Star.
London, England, 1825-03-02 00:00:00

Mr. PT.UNKETT presented a Petition from 700 Protestants ofl
toe City of Dublin. It was signed by twelve of the principal No-
b:4'y of Ireland--by most of the Bankers, most of the respectable
'Merchants and Traders admit City, eight or nine of whose names
r.-presented one minion of property. The Petition was in favour
of the Catholic claims; it was ogdered to b.: printed.
Lord N U 0 RNT said, that a Petition from the British Catholics,
signed by 21;000 persons, had been pet into his hands, but he,
would not occupy the time of the House by presenting it at prewar.
as they must he anxious to hear the motion of the Hots. Bart.

(Sa F. Burdett)—(Hear).
fiome llentbets thess row to present Petitions.
- Mr. UROUG HAM said, that after his Noble Friend had con-
sented to postpone a Petition Mined by twenty-one thousand
persons, and relatins to the Catholic Claims, it was quite unfair
fur Hon. Members to proceed with Petitions on other irrelevant
matters—( Hear).
--------

never forget
the benefits

THE CATHOLIC PETITION.
Sir FRANCIS Meow/ being new loudly called on from different
p arts of the Hamar, rose to present a Petition from the Catholics of
li
Ireland, signed by 100,000 persons, the largest number of persons,
which had ever signed a Petition to that !louse. The Petitiou,l
forming an immense mass, was then laid upon the table.
Sir F. BURDETT sail:, that filled as his mind ever
was with anxiety and apprehension when he addressed
the House, yet never had he felt that anxiety and ap-
prehension so strong as at present, when he was called
upon to discharge a duty to •which he was so inadequate.
That duty he woold have utterly declined, if be could
have done so, without a dereliction on his part of that
warmth and zeal which be felt for the Catholic
Cause. When he called to Mind, the great talents,
the high character, and the splendid effotts which
had been exerted in this cause by the late Mr.l
Grattan;—when the figure of that venerated pa-
triot passed before his eyes in the glass of recollection ;
n hen lie called to mind the fact that some of the
greatest men this country ever produced, had laboured
in the same cause, and that the most distinguished
living talents would probably be exerted in the course
of the present discussion, he could not bet feel the most
extreme alarm and apprehension. It was. however.
great consolation that his deficiencies would be supplied
by the abilities of those aiound him ; and that his weak-
ness would be supported by the strength of his cause.
It was also a great consolation that the great talents
on the other side of the House, which were generally
opposed to him, would, on the present occasion, afford
their aid to carry this important question. The Petition
which he had just presented to the House, large as it
was in size, and numerous as it was in signatures, was
boa ever but a trifle light as air;" and represented
hut an atom of the great Catholic body, whose Petitions,
if they bad been thought necessary, would have filled
the whole space of that House, up to its lofty roof. It
would be unjust to regard it. as a Petition affecting
merely the Catholics. It would be unjust to regard it
as an Irish question only. It involved the interests of
the people of England, and the fate of the whole em-
pire. The grounds on which the Petition razed were
so strong and irresistible that he could not conjecture
how it could be overthrown. On the claim of justice,
sound policy, right, good faith, and public honour, the
Petition was immoveably founded on a rock. In con-
