Star.
London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARMA M ENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 2.
This being the day fixed for the opening of Parliament by his Ma.
testy in person, the greatest splendour prevailed in every department
connected with the House.
Fatly in the morning those who had obtained tickets of admission
were permitted to take their places at the Bar, the Long Gallery, and
Painted Chamber.
The preparations and improvements in the interior of the House were
similar to those which took place at the last occasion. The Long Gal.
lerq and Painted Chamber were thronged with fashionably attired fe-
males and gentlemen. The body of the House was crowded with rank,
wealth, and beauty ; the contrast of its appearance on this and the last
occasion was exceedingly remarkable. Instead of the sombre habili-
ments of mourning, the House now blazed with all the colours of the
rainbow, beautifully arranged by the hand of fashion. Indeed, for
elegance, simplicity, and taste, the appearance far surpassed any thing
we ever saw.
On the entrance of Prince Talley/and into the House the sensation
amongst the Peers was quite electrical. lie was an object of universal
curiosity.
The Duchess of Kent, Princess Victoria, and almost all the Mem-
bers of the Royal Family, together with all the Foreign Ambassadors
were present.
His Majesty arrived at a quarter past two o'clock, and took his seat
on the throne in royal robes. The young Princes of Cumberland and
Cambridge occupied time seats appropriated to the Royal Family. The
Duke of Wellington held time Sword of State, and the Marquis of Win-
chester the Sword of Maintenance ; the other great officers took their
stations near the throne. The Lord Chancellor administered the usual
oath taken by the Sovereign at the commencement of a new Parliament.
The Usher of the Black Rod was then directed to require the attendance
of the Commons.
The Speaker and a numerous deputation of members soon after ap-
peared at the Bar, anti his hlakaty delivered, in a distinct manner, his
most gracious Speech to both Houses. (Sec the Star of yesterday.)
At the conclusion, his Majesty left the House, and the Commons also
withdrew. Adjournment then took place till five o'clock.
An hour and a half was required for clearing the House of the
great body of persons who had enjoyed a sight of the important
ceremony.
A numerous attendance of Peers was observed at the hour of busi-
ness. All the Royal Dukes were present.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, as usual at the meeting of Par.
Bement, moved the first reading of the Select Vestries Bill, or, in other
terms, to sanction the freedom of speech in Parliament.
The bill was accordingly read the first time.
It was ten minutes past five when the Lord Chancellor took his seat
on the woolsack. The Speech from the Throne was read by the Lord
Chancellor, and secondly by the Clerk of the House of Lords.
The Marquis of Bute and Lord Munson appeared in full dress, for
the purpose of moving and seconding the Address.
The Marquis of BUTE, who wore a rich military uniform, rose
amidst profound attention. The noble marquis then rose for the pur-
pose of moving an bumble address to his Majesty, in reply to his gra-
cious speech—s speech of so frank, so full, and so affectionate a charac-
ter, that he felt he should be ill discharging his duty to the House and
to the country at large if lie attempted to add to it any sentiments of
his own; but sure he was that his Majesty would receive from the voice
of an unanimous Parliament, full assurance that he had not been mis-
taken in the confidence he had placed in them. The events alluded to
by his Majesty, which had taken place since last their Lordships met,
were so notorious as hardly to require mention of them by him. He
was sure their Lordships would agree with him that his Majesty's
Ministers had adopted a most efficient and effective course in advising
his Majesty to pursue the frank and open course he had done
towards the King of the French and the existing Government of France,
and that he had acted in accordance with the wishes of the country at
large. He rejoiced sincerely in the prospect that was held out to Eu.
