Star.
London, England, 1831-06-03 00:00:00

MR. O'CONNELL TO THE PEOPLE OF
IRELAND.

MERILION SQtrana, 29th May, 1831.
I have already pointed out to the people of Ireland the fa-
vourable aide of the great reform meoute. In England its
salutary tendency is most abundant and striking—in Scot-
land its salutary tendency is most superabundant and obvious
—in Ireland it may be equally so, if we shall have any
thing like an equal measure of justice or fair play held out
to us. We shall see.
I have, in my former letters, pointed out the advantages
to be derived in Ireland from the reform bill, even in its
present shape—but I intimated it had also great, but curable
defects, which it would be my duty to lay before the pub-
lic, in order to obviate these defects.
Having no kind of Inclination to assist in playing the
game of the Tories, I refrained from tracing out these de-
fects until after the elections should 1111•2 terminated. The
cletions are now bluOtphantly ended, and now it is my
duty to detect and capon all the insulting defects with wMA
the Irish refuel.) hill abounds—defects so strikingly Con.
trasted with the wise and magnificent improvements intro-
duced by that memnre into Scotland and England.
In detailing the advantages of the Irish Reform Bill, I
mentioned the rotten boroughs in each of the provinces
which, arc to he thrown open by that measure. It certainly
is a great aavantaAe that the people of Tralec and of 13elfast
should, in future, have the free choice of their Represents.
fives. So it I+ in each freed nomination borough. The opt-
rind town of Carlow will no longer he an object of indivi-
dual traffic. But I have gone through these advantages al-
ready. I need not now repeat them, though Ido delight to
dwelt upon them all.
I made one omission in my enumet ation of those boroughs.
and an important omission it wan. It related to the rottenest
of rovers boroughs—the borough of Athlone. I did not point
out the great act of justice of its bting thrown open to its
nthabi tants.

This omission has been charged upon me as a matter of
design. It was purely accidental. Situate partly in Con-
naught and partly in Leinster, I might have inserted Ath-
lone in either province. I thus omitted it in each—and by
that accident it remained unnoticed. I have now only to
express my deep regret that the gentleman who sits for that
town nominally as its representative, but really as the no-
minee of his uncle, does not see how much 'iiglier he would
stand, and how great and deservedly popular be would be-
come, if he had but the generosity and the manliness to
take the part of the people, and give up at once that which
will be wrested front him by legal force, is he continues to
,rasp it.
My resent design, however, is not to dwell longer on
the advantages to be derived from the reform in Ireland—
but to point out the parts of it which are defective, and I
think it my duty to trace these defects to the latent, if not
avowed disposition to treat the people of Ireland with indig.
pity, in order to favour a nondescript and ultimo extin.
guided oligarchy, or rather squirearchy, in this kingdom.
bet us see whether I shall be able to sustain this part of
my accusation.
My first complaint is, that the elective. franchise in the
cities and towns is rated ton high, and will thereby unjustly
exclude too many of the people. That is my first charge.
I proceed to prove that charge. I say it is unfairly and
unjustly wo high, especially as contrasted with a similar
fr.inehise in England.
The rate as which the right of voting front houses, in ci-
ties and towns, as regulated by the new bill, is at the yearly
value of tell pounds.
I say this is too high—greatly, unjustly, too high—l say
so foe these reasons—