sidering the subject before the House, he would not
weary their patience by adverting to the questions
v. hich they had so recently discussed, nor would he
touch upon any points that were calculated to excite
in the mind. of any Man the. sliglitest angry feel-
ing—(Hear,' hear). He should, on the contrary, en-
deavour to advance the claims of the Petitioners,
by conciliating the feelings of all parties, and by
endeavouring to merge them into one strong senti-
ment of regard for the public interest. He would
avoid, thei elm e, taking any retrospective view of
the history of Catholic and Protestant conflicts;
be would avoid touching with unhallowed hand upcn
the newly-closed wounds of Ireland ; and he would en-
deavour to ieconcile the Catholics and their opponents,
and shew how necessary it was to the advantage of both
to put an end to the struggles and agitations which now
existed is Ireland. In spite of the apparent tranquil-
lity of that country, it was absurd to suppose that such
tranquillity would be permanent, unless some new mea-
sures were adopted. True, the Government of Ireland,
by a wiser course of proceeding, and by a liberalization
of the old policy of Ireland, had induced a temporary
calm ; still it was ratiopal to believe that the calm
would be of short duration if justice %sere not done to
the Catholics, and if effect were not given to the syssem
recently begun. Effect and permanency never could
be imparted to it by anything else than full and imme-
diate justice to the Catholics. With respect to their
claims on the score of justice be would say that in times
of real danger—in the times of the Revolution, when a
new Government was established and the old King ex-
pelled fri an the country on account of his arbitrary con-
duct, that even in such times no objection was made to
the Catholic religion on any other than political '
grounds, that is, on account' f its tendency to promote
arbitrary power. There were then two classes of Ca-
tholics--the religious Catholics, who remained quiet
and undisturbed; and the State Catholics, who com-
municated w ith Rome and interfered in the Araks of
Dover nment. In those times, when William was re'
ceived by one party with open arms, and James, being
expelled, fled to Ireland, the kingdoms were not united,
and J ones still remained the legitimate Monarch of
Ireland.. In defending James, therefore, the Irish only
did Their duty. They were not rebels, for they conti-
nued faithful to their King; we were the rebels, who
deposed burn. The freedom of the country was at
stake, and we were justified. in. what we did, but the
Lash were not wrong in vindicating the cause of James,
it they were satisfied with his conduct. After, how-
eser, James had stiewn peat pussillanimity ; after the
Irish had bravely ft.Ught many battles in his .behalf, and
been often defeated ; alter James had entirely aban-
doned them, and William had made glen advances in
their gaud opinion, and the country was divided into two
the Wil fm sent over instructions
to tranquillize Ireland.
and on the condition
lie free exercise of their
ocher privileges, they tea-
'-y of William. thi.ugh
iding in the mouth of the
•aty of Limerick, yielded
for th to be regarded as
ore tranquil, and King
of the empire to resist
evolution, and consolidate
bsequeot infractions cf the
'ver meant as securities
was no need of secu-
rind sufety. In such times
better of sound policy,
:s provisions, and a code
~st and se. vest that ever
In better times, and lie
ter e laws had been greatly
.atholics of lieland would

