hardly dealt with, for most of the members had been disem•sing
measure of the last Session instead of the one which he now sou;, •
to introduce.

The gallery was then cleared for a division. The numbers were_
For the motion
Against it

Majority for leave to bring in the Bill -1 JO
Most of the order of the day were then disposed of, by brii.g
poned till to-morrow (this day.)
Mr. HUME presented petitions from Elgin and other places. for tl..
abolition of negro slavery.
Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from Unitarians of N....
castle-upon-Tyne, in favour of the Jews.—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. J. JOHNSTON presented petitions from the Town and Cou.,
of I.inlitligow, for Parliamentary Reform and reduction of taxatio.,
Ordered to be Printed.
Adjourned at &Quarter-past Twelve o'Clock.