Star.
London, England, 1831-03-07 00:00:00

r,

NEW SOUTH WALES.

"AssnTasman, NEAR SYDNEY, Sarr.26, DAlL—Since I htal the
pleasure of writing to you in Angus' last, there is little .1' no news in
Botany Bay. Times are becoming worse and worse ; wheat is now 34
per bushel of SOltts.ina;ze Is :id, and every whet article equally Irk
proportion. I really do not know what it will come to at last. I'm-
Gon's sake keep as friends at home ; hatter half a loaf is nes.ce tits t
fifty here. The country is sadly changed slam I it..tl the pitta-are.
18'27, of giving you (persoally) an account 0, It. Ti c crops loo:: hcah-
tirul in every quarter, and are now coming into ear; but in one night,
nay one hour, all our ho; es may he blamed by a blight, hot wind. or
rust, which makes us, to all intents and purposes, ' settlers' in a v.ry
short period. So much for the uncertainty of our climate. I ant many
to say th•it none of the t•red wheat you sent me came up, with the rx.
caption of the Cape, which Itmks very well. I have sent, per the Ca.
roline,:a sample of my AblvisM,d wheat and I challenge all Cagland,
Scotland, or Ireland, to produce as good, into account the weight
per Winchester bushel—the sample will speak for itself. I hope tor
the present you have given up all idea of visiting New S utit Wales ;
you must wait patiently till it gets better ; it cannot get wars,"

CIVIL DISABILITIES OF TILE JEWS.

It would be monstroua, say the persecutors, that a Jew
should legislate for a Christian community. This is a pal-
pable misrepresentation. What is proposed is not that the
Jews should legislate for a Christian community, but that a
legislature composed of Christians and Jews, should leis-
late for a community composed of Christians and Jere.
On nine hundred and ninety-nine questions out of a t: oo-
send,—on all questions of police, of firialice, of cavil
criminal law, of foreign policy, the Jew, as a Jew, Irv; no
interest hostile to that of the Christian, or even of the
O. ailevions relating to n, Acelesiaatical,
establishment, the Jew and the Churchman may riiir,..
But they cannot differ more widely than the Catholic sad the
Churchman, or the Independent and the Chorchint.a. The
principle, that Churchmen ought to monopolize the whole
power of the state, would at least have an intelligible mean-
ing. The principle, that Christians ought to monopolize it,
has no meaning at all For no question connect: d with the
ecclesiastical institutions of the country can pos•ibly come
before Parliament, with respect to which there will not he as
wide a Uifference between Christians, as there can be
betveen any Christian and Jew.
In fact, the Jews are not now excluded from political
power. They possess it ; and as long as they are allowed
to accumulate property, they must possess it. The distinc-
tion which is sometimes made between civil privileges and
political power, is a distinction without a difference. Privi-
leges are power. Civil and political are synonymous words,
the one derived from the Latin, the other from the Greek.
Nor is this mere verbal quibbling. If we look for a moment
at the facts of the case, we shall see that the things are in-
separable, or rather identical.
That a Jew should be a judge in a Christian count: v,
would be most shocking. But he may be a juryman. He
may try issues of fact; and no harm is done. But if he
should be suffered to try issues of law, there is an end of
the Constitution. He may sit in a box plainly dressed, and
return verdicts. But that he should sit on the bench in a
black gown and white wig, and grant new trials, would be
an abomination not to be thought of among baptized people.
The distinction is certainly most philosophical.
What power in civilized society is so great as that of the
creditor over the debtor? If we take this away from the
Jew, we take away from him the security of his property.
It would be impious to let a Jew sit in Parliament. But
a Jew may make money, and money may make members of
Parliament. Gattou and Old Sarum may be the property of
a Hebrew. An elector of Penrhyn will take tep pounds
from Shylock rather than nine pounds nineteen shillings and
eleven pence three farthings from Antonio. To this no ob.;
jection is made. That a Jew should possess the substance
of legislative power, that he should command eight votes on
every division, as if he were the great Duke of Newcastle
himself, is exactly as it should be. But that he should pass
the bar, and sit down on those mysterious cushions of green
leather ; that he should cry " Hear," and " Order,' and
talk about being on his legs, and being, for one, free to say
this, and to say that, would be a profanation sufficient to
bring ruin on the country.
That a Jew should be privy-councillor to a Christian king,
would be an eternal disgrace to the nation. But the Jew
may govern the money-market, and the money-market may
govern the world. The minister may be in doubt as to his
scheme of finance till he has been closeted with the Jew.
A congress of sovereigns may be forced to summon the Jes
to their assistance. The scrawl of the Jew on the back of
a piece of paper may be worth more than the royal word of
three kings, or the national faith of three new Ame-
rican republics. But that he should put Right Honourable
barn() his name, would be the most frightful of national ca-
lamities.

If it is our duty m Christians to exclude the Jews from
political power, it must be our duty to treat them as our an-
cestors treated them—to murder them, and banish them, and
rob them. For. in that way, and in that way alone, can we
really deprive them of political power. If we do not adopt
this course, we may take away the shadow, but we must
leave them the substance. We may do enough to pain and
irritate them ; but we shall not do enough to secure ourselves
from danger, if danger really exists. Where wealth is, there
power must inevitably be.