. .

'eceived

recollect ,
for 'those archer re-
lazation If the.
Catholics of their
comer it cause;
during , . ;es with
prudence and discretion, they must ultimately triumph
in that House. So long as Ireland remained tranquil(
the mind of England would continue to be enlightened
on the subject of their claims. He did not lack u pcn'
himself as the advocate of the Catholics of Ireland, nor
of the people of Ireland, and still less of the Roman
Catholic religion. But if he was not the advocate of
the Catholic religion, he was not its adversary, nor of
any other religion. He was of opinion that all religious
sects ought to enjoy an equality of rights, if they wets
sound in their morality, and if they eneout aged the
virtue of their followers. The Catholic religion was as
faithful in these respects as any other. Fur himself, he
was brought up in the Church cf England, and would,
if left to his free choice, prefer it to all others. No
doubt it might be modified to advantage in some re-
spectc„ With respect to the Clergy of the Church of
England, a more enlightened and a more liberal body
of men aid not exist--(Hear). He said this without
reference to the Ecclesiastical Corporations; for all
Corporations, whether lay or ecclesiastical, were of an
intolerant and monopolizing spirit. The ilocttines of
the Church of England taught him " to do to others
as be would be done unto, and the Constitution of
England taught him that all who bole equal burthens
were entitled to equal rights. So far, therefore, from
its being a Catholic question, the Catholics themselves
stand on Protestant ground ; and in maintaining their
Petition, lie did it on Protestant principles—(Hear).
It was a singular change in things, when the Catholics
were now demanding their rights on the very grounds on
which the Protestants formerly sought to recover theirs
from the Catholics. The grbat objection now to granting
the Catholic claims was the power of the Pope. Re-
specting this danger a heap of imaginary fears had been
conjured up, which had no connexion in the world with
reality—(Hear).—These prejudices were learned in
early life out of miserable books, by men whose minds
made no advance, and because their own minds stood
till, they argued that the Catholics they read of were
the same as those who existed now, whilst they in reality
were no more like each other than this world and the
next—(Hear).—lt was a great *disadvantage to have
to deal with men whose education had been perverted.
It had been said, that " where ignorance is bliss itis
folly to be wiser and ignorance was indeed bliss com-
peted with the folly of those whose prejudiced minds
were incapable of conceiving and acting upon those
truths which led to human happiness. But it was extraor-
dinary to hear the fear of the Pope urged as an argu-
ment against the Catholic claims by that portion of the
Ministry which had been most eager to restore the Pope
to his former power by a great expenditure of money
and men. They had rescued him from thralcloen, rein-
stated him in authority, and then called upon the coun-
try tl tremble before the very-phantom which they had
created. If, indeed, the power of the Pope was so fright-
ful, then the Ministers deserved to be impeached who
had cleated that power,by expending treasure and con-
ti ibuting soldiers. It was, however, the moOmbecile
of all conceivable things to make this an argument for
depriving six millions of men of their rights. Those
six millions were irritated, dissatisfied,and discontented,
and it would be recollected, that at the present moment,
when the balance of power of Europe was destroyed—
when two or three great. Monarchs had usurped the
controul of Europe—and when those Powers were look-
ing with jealousy and alarm towards England—that it
was the height of folly to expose six millions of discon-
tented subjects to the danger of being invaded at
every moment by these arbitrary, jealous, and grasping
Poaers.lreland might, if we would only do,her justice,
be made an impassable barrier against all inviders ; bat
if jastice were refused to her, then she would give the
invader every assistance, and stab the empire in its most
vital parts. It Great Britain 'was destined to be swal-
lowed up,. Ireland was the sea in which we must be
swamped. Ireland was worth our alliance. She was
dreamt in-the heart of the Empire, which exposed-us
to destruction on the first moment of attack.
No man could forget the narrow escapes of the last war.
If the Fiench fleet in Bantry Bay had not been sepa-
rated, and if the Commanders had been on good terms,
and had not mistaken their duty, there was no doubt
but that the interests of England would have suffered
greatly. Nothing but the grossest ignorance on the
part of the enemy could account for the attempt not
baying been repeated. But we ought not to expect any
more such escapes, since foreign Poo ens had, since the
war, become too well acquainted with the state of the
wintry. The foreign journals continually reproach
us with our severe and illiberal conduct towards Ire-
land. We ought to profit by this manifestation of fo-
reign feeling, and endeavour by every conciliatory mett-
sure to consolidate the strength of the Empire. If the
claims of the people of Ireland, resting, as they did,
upon the good faith of treaties, resting, as he said they
did, upon every principle sacred between n:en, they
could be refused on no good ground of danger, justice,
or policy. Even if there were danger in fulfilling Mali-
Igations so sacredly imposed, still no doubt could be
entertained of the policy of fulfilling our own covenants.
But when they were bound by treaty and the faith of
covenants, and commanded. by true policy as well as
all their best interests, it did seem to him to be the
height of folly, and utterly irrational, that they should
not complete the work they had begun, but stop with
that particular exception which was sufficient to do
away the benefit of all that had been done before. If
these claims were granted; what *ould the Petitioners
obtain ? A few Catholic Gentlemen would, perhaps,
find their way into that House, and sae of the first
Noblemen in this country would certainly take their
seats in the House of Lords. The Kings prerogative,
which had hitherto been restrained by these laws,seoUld
be extended so far, that the King would have the power
of calling Catholic Gentlemen to high. Aces to the
State. What was the danger irrthis? Did they appre-
hend the existence of a Popish King .upon the throne?
He should really be glad to know whar,wai the danger
apprehended ? and until he did know it, be found it
impossible to oppose it in argument. He thought the
present time was peculiarly auspicious. far granting
the. question. The People of Englantwele nolonger
alarmed Upon die subject, and the Protestants of
Ireland, he meant the better half of them in every
sense, were anxious, for the. sake of their own peace
and safety, that it should be granted. What,'
then, was the truth? .Why, that these Restrictions
were kept up to maintain a small faction in their pant-
pored and. domain ering infh.eace. Butte wished to do

