Star.
London, England, 1824-04-03 00:00:00

th. Crown. Rut the Right Honourable Gentleman
(Mr. Wynn) had admitted, that for a period of 100
veks the King of England bad never exercised such a
power ; namely, from the Revolution till 1792. He
(Mr. Hume) was desirous to know what there was in
our foreign relations now that called for a departure
from the course to which the country had adhered for
eps—that of rendering its soil the asylum of thc op-
pressed, whom*violence and tyranny had driven from
their homes? He could account for the renewal of the
Dill only by the existence of a secret understanding be-
tween the British Cabinet and the Holy Aili ance.—
foreigners were always received under the protection
01 tire English laws; the strongest proof of which was,'
tiort they were allowed a Jury compo.ed of half
foreigners,—(llear). Li times of open rebellion in this
century, in 1715:and 1745, no Alien.l3lll was pas: ed or
asked for—why should it be now required? Were we
to imitate the degraded 'example of Switzerland, by
complying with. the odious system of thelloly Alliance,
and banishing virtuous and unfortunate foreigners who
sought an asylum in our country?—(Hear, hear). Eng-
land should detach herself from Are system of tyranny
pursued by the Continental despots, and place herself
at the head of all free Governments, and then, so rapid
was the progress of knowledge, he would look for a
speedy doWnfel to the present tyranny, which threatened
destruction to the liberties of Europe. The flonourable
Gentleman concluded by moving a Resolution—
'L That from the Revolution in 1688, to the year 179:5, a period
dsanic which this country had been disturbed and endangered by
a lireterider to the Throne, it was riot thought necessary to invest
Mitisters with the arbitrary powers an Alien Bill confers—that
it appears to:this House that such powers are hostile to the free
principk:s of the British Constitution, and the best interests of this
cotintry,, and in accordance only with the tyrannical acts of the
Criestitursasst despots."
Mr. N. CA LVElLTcoulil not support the amendment, and dis-
swayed of the language that had been applied to Foreign Powers.
The SPEAKER. read the Amendment. (On coming to the
sentale• which 31r. Hume hid Lead, " fliontinental Despots," he
read dram Constitutional Despots." This occasioned much laugh-
ter;. The Right Honourable Gentleman read the Amendment
27ai11, and repeated the words, which were actually so written in
the paper handed to him, amidst bursts of laughter.
Mr. 111„1 31E had no objection to the word standing; hut it was
known that the word Constitutional was not the expression in-
tended to be used. The Honourable Gentleman then handed up a
second paper, which contained the word " Continental" where
"Constitutional" had appeared.
The Amendment was negatived without a division.
Oa the ori,;Mal motion for going to the Osier of the Day, the
Ili,use divided, when the numbers were—
For the Maori -
Against it -
Majority- - - -- 53
On the re-admission of strangers, Sir R. WILSON
was addressing the House.—lt was our duty, he said,
to ;hew the People of England the detestation we felt
to the tyrannical principles cif foreign Sovereigns. He
Loped that the Bill would be presented to the House
Elder more mitigated cif cumstances than before. Our
;:rcestors never had reccurse to such a measure, but
preferred suffering light inconveniences to the creation
rt such a power. His objection was to the principle of
the Bill; and no modifications would reconcile him to
it. With respect to the broad assertion of the Right
Han. Sectetai yof State, that the powers of thii Bill had
never been abused, he could never subscribe to such an
assertion whilst he recollected the case of General
Georg:and. It was plain that the powers of the Bill
might be abused, because they had been abused. He
consiernned this as a Bill to forward the purposes of the
Holy Alliance He trusted the rime was come when
the Sill of the majority which Ministers had on
the question would shew to those Sovereigns that neither
the House nor the country would longer tolerate the
reasure lie should now conclude by moving, as an
amen i cent. that in•read of now, the Bill be read a se-
cond time this day six months.
Mr. Serjeant ONSLOW contended, that the power
given by this Act to Government was necessary for pre-
serving the peace of the country.
Mr. Secretary CANNING rose, and said—l rise,
Sir, rather in fulfilment of the plee into which I was
seduced a few nights ago by the Honourable Member
for Aberdeen, than in any admission that there is any
thing in the state of the question which requires an ela-
borate argument to support it, or that my own vote de-
mands any particular justification. The Honout able
(ientleman (Mr. Hume), in a speech half complimen-
tary towards me, half.culpatory, contended that there
is something in this measure inconsistent with st hat he
it pleased to consider the genius of my general conchict,
sornethiog contradictory to other measures, Which he
gives me the credit of pursuing. Sir, if there be, which
I deny, anything apparently different in my measures,
anything apparently contradictory in my conduct, I
will snable him to thread ihosi differences, to reconcile
those contradictions, by furnishing him with one single
word, by furnishing him with the Shebboleth of my
policy, And that is "England"—(l-lear, hear, hear!)
I Wish n this, and on every question,to have my con-
duct judged by a reference to its effects on the interests
et' my country —(year, hear, hear); and to disclaim at
the outset the slightest reference to the wishes of any
other Sovereign, to the feelings of any other Govern-
ment, or to the interests of any other people, except in
so far a. those wishes, those feelings, those interests,
may consist or concur with the just interests of Eng-
land—(Hear, hear, hear). Of all the questions that
!lave been recently discussed in this House. the present
Bill has been the most subjected to the influence of the
reigning. 'iced debating in the present days, the vice
°Enitggoratiott:—(Hear); for I do think if, without re-
ference to time and place, we heard it asserted that it
eras a monstrous and unheard-of preposition that a
Povereign State should arrogate to itself the power of
determining sshat foreigners shculd be admitted into
its territories, and on what conditions they should reside
there, the assertion would appear so extravagant that
re one would venture seriously to repeat it ; and that
all time strength with which it has been clothed by the
opponents ot, the Bill is, by clothing a proposition so
simple and so absurd with facts with which rt has nc
conne..xiGio.and with suppositions which have no: loon-
eadon in fact. 1 must forfeit, I fear, some of the goad
-
1 etnion of the Honourable Member when I say, that
discriminating, in the arguments on this Bill, be-
!siren those which maintain its principle and those
-vhich are conversant in its details, I. am much more
elsioris for those which maintain the principle; and
~:hen it is said that the principle of this Bill woul
slippor t a..measore for the regulation of Aliens at all
toes, I admii that, it would, and on that ground I am the
reore anxious to support it—(lkar.) There is a right,
sent there titightto be a power in the Executive Govern-
new tos;ercise some Controul, at all times, over Aliens
7miueiss Malik country—(Hear). I do not say that the
ssv should be the same at all times ; I do not say that
pt e.ta Bill should exist for ever; but I do say, that
the Crown, has been found, unexpectedly (for when
the discovery was made it was unexpected), to have no
ilmer over Aliens more summary than that possessed

