Star.
London, England, 1822-02-08 00:00:00

Ile had intended, if he had continued in office. to.
have brought forward certain plans for ameliorating
the cnntlition of that country; and even though he
shoul 1 now be con•pelled to forego them, he would
still object to the principle of neglecting its affairs
.because it was in a state of disturbance and iusur-t
section. The Hon. Gentleman, after observing that
the tithe system was the principal cause of the de-
terioration of Ireland, concluded by stating that he
.supported the proposed measures principally on ac-
count of the confidence which he reposed in the high
character of the Marquis Wellesley—(Loud cheers.)
Lord EBRINGTON objected to the measures pro-
'posed by Government, on two grounds—the first, that there was
nothing in the papers before the House which justified them ;
and the second, that the Marquis Wellesley had not demanded
them—(lleer, hear).
Mr. BROUGHAM rose, amidst cries of Question!
lie could assure his Right Hon. Friend opposite (Mr. C. Grant)
that it would have given hint great satisfaction if he could have
agreed with him In the view he had taken of this question, espe-
cially as he was informed by long experience, and enlightened
by large and liberal views of our true policy towards Ireland—
views which Aid him immortal honour, which had conferred
great benefits upon the kingdom, and which would have con..
ferred still greater, had his official residence there been pro-
longed—(Cheers).—lndeed, he felt that the impression which
his Right Hon. Friend's speech had made upon the House was
only to be exceeded by the favourable impression which he had
left with the inhabitants of the sister kingdom—(Loud cheers
from both sides of the House).—l le agreed with his Right Hon.
Friend, that any confidence which might be demanded for the
Noble Marquis, at present at the head of the Irish Government,
was strictly his due, considering his high talent, his energy as a
Governor, or the enlightened principles on which he had com-
mented, and no doubt would continue, his Administration.—
The Hon. Gentleman condemned the manner in which it was
attempted to bring the new measures through the House in a
single night. They had been told that all the evils now existing
in Ireland might have been prevented had the Parliament met
in October. Now, was it right that they should almost be called
upon to legislate after the mischiefs were committed? If the
Bill were necessary (as must be inferred from the statements of
the Noble Lord) in far back as October, even if the discovery
of its necessity bad been only made as late as last December,
ought not the Government to have immediately assembled the
Perliemtnt, and subniitted the state of Ireland to their consi-
deration? He did not deny the necessity which unfortunately
existed for adopting some strong measures in the present un-
happy state of Ireland ; but, though he agreed that some strong
steps must be taken—though he agreed that the military force
might require augmentation, or even that a large dictatorial
power ought to be temporarily granted to the individual at the
head of the lri-h Government—a personage whom all were dis-
posed to Trust; yet, still he saw nothing in the proposed mea-
sures calculated to abate the evil; he saw nothing in their pro-
visions but what Was hoi:h hICOIISIAeIIt and repugnant to the
• practical effect which they were intended to promote; and, the
snore he considered them, the more he was convinced that they
were inapplicable to work the remedy imputed to their operation.
These measures, be it recollected, were not intended for one or
• two part eular districts, but were tri embrace the whole of Ire-
land, and, of course, await the disposal of the entire body of the
Magistracy. It was only necessary to call at a single Sessions
the Magistracy of a district, and there, on the ins:ant, to enable
them to alarm each other with. the cries of danger, and then call
into sego,' :hi se terrilee engines of power by an appeal to the
Irish Government for the aid which they had the means of
granting--,-an aid, be it remembered, which suspended all the
laws of Irel end, whieh annihilated all personal security, and
destroyed all those safeguards with which British law had from
ancient nine surrounded and shietered domestic enjoyments—
(lkar, hear).—Did the Douse know the powers which they
would have conferred the moment these Acts passed into a law ?