..I.►

justice to the-,
to do it from he
them as well as
and be had four
lesidnaes ,benev,
fagots* air: countrl
EXpept)og the low,
Apyin,tire system, _
flout ieveas bis
and enlightened body of men did not exist than the
Orangemen of Ireland. He said this with the excep-
tion of that principle of domination over their Catholic
brethren, -which was unfortunately imbibed in their
education, and naturally arose out of the existing sys-
tem. Excepting this principle, they wete as praise-
worthy in their conduct, Wort more so, than the land-
lords of this country. There was only this measure of.
conciliation wanting to remove the cause of that defect
in their character, and to induce them, instead of living
in a continual state of irritation and alarm, to shake
hands with their Catholic countrymen. and to secure
that peace and tranquillity which they never could
look Tor else. He called upon the people of England
to support this question, not, only upon the ground of
foreign dance, which he believed to be imminent, but
for the saving of the expenditure which Ireland now
cost this country. The Right Hon. Chancellor of the
Eschequer, had last night stated some small reduc-
tions to be made, and the greatest advantages of which
were, that_they would relieve the parties from the
grievance of 'collectors ; but here was a field for a much
wider saving ; here was an opportunity for a much
larger economy. Let the. people of England relieve
themselves from the millions Which they paid to
supper t the present system in Ireland—(Hear, hear,
hear). He said, then, that the people of this coun-
try would do better to load that table with Peti-
tions in favour of Catholic Emancipation than to
talk about the reduction of those taxes, which
they seemed to think of more importance than a ques-
tion of this magnitude. Returning again to the treaty
of Limerick—for he would never abandon that position
—he could observe that there was another treaty or
compact, which, though understood, was never signed
or producible, he meant that which was called the
Union. But it had only proved an Union of parchments,
when it was obtained by promising the people and
making them believe that they should partake the be-
nefits of liberal, equal, and just government. They
were told that all those advantages were to follow, and
that capital was to flow into the country, and render it
as peaceful and happy as'England herself. These ex-
pectations and promises had all been falsified, because
this country had refused the measure upon which alone
they all depended. Why, thee, should they not now
proceed to make the Union real, and not aominal,, by
fulfilling the promises under which it was obtained
from Ireland? When the Marquis Wellesley was ap-
pointed to the Irish Government, he gave that Noble
Lord credit for his intentions, knowing that his feelings
were true, warm, honest, Irish feelings, such as were
likely to lead the Government to a change of policy,
which, instead of making distinctions between the two
nations, would consider them as one united people. He
wished that the discussion of an Irish question, in that
House, should be entered into in the same feelings with
which they took uplusinesi relating to Yorkshire, or
-any other portion of the Empire. He gave credit, to
Lord Wellesley for what hid been done, and if, as had
been said by the Right Hon. Attorney-General for Ire-
land) he hail got her off the breakers, and set her upon
the tide of prosperity, lie hoped the vessel would conti-
nue to ride safe, and, above all, that she would coati-1
nue to be wellananned. lie also bore testimony to the
merits of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself. For
whatever personal inconveniences he might have ex-
posed himself to by taking office under the present Go-
vernment, he unquestionably exercised great talents in
his office, and with great public advantage. He hoped
the Right Hon. Gentleman would succeed in converting
the only one of his colleagues who now remained hostile
to die. Catholics. He was happy to reed in the faces of
four out of five of his Majesty's Ministers, on the op-
posite bench, sentiments favourable to them and to their
cause. To the Catholics themselves be recommended
union and moderation, and he hoped they would leave
their cause to be advocated in that House,where alone it
could be advocated with advantage, and where, aided
as it was by the principles of truth and reason, it must
ultimately prevail, if not impeded in its course by
indiscretions of their own. He was told to look at
the prosperity of Ireland, as the result of what bad
been already done by Lord Wellesley's Government. If
diet were true, what a harvest might they not expect,
if they went on labouring in such a fruitful soil?
He had fortunately spent some time in Iteland,—not,
jerked, admiring the beauties of nature in which that 1
country was so rich. nor in enjoying those charms
of hospitality and society, which be believed were
carried further than in any other country—but in
making himself acquainted with the condition and
wants of die people. The Honourable Baronet then
*proceeded to describe the inhabitants of a wild dis-
trict where be staid some time,
.as being the most
iorsocent and hind people be bad ever seen, fully con-
firming what Sir J. Davis had said of them, that they
were willing to obey the law-if the law would protect
them, and that there were no greater lovers of justice
in egistencs- With such st people, then, with.; fertile soil,
well watered with noble rivers,surrounded with the finest
harbou,rsaitio was oothiag wanting but good govern-
ment toreador !Ireland a happy and a wealthy country.
He wished not to connect this question with any other,
but to snake it thefirst step, the sine qua eon upon which
ail others were to proceed. He wished it to stand un-
mixed tifith "baser matter." He hoped the vote of that
sight would give Ireland present cheerful hope and
:lasting future benefit. He was confident the House
diiould nit be long before it put this last stroke to the new
system of policy, which would then unite the two coun-
tries in:the strong bonds of the British Constitution.-:--
He would not trouble the House with any of the dis-
quisitions upon religion which it was thought formerly,
necessary' to introduce ; because he did not presume'
that there was any man in that House, at the present
day, who reqUited it to lse;proved that a man's reli-
gious opinions ought dot to spbject him to political dis-
abilities.. But it was said that some contingent danger
was antieipated from the course he recommended to
the HoOse; limit he was told what that danger-was,
mill act oppose *Arguments founded open it. lie should
therefore now ale dowib and watt for the props" erfereltoitY
meetiug them. The Hon. Simonet then moved the asaalsessistras„
That the House should resolve itself into a Corme*ltia
sider the state of the laws relating main Roman Cseksiaes,wita Sr
view to their amelioration."
Mr. CIIOKEIL seconded dut motion ;, and observed
that krefeired end' ely the civil state of the Catholics,
whereas, in his oktinionot ought toembrace the condition
of the Catholic Church, as well as of the L city. He was