120
67

r._e,.,

over native subjects, this is a state of things
.which is
any country cannot be suffered to continue; and when
this tempotaiy Bill shall expire, as I trust it will, with-
out another renewal—(Loud cries of hear, hear, hear),- I
say, that the Government which shall witness that event,

whoever may be the men who compose it, will not do
its duty if it suffer it to lapse into annihilation, and do'
provide a permanent measure as a substitute for its
provisions—(Hear). I shall certainly not be taunted
with throwing out a lure fur popularity, by stating that
this is the principle on which I consider the measure,
and that I am the less anxious about details which may
and must cease, than for the principle of the power
which the Crown ought to possess, and ever must have
possessed. When I say that the Crown must have posh
sessed it, let me not be misunderstood.
_There has been

much coutt oversy as to the degree in which the power
over Aliens was possessed or exercised by the Crown in
former times, and it is equally proveable to the satisfac-
tion of both pal ties to the controversy, that the power
was .exercised almost arbitrarily; sometimes without,

. -
but sometimes with, the c,qisent of Parliament. But
surely it is unnecessary for me to say that the consent
of Parliament in the times which are referred to, and
the consent of Parliament now, are very different things.
The consent of that Parliament of Henry the Eighth,
which' voted the Proclamation of the King to have the
force of law, was surely something different from the
concurrence of a Parliament of the present day; and it

to add any sanction to a strung measure against Aliens, I
the Monarch clothed it in the name of such a Parliament,
it is not a proof that it was subject to any real con•
troul. Tue Monarch, in fact, discussed his measures
in Parliament as in a large Council, where his in-
iidence was as complete as in his own Privy Council.
W.lt 1 do not want to say whether the Ciuwn had the
power by law, or whether it had the power by prac-
tice, under the continual sanction of Parliament; but