rope by the unity of two such great and warlike nations. He was sure
that every person would see, with pain, the dreadful condition of the
Low Countries, and the King of that country had, in his (Lord Bute's)
opinion, by calling a meeting of the States General, acted with those
honest anti constitutional views which entitled him to the approbation
of every Englishman, and such as might have been expected from the
illustrious house of Nassau. No person could feel more pleasure than
he did in the prospect of a termination of the troubles that had so
long been the scourge of Portugal, and he should be one of the first
to join hand and heart with his Majesty in the promotion of those mea-
sures es which his Majesty had alluded. He felt no small satisfaction
in the assurance of a general act of indemnity and Amnesty having
been declared by the present Government of Portugal, in favour of those
who espoused the Government of Donna Maria. Those who espoused
her cause were daily being Tutored to their just rights; and he could
see no reason why his Majesty's ministers, under such circumstances,
should not have also advertid to the disorder and confusion which
prevailed in other States of Europe ; these he (Lord flute) considered
chiefly of a local character, and not of such a nature as to lead to any
apprehensions for the general peace of Europe. He thought that
his Majesty judged well of the happiness of his loyal subjects
in declaring that he ought to maintain inviolate those general obli.
gations under which this country was hound. (Hear.) He could
not approach without some feeling of pain the discussion of that part of
his Majesty's speech, which was one of a domestic character—he al-
luded to that part in which his Majesty had called the attention of Par-
liament with reference to the regency. As the advanced period of life
to which his Majesty had now arrived had been considered by his Ma-
jesty as a fit subject to be brought under the consideration of parlia-
ment, and his Majesty had invited parliament to adopt such measures
as they might think best for a regency in this country, should it please
the ALMIGHTY to call his Majesty to himself before his successor
should attain to years of discretion, he was sure their lordship, would
juin with him in endeavouring to carry his Majesty's wishes into effect.
He prayed, however, the ALMIGHTY would long preserve his Ma-
jesty's valuable life, and render totally unnecessary the adoption of such
a measure. He thought if ever there was an occasion on which the
speech from the throne was to be considered as the speech of the King
himself, this was that speech. He well knew that it generally was to
be considered as the speech of ministers. This might truly be called
the speech of the King of England. The constitutional manner in
which his Majesty had declared to parliament the principles on which
such a measure was necessary, and his willingness to give the royal as-
sent, called for admiration and gratitude. Ile should bow in obedience
to the speech front the throne. He knew they ought to bow to it ; but
if there was one question upon which he should feel a painful sensation,
it was the regency question. His Majesty relied on their lordships to
make ; isions for his family, and the exercise of the royal authority in
case his Majesty should be removed beforea successor arrived at the years
of maturity. It was really painful to contemplate the contingency, and
he teally could not entertain it without deep regret. His Majesty's al-
lusion to the civil list revenue, and his resignation of the hereditary
revenues of the crown to the disposal of parliament, was a new
Instance of paternal regard entertained for the welfare of the people.—
Thsir lordships must agree that few individuals had made such sacrifices
for the benefit of their subjects, as the sovereigns of this country. It
must be known to their lordships that the hereditary revenues of the
crown, more the reigns of the last two Kings, had greatly exceeded the
allow:.nce given in lieu thereof by Parliament. The noble marquis
knew that the various settlements of the civil list had given large sums
to the public service, and lie could nut suffer the subject to pass under
his view without impressing upon the house the generous manner in
which his Majesty had come forward to place at the distribution of
Parliament every shilling of the fund which belonged to the crown. When
bestowing just praise on his present Majesty for his consideration of the
gen;ral interest, lie did not cast any reflection on his late Majesty,
who was not less willing to give up an 7 portion of his heredi-
tary revenues for the benefit of the public. There could not be a
stronger instance of the readiness of George the Fourth to give up that
revenue, than the sacrifice made in giving assent to the Beer Bill. That
measure certainly injured to a considerable extent the hereditary reve-
nue, anti the remedy could not have heen sustained without the consent
of the King. By the abolition of the beer duty, there was a loss of
from 300,0001. to 400,0001. annually, which formed a part of the here-
ditary revenue of the Crown. By the abolition of those duties 300,0001.
had been taken from the King's revenue. When he found that measure
followed up by the advice to his Majesty to surrender to the use of the
people every fund arising from revenue received for the Crown, it was
strong ground to place confidence in the assurances of economy which
formed a feature in his Majesty's speech. It was impossible not to la-
ment, that in some parts of the country public property had been en.
dangered by combination, and his hope was that his Majesty would
take means, prompt and certain, to suppress such aggressions. His
Majesty alluded to attempts which bad been lately made to excite
among the people of Ireland a spirit of discontent and disaffection, and
to disturb thy good understanding between the two countries, by low
jealousy and distrust of Government. An act more criminal or cruel
could not be committed by any man. The noble Marquis ob.
served that lie was not to speak personally ; but he would say,
3 man of education could not be guilty of a crime more heinous
than that of attempting to delude the minds of his countrymen.