s s eboenfofirdeenthteytlcteotueidtrhuostp
ehteo *see* niceit ny of these tl
permanent
to Ireland. He therefore took that opportunity of _
irrdveatlia;e4
stating, that if no one more competent than himself
should undertate it, he pledged himself to bring under the condo
aeration of the House the question of whether a provision should
not be made for the Catholic Cergy?
Mr. LESLIE FOSTER was
.•tence of the Orange'
happy to have the op-
portunitymotion of lamenting the ext
of the Honourable Baronet as one pregnant
party in Ireland; hut yet he could not help viewing
with the greatest dangers to the country. He had seen'
a paper, which, until he was otherwise informed, he'
must consider as a manifesto of the Catholics; and us
which they declare that you can do nothing fur Ow
pacification o! the Catholics of Ireland until you do away- •
with the Established Chutch of that country. If atl
teligions were admitted to places in the Govetrfniente
he could not conceive in what the Established' Chtifehi
of Ireland consisted. fie thought thefe wit an etabh4-
rate attempt at putting down the Pietestatit
ment of Ireland, but the measure from which thsO
Church of Ireland or England would reap most benefit"-
would be an enactment, to which he would gladly give'
his support, having for ifs object to compel the Clergy
,of the Established Church to the rigid performance of
their duties. Sir W. Petty, in his Estimate of the Popu-
lation of Ireland, had stated that the Protestants
amounted to 200,000, and the Catholics to 8(X),000.—
Here there were data upon which to c ilcelne the pro-
portion of Protestants to Catholics. Lend Chat lenient, _
in 1682, had said, " Never tell me that one million of
Protestants can keep two millions of Catholics in bond-
age.' Lqrd Charlemont was however mistaken, for
the population exceeded four milliens at that time,.
The last census taken was in the year 1821, when the
population amounted to 6,800,000; and it was assumed
that the loci ease had been all Catholics, the Protestants
having ceased (as yeas alleged) to multiply. Since 1821,
it was said that another million had been added-to tbe
population, but this he believed to be a mistake, fur a
panic had seized the landlords, who did everythitig to
discourage the increase of population; be, therefor*,
believed that there was no actual increase in the papa,.
lation of the country. He had to labouf against re-
peated assertions as to the population of the country,
from Gentlemen on the other side, which had never
been contradicted front his side of the House, perhaps
from want of documents. He had, however, lately
seen some Papers which he had glanced over, and from
which he had come to a conclusion that the Protestant
population of Ireland amounted to 1,860,000; the
Catholic population to 4,900,000, being nearly the
same ratio as stated by Sir W. Pea/ in his census.
He believed the Ptesbyrerians amounted to 62,000,
and the other Protestant Dissenters to 45,000. From
this it would appear that the statement of an Honour-
able Gentleman opposite, that the note:tints -in
Ireland bore the same proportion to the Catholics
las the Unitarians is England bore to the members
of the Established Church, was erroneous. He
thought the present a dangerous time for entertaining
such a motion, when the chair of St. Peter was filled
by a worthy descendant of the Innocents and Gtegories,
and when France was labouring, not to texture the
estates of the emigrants, not (or the propagation of the
principles of legitimacy, but for the extension of 112 c
Catholic religion and Catholic influence ,to every spit
where they possessed the slightest power. This was
not the time to hazard any innovation on the alliance
between Church and State, and to substitute a new and
untried principle in its place. He admitted, there•was but a choice
of difficulties ; but be bad at least experience front the Revolution
in his favour.