this I assert, that, whether as an innate prerogative of the
Crown, whether as a power delegated by Parliaraent,or
whether as a prerogative defined, limited, and modified
'by Parliament I care not, .there must be in the Crown
a right to deal with Aliens, if the country think fit,
more summarily than with its other subjects. We, Sir,'
are asked by the opponents of this Bill, whether we
alone among •nations wish to erect this odious power
against strangers? The question may be with more
propriety reversed, and it may be asked whether .we
alone among, nations should divest ourselves cirsiich a
power? for in all nations, under all Govermitehissfiom
the highest degree of despotism
,to she lowest,. or most
extended democraCy, I defy them to quote another in-
stance except this country, from the -period when the
prerogative lapsed to that when it was I eeivei, where a
power of this sort has not existed—(Hear). Why, then,
is the British Government to throw out of its hands a
right which all other Governments have thought neces-
sary to their safety? With as little justice.has it been
contended that there is something in this measure pecu-
iiarly hostile to freedom. Sir, the calms: of all history
contradicts the assertion. All Goverrithents have exer-
cised powers over aliens, but of all Governments, free
States have specially, peculiarly, and severally exercised
this power. Let us look back to- the Republics of the
ancient world, for they, I suppose, will be admitted to
be the models of freedom—(No I) What! -are our
classics forgotten ? In the Republic of Sparta, the
stranger was considered as little better than the Helot.
In the rival Republic of Athens, the stranger, who re-
sided in the city, could carry on no buiness. He was
obliged. to choose a patron, under pain of confiscation
of his goods, and for these privileges he paid an Alien
Tax, for the non-payment of wlsich he was committed
to prison. la Rome, the conditia of tyre •,ti.tnr;er. Was
not more favourable. They were also obliged to choose
patrons, to whom their property was confiscated for
any offence; they could make no bequests ; and they
were liable to be driven out of the city, not singly, but
in droves, at the caprice of the Tribunes, or the. Consul.
When, too, the Honourable Members who oppose this
Bill, refer to the ancient practice of this country, and
to the general permission or invitation given to mer-
chant-strangers, who Were then the only travellers, to
resort to the country, do they not recognise a difference,
not between despotic and free Statesilbot between new
States and old F—(fierri.) Do they not perceive a dit-
ference between the practice of the tunes; e th e
Ho-
ratii and Curatii fought to decide'whetlier• Alba should
be Rome or Kurile Alba; and of those when the strangers
were driven front the flourishing Republic, by ttle'Cori-
suls or the Tribunes, between the desire of adsiription in.
the origin and the jealousy of 4dinission in the sequel ?
A new country. is ever anxious to get citizens; at old
one is ever jealous of admitting strangers. It would. be no
more rational to say that the rape of the Saltines should
be repealed every taste/ins, as a regular measure of ad-
ministration, as that the desire of a new country to swell
its resources should be transferred to an old one. It
might be rational, when it w as an object for England to
collect capital and industry, to open her ports indiscri-
' minately to those strangers who alone would resort to
them, the merchants; but when the paths of industry
are fully occupied, when the people are fully employed,
and the country overflowing with capital, it maybe na-
tural to look to the introduction of strangers with other
eyes, and to see less of the advantages than of the perils
of the influx. Let us look at the two kindred British
States, happily joined in amity, though divided by in-
stitutions, which now occupy, perhaps, a greater space
than any others in the eyes of the world. No Honour-
able Gentleman will contend that, whatever may be the
liberties of America, forwhich I ever honour her, there
is not here as substantial a liberty as exists there—(llear,
hear)—and that the Monarchy of England fosters ra-
ther than oppresses its freedom—(Hear, hear). But
is there anything more different than the policy of the
United States from that of England with respect to
strangers, from the facility of naturalization in the one
case to the jealousy' of admission in the other?—
The contrast between Great Britain and Atherica is this,
that we endeavour, to retain our old subjects, she tries
to acquire new ones; the difference lies between the
policy of an old and of a new State ; and it is this dis-
criminating principle which is asserted by the Honour-
able Gentleman on the other side to be a flagrant incon-
sistency, and a glaring proof of the degeneracy of the
Britisis name and character. But lst me. ask in what
part of the world air Englishman can travel without re•
straint of a severer kind? My Honourable'Friend be-
hind nee (Mr. Serjeant Onslow) has referred to the in-
convenience arising ahroaLi from paisjsUrti. Though
that may be the whole, it is much more than all that fo-
reigners are subjected to in this country. On the Con-
tinent an Enoishinan is tethered as it were to one spot;
he may travel, indeed, bst not Without a perpetual su-
per vi,ion, so that he can but lesigthen less chain inde-
finitely, and cannot move without permissione superio-
ram. This fact at once puts an end to the argument of
invidiousness, and that we are committing an outrage

