Star.
London, England, 1825-05-11 00:00:00

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' tolerating one a hick was established. With their spi-
ritual tenets; and doctrineshe had nothing to do. In the
practices and intentions of the Itomish hierarchy he
could see nothing to dread, were they Even wriikedly
'lnclined% He ovred'it ?slice to vote for the re-_,
cfiil be oreveti enactment againn the Cutback or any'
SXlrer body Miles who reittainedexpoted to pains and.'
'disabilities Lett after the evils 7.nd dangers anticipated
by those enactments had-ceased. It was on this groond
that the CittbOlks were entitled to his vote, to which his
country had a heavier claim. To withhold their rights'
was to keep Olive-divisions among them, to make the
dangers increase—to retard the prosperity of the coun-
try in thole' of peace—to reader that peace less durable
—to' make the difficulties of the country more injurious,
should war considerably impair the resources—to die-'
tract our energies when they ought to be combined
against the common enelny. He considered the opposition
to the adjuncts of the Bill'as of very little weight, because
they came before the House rather as matter of detail.
He considered all argument-on the principle as having
been long ago set at rest for ever. The practical view
(1 it was with respect to Ireland., Apart from Ireland,
however cogent the arguments and claims of the Ro-
man Catholics and their advocates, they were in that
comparison unimportant. In Ireland they had to con.
tend with all the evils of a divided establishment. The
Government of this country had. at a former period,
imported thither the Protestant religion. The transfer
of the Church property to the Ministers of the reformed
religion was not accompanied with the transfer of the
religious telief of the inhabitants. 'Still the Act of
Union, following in the stream of time, confirmed that
property in the religion of the State, and it was now
irrecoverable.' This was wisely done—because to shake
the inviolability of the Church property, or that of any
other kind, was to affect the stability of all property,
and thereby subvert the foundations of all civil order
and good government. With an evil of this portentous
size gill growing up among them, they ought to think
of a remedy. It was a good old didunt of that House
that there was no evil beyond the reach of Parliament—
that there was no great political evil for which Parlia-^
meat was not. bound, as it was very well able, to pro-
vide a remedy. Something num be done,. and what
was that something to be? Could they hope to con-
vert the Roman Catholics? The speculation was idle,
and too frivolous to discuss. . petides, the chances
even of individual exertion were lowered, while they
laboured among a people barred from open and unqua-
lified intercourse by pains, restrictions, and disabilities.,
He trusted much to the diffusion of wealth and intelli-
gence among the Irish, and the successful ambition of
many of that religion, who bad taken to the learned
professions,- for producing a community of sentiment
and feeling. He looked with no less gratification to
the support given to this Bill by the Protestants of this
country, by the majority of this House, and a large
proportion of the other. Bat could they suppose that
the Catholics were not also conscious of this support?
' and must they not expect that the Catholics would never
cease in their attempts until they had acquired their
rights . That 'hot e' was still more visionary than the
idea of converting them. What then was there left to
do ? Remove the causes of dicontent, by providing for
the safety of Ireland. He assumed that there must be
some danger in altering the system of law which had
for so long a time excluded them s but whether it
was at pre.ent inconsiderable, or whether it was really
appalling, as it had been represented, now was the
best time to deal with it. Th!s was the true view of
the subject, which toil in the comparison of dangers.,
The gallant Member for Westmeath, who knew the
value of 10.000 additional troops in preserving the peace
of Ireland, and from his professional habits was not
likely to be too easily alarmed, was of opinion that Ca-
tholic Emancipation would do more to tranquillize Ire-
-lAd than 10,000 additional force. By far the greater
loss which the country experienced in consequence of
these restrictions on the Roman Catholics was occa-
sioned—and this was-a fact which 'Gentlemen who were
accostomed to discuss questions of political economy
would do well particularly to consider—by the loss of
all the benefit that might, under other circumstances,
be derived from the employment of millions of English
Capital in Ireland (Hear), which must now be considered
as so many millions diverted and withdrawn from all
those channels of industry and improvement which
they might have so beneficially opened or enlarged.—
He should have been One of those who unquestionably
would have rejoiced had the measure of Catholic Eman-
eirition been granted, at the time of voting the Union
of the two countries--'Hear, henry But whatever had
subsequently to the Union 'fie& the misfortunes and
troubles of Ireland, it quad not be denied that she had
,een, in the same period, going as increasing in wealth,
and power, and in intelligent and educated classes.
There were, in fine, a great many more existing circum-
stances now, than there were five-and-twenty years ago,
to enable Ireland to receive the boonshe now claimed'
with advantage to herself; end the danger at with-
holding that boon, on :the Other hand, was proportion
ably increased, comp** With what the danger of
doing so would have been it a period Sib years back.--
The Catholics came before -Parliainest 'AS• supplicants.
for admission to a participation of all thole civil rights
and privileges which were enjoyed ht. itit other classes
of the King's subjects; and in - this their supplication
they were backed by it large portion at the intelligence
and influence of the Protestant. community, both' in
England and Ireland...;.Tt „War this very circumstance
of their being so supported that made fuFtlar 4011.1.0 f,
these claims highly dangerous. Thisreawmieihite be
some Honourable Gentletten who supposed =dud the,
Roman Catholic's perpetual meditation—his dream by
`,night and his anxiety by day—was how be inighf meet
'effectually plan the.overthrow of the Protestant *GUI.'
blishment as it now existed. Now, what stris it that the
Roman Catholics were at this moment asking? TO be
admitted *within the pale of a Protestant f`ioliiic4ll64 ',
ciety. Could it, then; be imagined, that the riaotitenS
-they should succeed in-getting within it, their exertion:l
would be turned to the destruction of dist:heftier' Which'
they bad so strenuously exerted themselves to' attain?
.But suppose the fears of Honourable Gentlemen; shotaa
unfortunately ever -• be• verified, las- he heartily . he-
fleved *they never Could or' 2ineuldbe setsuppese that
the !Oman Catlidics stf hristsle has?
dons, could it be doubted' what course 'we should`
called no to pursue? Would therany longer:stand:in
the' viruatida of stipplicantif for 'tights; in that situation
i 4 iihich now constituted the meal suength bf their'
NO; 4Heer, loan) but they *Quid 'i:tindl3.l rise
situation of aggressors—iskaggtessoniugainst Ibsen!!
rOh:of the Stahelthe, toaninttiou4klbe
agairite./itinfi ti.lffiktimentthat ,fortnA4ilet
luard and sea 'r- icy; and Minified die basis 40s 400)1
( Hear). Unless, slialnioMthf Route could suppose
itelt.ollllll YCi Lifitte;k_oe.e frlftOis ts!!
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