'their Lordships knew too well that the great evil of Ireland was
joverty, and yet, at the moment when the capital of that long
istressed country was beginning to revive, and advance to peace arid
rrosperity, the labouring classes had been enjoined to oppose the great
ea of union between England and Ireland. He could not believe any
Itelligent man in Ireland would.listen for a moment to the project en.
:ertained by the disturbers ; but it was their duty to assure his Majesty
that they would concur most cordially in the intention expressed by his
Majesty, of employing, to the utmost of his power, the means necessary
4 suppressing such attempts. He was proud to concur in that pan of
111 Majesty's Speech which took a correct view of the advantage de.
r.ved by the happy form of Government in this country. There was
flat a nation in the world where independence was so firmly established-
Ir Ireland all the measures of Government were fairly and honestly stated,
and he should contend that the different classes in that country had no
Luse for complaint. The labouring classes in both countries laboured
Under difficulties, but they looked up with Lope and confidence for ins.
provement. It was with great pleasure he stated his approbation of that
Part of the Speech which spoke of peace and commercial prosperity.
I Lord Stanhope...nese, hear, hear.) The noble marquis had that gay

heard of increased activity in the manufacturing interests of the country.
He was ready to admit that considerable pressure was still felt in many
of the manufacturing counties—(hear, hear !)—but there was a prospect
of amendment. The agricultural districts he knew were distressed.
\lnch was to he done for the relief of the agricultural pour, and he was
sure it would be effected by the benevolent exertions of their Lordships.
Nothing would be wanting on the part of the crown to mitigate and re.
medy, as far as possible, existing distress. His majesty had been long
an observer of the wants and interests of this country. His majesty
knew from experience the general respectability of every class. The
king knew the moderation of the clergy, and the integrity of the
laity, with the general feeling of the poor as well as the rich.
That knowledge was the foundation of his majesty's affection for,
and confidence in his people. The royal nffection and confidence
was returned, and he was happy to say, in the words of a well.
known writer,
" Here willing nations know their lawful lords."
The Noble Marquis concluded by moving an humble address to his
majesty, concurring in all the topics of his majesty's most gracious
speech.
The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the address,
Lord MONSON rose to second the address, but from the po-
shion in which the noble lord sat, and the low tone of voice in
which he spoke, it was utterly impossible to catch a sentence below
the bar.

The address having been put from the Woolsack,
Earl W I NCHELSE A congratulated the country upon the principles
of economy adverted to in the Speech from the Throne; he deplored the
existence of the dreadful disturbances in the county with which he was
more intimately connected ; the distress in that county was unparalleled
in extent, and aggravated by the obnoxious system of paying the agri-
cultural labourers from the poor rates ; in every case, the capital of
the occupiers of the soil was reduced, whilst many had descended from
a state of comparative affluence to abject poverty. He trusted that
his Majesty's Government would take the fearful state of that county
into immediate consideration ; he had the satisfaction of knowing, from
personal observation, that of the respectable yeomen of Kent, not a
single Individual would hesitate a moment to come forward and ac-
quiesce in the wisdom of any measure his Majesty's Ministers might
think proper to institute for maintaining the peace of the county.—
Hear.)--In the anxious hope that Government would set on foot an
inquiry as to the cause of the present disturbances, and adopt some
plan for the immediate amelioration of the existing distress, he should
not take up more of their Lordships' time.