upon foreigners, to. which we ourselves are not abroad
exposed; that this is the only despotic country in the
world—that Turkey is not despotic—Russia; not despo-
tic—Austria, not despotic—France, not despotic, in
comparison with the despotism of Great Britain. But
let me ask, in addition, whether the police is not a sonrcel
ofinconvenience to Englishmen abroad ?—(Hear, hear.)l
Did my Honourable Friend ever trot over the Bridge
Of Geneva? I should like to know what consolation a
young Englishman experiences from the visitations of
the police, if lie happen to trot over the Bridge of Ge-
neva ? The despotisn(to which he is there exposed, is
not inflicted by " a malignant and a turioan'd
but by such men as my Literary Friend (Mr. Sismond.),
and my Arithmetical Friend (Sir Francis
(Hear, hear). I am not prepared now to !av what
would satisfy me as a permanent measure ; Futhap,:,
some system of regist.ation ; I)e:haps, a giving
additional powers of inquiry ; but as to details, I ss
not pledge myself, though I desire t0•p1e.1.2.
to this—that when the Alien 'Bill expires, sonie poivet
of the kind mnst remain—(hear, hear, hear). I now
come to the present measure as applicable to the present
times; for having cleared the general principle, it re-
mains for me to consider, not whether this 13i11 is good'
from beginning to end, but whether it is a molitication
of an admitted principle, suited to particular end exist-
ing dangers ? Now what are the existing dangers?-
With regard to internal perils, I am perfectly ready to
admit that I see none to the Institutions of this country
from the exertions of any foreigner, however disposed
to assail them. I firmly believe, that in the very, worst
of times there is a feeling in the English constitution,
or, I should rather say, in the con,titution of the
English mind, which would' repel the aid of feicign
trea i
too, and would not inoculate itself with any nt
fection that was not at least of native origin. There
fore is it that my Right Honourable Friend has in-
troduced into thi. Bill a modification of the former
law, striking out f. om its operation all those I,x:ignets
who have been for a certain length of time domiciled
among us, and with whose character and connections
we have had the means of becoming acquainted. But
the particular danger of the time is that %Inch was
stated by the Honourable Gentkman who List sroke,
and which has been frequently referred to iii the course
of the present Session, viz. that there is a snuggle now
pending in the woad between extreme principles, and
tlfat.this country is naturally. and necessarily (and long
may she continue m be so) the asylum for the beaten iu
that warfare. As that asylum, we have a right to in-
scribe over our gate, not, indeed, with Dante—