In the first peace, :here was the power of visiting any house in
the disturbed dierict, at any hour between sun-set, and sun-rise
—to pry into the must retired and delicate quarter of that house
it which the fl.sitles of the family were lodeed—to enter into it
foreibly (if treas.:ere ), after allowing what was called a reason-
able delay, to allow the inmates to permit ingress—to arrest,
after this domiciliary visit, those who should be tumid absent at
right, and then, for no other cause than that absence, the party
was Usk to a sentence of seven years transporeatior, which all
past experience stewed them would be assuredly inflicted.—
All this Was to be dime without the finding of a Inii by a Grand
Jury, or the trial of a Petty Jere, or any appeal loom the M.s•
gistran s to a higher Tribunal. .1 man who might, after drinking
in a public-house, remain there after sun-set, he not being a re-
gular inmate or a traveller—a stay which a man so engaged was
not unlikely to make—such e person became exposed to the full
penalties of this LW. This was a leree power, a frightful discre-
tion, to vest in any man, qualified as he mightl be for its mode-
rate and curious exercise; but to deposit it with a large class of
men naturally actuated by the pa,seurs engendered in their petty
',teal quarrels, in a time of confide' able ii.t.urnietion, was a step
which be could never adopt—(bear;.—Of the Miteistretes be
net anxious to avoid speaking rashly; hut he should reiterate
the description given of them by their own countrymen, who
ouzlit to know their toe:hies are! actions. One Gentleman said
that the Magistrates of Ireland were not always men having—as
they ought to have—property iu the land ; but were middle-men,
known to the people over whom they were to act by anything
but the beneficial ties of landlord end tenant—known in the Lay
affairs of the community just as the Tithe-proctor was in the
Fcclesiastical—known only as the grinding engines of hardship
and oppression. Another Gentleman had end, that so little sedu-
lous was the selection made of men to fill the Mag:stracy, that
he knew a waiter who stood behind his chair to have afterwards
found his way into the Commission of the Peace. Another Gen-
tleman, who had a hereditary right to speak upon Irish affairs
( Mr. drattan), had told then', that instead of wishlre to increase
the power of the Magistrates of that country, he should rather
see a Bill brought in to abolish them altogether—(lleer, hear).—
TusH came the declaration of the Ilon. Member near him (Mr.
• /leer), that while the Magistracy existed upon their present
footing, justice might be said, without a figure of speech, to be
bo:h bought and sold in Ireland. Were these the men who were
to be entrusted with the use of such formidable powers? Were
thew the men into whose hands the whole rights and security of
a People were to be betrayed, without inquiry or discussion, or
reservation of any kind?—(Hear, hear). The Noble Lord had
said, that Ireland had been for upwards of twenty years under
:he United Government of England—he might, indeed, have
said, that nearly for the whole of these twenty years that coun-
try bad been placed under his own controul and direction, and
then he need not have added, that the result of all these long
years of misgovernment was a state of actual rebellion. That
Ireland was in a great portion afflicted with rebellion against the
Government, it had remained for the Noble Lord to avow;
there were other things which they all knew: for instance, in
Ireland it was notorious that the great bulk of the population
were divided between two Church Establishmeots—one of
them an Established Church, which exceeded even that of Ca-
tholic countries, where the abuse of Papacy was most corn-
s:Lined of. and which did not attempt the education of a tenth
or a twelfth portion of the population under their charge.—
It was clear that his Majesty's Government had planned no inea-
sere of conciliation; and the Noble Lord had plainly avowed,
that while things remained in their present agitated state, it was
no time to talk of recommending particular measures to the con-
sideration of the Irish Government. With reference to the sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act, he must remind the Ikuse,
that either theecountry was iu a state of• universally prevailirg
discontent, or the statement respecting it was much exaggerated,
and the insurrection more limited. It the latter, then there was
so reason why the ordinary powers of the law should not be
tried, aided by the increase of a large military force. But if,
on the other bend, the whole class of society had become tainted,
then he was at a loss to see how the lusurrection Act could aid
the views of Government. Why nut try the experiment of an :
augmentation of the military force first? It might be tried with-
out any additional cost to their finances, and without an irre-
parable cost to the Constitution and the Law—(Hear).—The
Noble Lord had declared that neither political nor religions and- •
inanities were mixed up in the present disturbances. If, then, a
power were giien to imprison without trial, it was a measure
wholly inapplicable to the alleged mischief; fur the Suipension
Act was only applicable to uses of political or religious dissen-
tion, when some violent political or religious agitator was stalk-
ing abroad, and when it was desirable that the Government
should have the power of removing him from the centre of
his epeietions.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY replied.—The Noble
Lord observed, the objections which esisted to passing the Bill