Marquis CAMDEN was of opinion that the distress in the county of
Kent this year, was much less than it was last season ; then, the inha-
bitants had to contend with a very severe winter, which aggravated their
sufferings in a considerable degree ; in some part of the county the ad.
ministration of the pow laws, he confessed, was neither so judicious nor
beneficial as might be expected, which led to serious evils: he trusted,
without any resolution tothat effect, that government would be induced
to take the state of the county into consideration, and adopt some plan
for relief, so as that not only fear and alarm would be quieted, but the
state of the country be ultimately bettered, and no one would be more
ready to aid government in its endeavours to that effect than himself.

The Duke of RICHMOND said it was through no spirit of faction
that he appealed to their lordships in behalf of the distressed working and
labouring classes of the counuy. The noble Marquis (Camden) states
that, It is his opinion, that the distress of the county of Kent is not so
great this year as it was in the last. He (the Duke of Richmond) con.
tended, that it was greater, and the circumstance of the many petitions
complaining of that distress with which their lordships' table was last
year covered being not attended to, was one great cause of existing dis-
tress. There was a feeling abroad, he regretted to say, that superiors did
not sympathise as they ought with their inferiors; he knew that such a
feeling was an erroneous one, still it had gone abroad, and it could not
be denied that some cause was to be found for such a feeling, all inquiry
into existing distresses being refused last year (hear). He was satisfied
that the county of Kent had been disgraced by the outrages committed
there, for he was the last of their lordships who would contend that dis-
tress, however severe, was an excuse fur such conduct ; for his own
part, he felt no alarm in consequence of those and other disturb-
ances in the country. He had confidence in the people, that they were
actuated by the firmest attnchment to the present illustrious prince who
sat on the throne of these realmr; they believed him when he said that
he only wished to reign in the karts of his people. The noble duke con-
cluded by remarking on the necessity there was for instituting immediate
inquiry into the distresses of the country, and expressing a hope that
the noble duke at the head of the government would that night give an
auurance to that effect.

Earl DARNLEY was of opinion that the refusal of their Lordships
last year to grant an inquiry, was onecause of the existing distress ; he
sincerely trusted, however, that it would not for a moment be believed
generally that the house was careless of the grievances that afflicted the
labouring community ; he had himself, in his own property, been sub.
jeet to nocturnal offenders ; but he believed that It was not the honest
and industrious labourers of Kent that composed these bands. He
hoped he should be correctly reported in the observations he had to
make on this subject. A report had appeared in a provincial paper, and
been subsequently copied into all the London journals, that the agricul-
tural labourers of Kent stood by and calmly looked on, as if they en.
joyed to behold the work of the incendiaries ; to such a statement he was
able to give a complete contradiction. He, himself, together with his
son and steward, observed the exertions, not only of his own servants,
but of the labourers of Kent generally, to assist in extinguishing the
fires raised by the nocturnal offenders in the county of Kent ; not fewer
than sixty of these labourers worked heart and hand frequently up to the
middle in water on that occasion. (Hear.) lie was perfectly aware that
in the part of Kent in which he had the pleasure of residing, the agri-
cultural labourer was much better off than in some other parts of the
county ; the farmers considered It to be their interest to support their
labourers when they could afford it, rather than fly to the detestable sys-
tem of paying them out of the poor-rates. He trusted that the present
distresses of the country would meet with the speedy attention of the
legislature.

*The Duke of LEINSTER adverted to that part of the Speech rela-
ting to the state of Ireland. The Noble Duke stated that at a private
meeting which he bad thought it his duty to call, the expression against
anyrepeal of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland was unani-
mous.—(Hear.) Still, unless his Majesty's Government took active
steps to put an end to the attempts made for a repeal of the Union, it
would be injurious to the interests of both countries.
Lord FARNHA 111 said, that all Europe was in arms, and it was not
St that England alone should remain with open bosom unprepared.
With regard to our domestic policy, he contended that it was not Po
much the weight of taxation as its unequal pressure, that was the
cause of our present distress ; the agricultural, the landed, and the
commercial Interests, had been all taxed beyond what they
were able to bear; the moneyed interest alone Lad escaped. The
present were not ordinary times, therefore extraordinary measures
ought to be adopted ; the tithes, the poor rates, and land tax, must all
be revised. respect to a repeal of the Union, he viewed it as
nothing better than a dismemberment of the empire, and he viewed the
steps taken to effect that measure with great jealousy and regret.