Mr. Secretary' CANNING then rote, and, in a tone
of voice which evinced considerable feebleness and in.
disposition, spoke to the following effect:—Sir, my **-
son for thing at thi- early stage of the debate, is my
fear, that were I longer to delay addressing you, the
state of my health would preclude me from doing soot
ail; and I am anxious not to give a silent vote on the
present occasion. Under these circumstances, I
imitate the moderation of the Honourable Barouervplkar
has brought the subject under the consideratioa of the
Rouse. I will not enter into any controversiarpoims,
or Into any topics which might lead into an initittiag
discussion, at the close of which I may be unable to be
present; but I will confine myself to the expres-ion of the
opinion which I have repeatedly expressed, and which I
will again express, under whatever circumstances this
subject may be submitted to the conideratioo of
Parliament, or from whatever quarter the prop•
sition for taking it into consideration may proceed.—
I beg the Honourable. Baronet will not rnisunderstaosi
my last observation, or suppose _that I entertain towards
him the slightest disrespect. 1 have often had the
Dour of his co-operation, although certainly in the ma-
jority of questions we have differed. Undoubtedly, Sir,
if my opinion and advice had been asked on this sub-
ject (and I by no means complain that they were war
so), I might not (rave thought the present the most fa-.
vourable opportunity for the agitation of the snbject.-r
Having said so much, I will not pursue that topic for...
titer, lest I should be supposed to urge it as a kinder
doubt of the propriety of the motion. The ssuestiew is
before us ; and being before us, it is for me to consider
in what way to deal with it. Sir, 1 hster no hesitation
in saying, that lam ready to deal wish it u halrf
always dealt with it—l am ready cosies my most cor-
dial and conscientious support to the Honourable Ba-
ronet's proposition.Althougb,as J have already observed,
there are circumstances which make roe coniidor she
present as rather an unfavourable moment for the dis-
cussion of this question ; yet, personally, I am far
horn being sorry that it has been brought forwar4,--
Having so recently stood up in this House to Icnti My
aid in suppressing the irregular attempts which have
been mare to carry into effect, what I nevertheless con-
sider a most desirable object, I am, not sorry
.tlnfr,an
early opportunity is thus afforded me of sheworig Otat it.
was only to that which was superinduced on this im-
portant question, that I objected ; and that the'feeling
which I ever entertained on the main subject, is alto-
gether unaltered and unalterable—(Ficar, hear, hear).-
The principle on which, as it appears to me, the pre-
sent proposition is worthy of the consideration of the
House, is so plain and simple, that I can hardly
gine on what grounds it is possible to oppose it. Leans
easily understar.d, that any pet sons who are called upon"
to decide in favour of the Catholic Question, may na-
turally enough require certain qualifications; look for
the removal of certain inconveniences ; expect seeurityc
against certain dangers (many of them, in my opinion,
imaginal y, some oithern, perhaps, real). But I cannot
understand how the simple proposition, to inquire why
human beings, all subjects of the same Sovereign, all
inhabitants of the same soil, all living together an thw •
same community, all mingling in the various kindly
Offices of life, all professing the common creed of Chris.-
tianity, should be minded from the enjoyment of equal


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At least that w
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conclude? By
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it never occurs
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my Honourabl
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illustration