In the first place, the rate at which the houses give the
right to vote a. present in Ireland, where the inhabitants
generally vote, is or the value of bye pounds. Now, it seems
utsjetsts in doubt,. the value at cove: and to disfrandsise, in fu.
tore, all Imislint of houses oriel's value than 101. a-year. The
Iri.ll Parliament lest it at five pounds—why should the Bri.
doh Parliament raise it to ten ? It its, in my mind, a mon-
strous step to doable the value thus as once, and to strike off,
pmspet shay, more, 'much more, in many plac.s, than one.
half of the writ/eat voters.
In the seetind pluce—ten pounds is too high as contrasted
with England. The franchise in Englund stands also, I
admit, to ten pounds in cities end towns—but let it be re.
collected .bat ten pounds in England, and ten pounds in Ire-
land. ate sj"ite dilsirent thing.. The ten pounds in Ireland
is of much more yotersiiul value than in lie.gland. A man
in Ireland is nina, richer with kit pounds than a man In
England wit; test pounds. It is infinitely more difficult for
an individuel obtein ten pounds in Ireland than in Eng.
To b: just, therefore, this scale of value should be
taken into cest•ideration, and the increased potential value,
and incre.-.std scarcity of ten pourds in Ireland should be
estitna.cd, end, theicfme, the rate of franchise should he re.
(Need to meet the real, as contrasted wish the nominal value
of money. It follows that this franchise should be rated
much lower than ten pounds in Ireland.
In the third plaet: the annparative number of persons in
England occupying houses of ten pounds annual value, is
infinitely greater in the ratio of population than in Ireland.
It certainly makes& difference of at least 25 per cent.—
Keeping, ti•erefore, the franchise at ten pounds in both
countries, is an injustice to Ireland to the ettent of at least
25 per cent. This is a plain injustice to the cities and towns
in IrJantl, to the amount of full one.fourth of the entire
number of voters.

I do then implore the inhabitants of the cities and towns
About to be thrown open, especially the smaller and more
remote towns, to meet at once and to petition the legislature
to have the value of the houses conferring the franchise, re-
duced from ten pounds to five pounds a year—or rather to
have the old five-pound house franchise made universal in
all cities and towns sending members to parliament. The
people of Legland will see the justice of this petition, and
will, I trust. assist us. The Irish deserve such assistance—
we have fought, and will fight well for English freedom.
Let them contend for our's.
illy SECOSD complaint relates to the franchise in counties
--that is, for the election of knights cf the shire.
In this respect also the most gross partiality, and, indeed,
injustice, is exhibited. Nothing, one would think, but a
determined disregard to Irish interests.a vile jealousy of
giving constitutional rights to the Irish people, could have
suggested the provisions of the reform bill touching the coca.
ties of Ireland.
Sec how the matter stands—control* the cases of England
and Ireland, 41'11 then judge whether I use language too
strong—or, rather, whether m Lnguage he strong enough.
In Englard, in the counties, the franchise will retain
Am, after the Reform Bill: Fine, the 40s. freeholders
remain as r, preietit, numerous of COWSC, and communiatt-
ing the right of voting to poor men, who thus have the
power to watch over their oats interesia.—Setved, an copy.
holders elf ten it oi.tlit a rear saline are added to the voters iu
counties. This is tot important and very numerous class.—
Third, all teuttets fur terms of 119 years, at MIL a-year, be-
come also entitled to vote. I mu told these constitute a
large body, and in England much increase the nuntbet of
voters. The habit of taking lands in England deer, lam in-
formed, makes this addition to the voters valuable. In this
country it would be quite otherwise, as I shall show re-
am dy.
Thu/ Englard has these three great classes of voters in
her counties-Ist, forty-shilling freeholders; 2d, ten-pound
copyholders ; 3d, fifty-pound tent•paying to for years.
Now, contrast this with Ireland.
Ireland is not to have any forty.shilling freeholders. This
I call inequality and injustice d' first.
Ireland has no copyholders—thattire she ought to get a
great malty other voters ; but she gets no p.ubsran'ial us use.
ful increase. This I call inequality and Injustice slur second.
Ireland has few tenants of chattle interests paying 501.
a yea fent, bat persons who have in some other way a right
to vote. I shall show this franchise to involve another to.
justice, and even absurdity.
What is worse is—that if a proper franchise were este.
Wished in Ireland the tenants holding for terms of twenty.
see yeses, it would greatly benefit ft tenantry, and tend
very much to tranquillisc the country.