" Leisciate ogni speranza, 0 voi chi entrate," •
" Abandon hope all ye drat enter here ;" but rather,
" Abandon. plots all ye that enter here."
" You must leave behind your party-feuds and your po-
litical squabbles, for you come bete to seek an asylum
for repose, not a workshop, where, without danger, you
may forge new treasons"—(Hear, hear, hear). Those
who court a shelter have no right to question the terms
on which it is granted. If, then, you do not make these
terms, what must be the necessary consequence? That
which you call an asylum, will be felt and called by
Europe and the world as a refuge, a hiding place, for
all who retire but to meditate fresh disturbances-4 Wear,
hear). lam anxious that the nations of the Continent
should not be disturbed, because the contact .of inde-
pendent Qovernmenis is often so
.close and tiice; that
the difturbance of a part may lead to the di,turbance
of the whole, and we ourselves may not be free from
the contagion. I am anxious, therefore, for English
purposes and English principles; that this Bill should
pass, as well as on account of the countries whose safety
may he more immediately placed in hazard. Ally gal-
lam Friend (Sir R. Wilson), as well, indeed, as the Ho-
II mutable Gentleman (Mr.'Hume), .have both spoken out
plainly and fairly, and from them both I certainly differ
tato cork : there is no point of resemblance or accoi d-
ance upon this subject between us. Tney are of opinion
that in this struggle of extreme piinciples, England
ought to side with those who espouse the extreme prin-
eiples of liberty—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition);—
that she ought to unfurl her banners at the head of that
discomfited party—(Hear, hear); that she ought to array
tinder her standard all those who are disposed to league
together to overthrow the establishments of the world,
(No, no, Hear, hear). The Honourable Gentlemen did
am perhaps use those words; but in argument they
went that length ; and the shades of distinction they can
draw must be nice indeed. What they contend for is
:—that- while our unvarying principle is neutrality
-neutrality recommended from the throne, advocated
by the Government, supported by Parliament, and echoed
-throughout the country ; while we would•adopt mea-
tures the best calculated to preserve that, neutrality, they
would at once overthrow it. No doubt their object is
laudable : they wish to accomplish most magnificent
urposes, but in direct opposition to the wishes of the
Sovereign, the Parliament, and the people. They surely
aught to try Parliament on the question—whether it is
willing to adopt and pursue this new line of policy—a
line of policy, the object of which is not to keep down
and soften animosities, to reconcile differences, and pro-
mote harmony and good will, but exasperate into action
these modern principles of extravagant liberty—( Hear,
hear); to march at the head of the exiles of every country
against their legitimate thrones and ancient institutions
—(Hear, hear, hear). If Parliament can be brought to
adopt this new and exploded course, then 'freely ad-
mit, not only that this paltry Alien Bill, but with the
Honourable Gentleman opposite -a wise in his genera.
tion," that the Foreign Enlistment Bill must be at once
repealed, and we must begin a new era of practice and
legislation —(Hear, hear, hear.) But give me leave
to say, that when the Honourable Gentleman and
his friends have attained this most desirable object
—when they have converted Parliament, •convinced
the Sovereign, and induced his Ministers tore:race their
steps, they may still find themselves considerably dis-
appointed. I should not be surprised if, after all their
vehement denunciations, they were at last to come to
Parliament for something like the enactment of an illicit
Bill. But let me call the attention of those Honourable
Gentlemen to one cicumttance. There are two pat ties
engaged in this struggle of extravagant principles. The
one party may, indeed, carry with it the sympathies of
mankind. They have all the common places of libetty
on their side; but, uafortunately, their achievements
have been few indeed. They have talked largely, and
done little ; and tote strength, at present at least, is all
the other way. Let me then put a case: My Honour-
able Friend opposite (Sir J. Mackintosh) gave notice a
short time since of a motion for the recognition of the
Independence of South America ;_but he withdrew it,
because he .understood that the king's Ministers were
prepared to consider any armament, fitting out in
Spain, while the French retained a preponderating influ-
ence there, a French armament—[Sir J. MACKINTOSH
(361045 the ta.)le): I said, any considerable armament. 2

. '

AI

~l'

