Star.
London, England, 1831-02-01 00:00:00

British trade; while, in regard to Poland, the hearts of the'
British people beat for her success ; and their good wishes
will attend all her allies, whether French or Turks.

We have seen addkusse to Power, presented by
certain portions of the Irish population. We do not
doubt the respect, ability, or earnestness, of the parties ; but
among seven millions of people. the opinions of a few hun-
dreds, or a few thousands, are but a feather in the scale.
Every muter of a family is flattered by his servants and
trades-people ; but few are so stupid as to regard this as the
opinion of the world. On such occasions, we never forget
the chest-full of addresses,"which honest Richard Cromwell
used to show to his friends, in his obscurity, containing, as
he justly stated, the pledged lives and fortunes of all the
people of England. If the Union were adtantageous to Ire-
land, the O'Cow Neu, party might have been assembled in
a garrett, instead of being everywhere too large to be con-
tained in the greatest public buildings. Let Moore.
LATOUCHE and Co. call a public meeting in Dublin ; for
the world know full well the value of hole-and-corner ad-
dresses; and if a PUBLIC MEETING fairly convened, should
pass an address approving of the policy of the Marquis of
ANGLESEY and of the Union, then we shall consider all
that has passed as the work of faction. The test is easily
afforded, and its importance renders it worth the trial for
the people of England would be glad to ascertain the real
state of feeling in Ireland. The O'Cox :JELL party have
held 100 public meetings, and the ANGLESEY party might,
therefore, indulge us with one. Mr. O'Coxx am. asserted
that the people of Ireland were averse to the Union, and
Mr. O'DOGHEILTY asserted the contrary ; this, therefore,
led Mr. CONNZLL to call on the people to express them-
selves : was it, however, a St subject to make a State
question ?

One of the subjects on which the country seems to have
fixed its attention, and from which it is not likely to be di-
verted, is THR TITHE STSTEK. Enmity in many, no
doubt, arises from those doctrinal differences which now
equally divide the population ; but among public men, and
political economists, there is an enmity to the operation of
the Tytbe System, without any to the church or clergy.
It is considered to be a disadvantageous, wasteful, and im-
provident mode of providing for the church—worthy only of
the semi-barbarous age which adopted It; but it is now con-
sidered that the clergy may be more respectably, and even
more satisfactorily provided for, at one fourth of the cost tol
the public. We confess we are of this party; and we think ,I
that all real friends of the church ought to be of the same II
opinion. If there are 20,000 families connected with the
Anglican church, 1501. per annum would cost the country'
3 millions; or 2001. only 4 millions—a concession which
the public would cheerfully yield ; but the tythe system
coats the country and the cultivators five, six, or seven times
this amount ! For taking the cultivated land in England,
Wales, and Ireland, at only 40 millions of acres, and the
produce of each acre at 71, the whole produce would be 280

millions, and the full tythes 28 millions ! The church-
lands, &c. are equal to 2 millions more ; and the other
sources of eccladastkal revenue, another 5 millions—that is,
the tythss and other church revenues cost 35 millions,
whatever be the amount which reaches the clergy; and
which, if often too mush, is oftener too little. Is it not
evident, therefore, that in this gross amount, of 35 millions,
there exist latent resources, by which gnindy to diminish the
public debt, and still provide for every legitimate interest ?
This is what we glean by destroying the tythe system; and,
on this principle, it would seem that the best friends of the
establishment ought to concur, in meeting the unequivocal
wishes of the nation.