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the world in a

so paramount
cially among t
accuracy of tha
my inference f
'aided into two
thane betw•ee
and the line be
as efface the li
Protestant Mit
let as streagtl
British and
hear).—These,
hare always
are .the priaci
to advocate
to say anythil
those Honoura
subject'of thei
establishment.
thi. House to
would go as
lishment. Tb
Nay, more: I
were convince
by proceeding,
is so interwove
at the hasard

contend again
But it is beau
trary, that th
ceives gay ino
this count'', gri
ithose Niiho not
sits Governmen
• port to the n
pledged to ti
founded on it
sacrifice to tha
I may believe
Protestant Co
tleman SAS re
speech ; shut'
rentlY overeat
The SOPIC
sistency of,opi
House, be has
there was atty
partial opinim
fore, state brie
tire to the
were chiefly fi
Honourable E
time was iacs
thought it wl
House adopte
row, it wool,
It would be si
after suppres
Emancipation
dependent Mt
'notion. An
of the House
claied, that,
the House in
meats, openly
men, whether
not be consid
(ion ? He sh<
would not ag
He was told I
would be sari
biie~prirliege
stelppingssteo
Trionouratbki I
had %rime
chin was pol
the principle
difficulty: be
was to stop,

(mato* tha
the objects
,eats in the
lieuch, wer
lieges were
tin its claim
Ile Cobol

.spectinkli
Member fa
Vbe wordi
tath the C

UM he ttil
Vieittroi.
Ahnts, the
the

.1 parties, then it was that William
in put an end to the war, and t
Tile Irish entered into a treAty,
that thej should be allowed the
religion, together with Won orh,
dily submitted to the sitthorit;
there was then a French fleet lid
They signed the treat
.‘ '.p their arms, and were thencell
i iti:h subjects. Ireland becan
, 1s ailiam united all the force 01
Louis XLV. establish the ltevoli
his ovin power. The subsequi
Treaty of Limerick were new
against the Catholics, fur these
ti les during dines of triumph an
the feelings of triumph got the I
the Treaty w..s invaded is all it'
of laws was enacted, the hetvie•
pressed upon a nation's neck.
sized it with pleasure, thosnsevez
ielaaesi. He wished the Cath

Drget that within a few yearktbey had re
efits of such a relaxation. It was bitter they
:t the benefits conferred than the injuries in
ise bentfits afforded a hope of a•, furtt
of the disabilities whick still remained.
cs of Ireland would forget
,tress
oppowlnts,•tieellect tlxasselfattoerd thei
the la,t reign, and conduct themselve

Irangenven of Ireland, and he was able
tying had the goodionane to bi-10°.eg
the_Catholics fors coniddetable-pme,
and ayotoggst both, patties the-utmost
rolence, Od good Alonduct.tto t 1 it kn-
ltry gentlemekndllande4 propiletoSs.
ow, patpUg Oast Whith itiittron
n, and kept up I its violence and fat-
.his opinion that a mote hon.mrab le
• .

.. • •
unite the two coun- was only to that which was superinduced on this kn-
the principle
ish Constitution.— portant question, that I objected ; and that thefeeling difficulty; lx
rith any of the dis- which I ever entertained on the main subject, is alto- was to stop, 1
s thought formerly gether unaltered and unalterable—(Hear, hear, hear)..
I twining that 1
le did not presume The principle on which, as it appears to me, the pre- the objects el
:use, at the present sent proposition is worthy of the consideration of the- feats to that
'
that a man's reli- • House, is so plain and simple, that I can hardly in•st-- Ileuch, were
him to political dis- gine on what grounds it is possible to oppose it. Leans lieges were gi
e contingent danger easily understand, that any pet sons who are called upon, tin its claim, 1
le teconimended to to decide in favour of the Catholic Question, may na- , ..!'he Catholic
it that danger was, turally enough require certain qualifications; look for 'spatting 'Titl
d upon lt. He should the removal of certain inconveniences ; expect secnrititc -Member for
Prorr °P.P°llllnitY 4 against certain dangers (many of them, in my opinion, Via uordi of
red the usual rsolutihn,
o a committee to am. imaginal y, some of these perhaps, real). But f cannor itikeh.the Ch
on= Qtholics, with a understand how the simple proposition, to inquire why hid he tikes
human beings, all subjects of the same Sovereign, all qt or thi
tion ;, and observed inhabitants of the same boil, all living together an tlw .
~ *Do; the out
,ateof the Catholics. same community, all mingling in the various kindly Airs the prc
nbrace the condition offices of life, all professing the common creed of ChritiP lailisArkioal
f the L my. He was tianity, should be minded frets the enjoyment of equal
. ,
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