Mr. CANNING: Well, any considerable armament ; and
let me see if the Honourable Gentleinais tries other
Powers fairly by this rule. What we have a right to
say of France, France and other countries may have a
fair right to say of us. They may declare that they will
consider any armament sailing from the ports ®f Eng&
land for South America as a British armament ; and my
Honourable F. iend will admit that this kingdom is at
least as responsible for what is dune upim ha own
soil, as France is responsible for what is done in Spain.
Neev I .ay that the Forelegs Enlistment Bill alone pre-
vents the fitting out of armaments in British pons, and
that the Mien Btll alone keeps loreign,rs under con-
trout, and prevents their treasonable machinations. If
you strip the Cr'wn of the powers thus given, there is
no physical impediment to any nit tither i f fre-eigrers,
v.-heilierheaten or triumphant, ceming to Plymototh or
Tortsnanuth, fitting out an armament there, and sailing
with it for the conquest of South America, whether for
Ferdinand or his enemies. It France were to place her-
self in such a situation, %%e assert that it would afford a
ground for going to war ; and it is ridiculous to deny that
it we pursued the same line of conduct, we might justly
be called on to answer for it in the penalty of hostilities.
Then, I maintain, that if it is for the gain,the interest, and
the peace of England, and not merely for that of foreign
nations, that we should retain, and, when needful, en-
force these measures, Gun knows when we shall see
the end of the prevailing agitations—when the struggle
of opinion and principle will terminate. No man can
wish for it more than I do; but I claim these Bills in
order that we be not fooled, gulled, bullied, cheated;
deceived into hostilities in which it was never our in-
tention to engage—(l!ear, hear). I claim them for
the preset vation of peace—for the preservation of the
character, reputation, and good sense of this country—
to prevent it horn bring the latOling stock and the
, dupe, instead of the dread and support of Europe—.
(Hear, hear)—and that our island may not be made by
toreignei s the starting-place of their animosities--
(Hear).—l say, that so long as these extreme parties
are in presence ()leach other, no measure but this Alien
Bill can save us limn danger ; and that the moment we
part- with it, we voluntarily incur the hazard. Let us
not deceive ourselves by supposing that the champions
of freedom would make use of our means and our
pot ts. We well know, that at this moment there is
scarcely a Power in Europe that is not collecting from
the capitalists of Great Britain the sinews of war—
there is scarcely a single Power that does not look for
iesoutees to the Exchequer of our Exchange—(Hear).
I do nor mean to justify the moral characters of such
Loans, but we are all aware that t ur monied men lend
inJisctiminately to till patties; and if, in former times,
English Captains have led adverse fleets into action, so
those, who are now the Captains' Captains, "the true
Lords of Europe"—l mean the Bankers of this Metto-
polis—( Hear, hear)—ate furnishing arms to those who
are contending against each other— Hear, hear).-
'Therefore, let me nut be told, that if I 1 throw away the
Foreign Enlistment Bill, and the Alien Bill, I may look.
'for security in the morality of our money lenders—
(Hear, and laughter). No, no—let Ferdinand himself,
to-morrow, shew signs of strength, and a determination
to fit out an armament, and the troops and fleets of
Spain, raised by British capital, will sail from your
ports, to strangle infant liberty in South Atterica-;-'
(Hear, hear)-1 defy you to prevent it, and I defy you
to shew anything in the morality of late pecuniary
transactions to insure you against such an event. What
I want is, to preserve our shores from the foraging of
hostility, as well as from the actual presence and
traces of it. I would maintain a strict. neutrality, not
only in act ar.d deed, but I would rejecteeny of those
little flirtations that might tend to the violation of it—
(Hear.)—l hope never to see Great Britain in a situation
where she is called upon to lead the armies of extreme
freedom against the Despots of the Continent. And
here I am aware that I must, as I have often done
before, guard myself against the contrary supposition. -
-To those who think, or say that they think, that the
measure upon the table has been produced attire dicta-
tion of any foreign Government, or any set of Govern-
ments, I reply that I deny it, and I claim that my de-
nial shall be as good as their imputation—(Much cheer-
ing). 1 say it in the hearing of the Commons of Eag.
land; I say it, thank GOD, in the hearing of the whole
country, and; what is more to my purpose, I say it in •s
the hearing of all those against e horn tine imputation is
made.--I reject it as unfounded—l deny it (not in any •
offensive sense) ras utterly false—(llcer, hear). Dearly
as I value all the tics by which European nations are
held together, there is not a crinnectUat that I would
not severat once rather than allow atiy meaaure brought
forward in this House to originate in a foreign source
—(C'heering from all. sides). The question therefore ie
whether for the purpose I have mentioned the provi-
sions of the law are adequate or too powerful—whe-
ther they trench more upon individual liberty than is
necessary for our dothestic policy ? I take the liberty
of assuming tbat the purpose is the purpose of the
House, because the measure is consonant with its re-
corded votes, and the honour it has pledged to the
country—(Hear, hear). What then does the Bill do?.
Does it enable Government to punish or imprison, to
seize and to confiscate? No; it only empowers them
to remove from tire kingdom the foreigner who, there
is reason to suspect, is violating the asylum that has
been afforded him. Lest, too, there should be any
temptation to turn the power to any 'bother account,
there is an appeal to the Privy Council. I do not mention
it.as an effective process of law, but that it ensures no-
toriety. Who does not know that, in this free country,
wbere a Minister is compelled to act in the open face of
day, nine times out of ten he dares not act otherwise
[lran in the honest discharge of hi; duty ? (Hear, hear)
'llls Bill, then, eatables you to remove the foreigner ;
and a still mote valuable and a more available conse-
quence of that power is, that you are enabled to permit
him to remain—(lrfear). One example in point is as
good or better than a thousand arguments, though they
may be in point also. It was my fortune to receive in-*
:telligence, of the authenticity of which I could not
doubt, of a plot in aeittition among certain emigrants
'against the peace of their native country. The plot was
sell got tip, plausible in its object, and not detieient in
means. 'nil inforrna'.ion, as t.. 4 troy dmF, I commi-
Peel). His inquiries led precisely !o the same con-
"nicated to my Right Honout able hien.] Ob. SeCretary
elusion. %%that was done ? Did we elate cc the pro-
visions of the Alien Act ? . pele teed ehe parties
Was bi•ought.honie
accused, and to whrin the plot
with Moral' certainti-, out of Great Britain, to be ex. .
posedv
v e
desired o th et vengeo
see t.
et of irritated
ividuaipt Royalty
incipaity No.—
implicated:
were-tre of the design, and in-
fmo!ermtoeld him d
ota
fhtitie ewe
names
of his
associates. He did not
migh t bleveerbpaecateedi,lilline did
o
deny
participation.ycciltnsfeesxsisltieisncoevv,,tnhougi)tts

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