Earl GREY said, that he addressed the House antler ciretamatances
of unequalled danger, which would require the utmost fortitude to with.
stand ; there was nothing, however, to be feared to England ; so long
as the loyalty and ;attachment of its people were secured, the safety
and honour of the country was in no danger of being infringed ;
with regard; to the state of Ireland, he felt no hesitation in adopt.
ing the words of the speech from the throne, and saying that he
could nut view, without grief and indignation, the tfliwts which
are industriously made to excite among the people a spirit of
discontent and disaffection, and to disturb the concord which happily pre.
vails ; he (Earl Grey) was satisfied that any separation of the two
countries would lead to the certain destruction of one of them ; and he
should lend every assistance in his power to aid his majesty's ministers
in their endeavours to put a stop to such proceedings, and he was happy
to learn that all the sound and influential part of the people of Ireland
was on the side of ministers ; he deprecated the framing of new laws
for such an object. except. indeed, under circumstances of the MOM
urgent necessity ; he therefore trusted that the noble duke at the head
of the government, and those with him, would go on as they had begun.
With respect to the cause of the disturbances in that country, he could
not, as some noble lords had done, attribute them to that healing men.
sure, which passed last season, hut to its too long delay. He was, with
twine other noble lords opposed to the union of Ireland with Great
Brit sin at the outset he objected to the foul and unconatitu.
tional measures adopted for the purpose of accomplishing that
measure : the l'rotestant inhabitants of Ireland were told tha►
if they agreed to such a measure as the Union. an effectual
barrier would be placed in the way of the Catholic claims;
whilst the Roman Catholics. on the other hand, were told, by rusting
for such a measure their claims would sooner come under considers.-
tion. Thus, by deceiving both parties, the Union was carried into
effect, and propagated that irritation which went on perpetually disturb-
ing the peace of Ireland until the present time. He lamented that there
was nothing said in the speech from the throne relative to the tune-
liorating the condition of the people of that country. Then, with re-
spect to the present state of some parts of England, he confessed that he
doubted the truth of the statements put forth in the newspapers; be did
not believe that the people of Kent would be guilty of such enormities,
and least of all did he believe that his noble friend (Earl Darnley)would
be the object of them. Still he hoped that the ill-advised petpetrators
of these nocturnal offences, having English hearts in their bosoms, when
they saw that the legislature was willing to do all that wan possible for
them, they would return to a proper sense of duty. He, foe one, should
do all he could to relieve their necessities, as well as to repress and pu.
niali all outrage. The professions of economy contained in the speech
had his unqualified praise. Allusions had been made by the noble mar-
quis (Bute) to the reductions of last year; for his own part, be ques-
tioned the propriety of one of the branches of the revenue that had
been reduced—be meant the taking if the beer tax; it was at beat
but a partial relief; one of a mere genusl nature, in his opinion, ought
to have been selected. As to a different mode of taxation which 4d
bean hinted at by a noble lord (Farnham) the present was not the time
for discussing that point ; but if that sable lad meant the introduttliflo
of a property tax, he (Earl Grey) for owe, should oppose it, as not at aD
oaleulatad for the relief of the country. With respect to the question a(
a Regency, be arged ft last year as one lagispansibly necessary, sad he
was happy to see is taken up in the Speech hem the Threw ; fee hie

own part, all he wished to see was the right of succession to the Clown
placed In those hands by nature and right fittest for the trust. He in.
ged to say something relative to the giving up of cerain of the revenues
of the Crowe. Ile could not object to give merit where it was due.
GOD forbid that he should detract from the liberality of his Majesty in
giving up these tern:tics; but he was bound to inform the House that
the droits of the Admiralty and the sums accruing from the West
India possessions were not wholly the right of the Crown ; they were
originally given to the King of England to enable him to detend the
country in time of war. (Hear.) On reference to the state of Europe.
he agreed with what had talien from a noble lord (Farnham) relative to
the necessity of England being prepared for the worst ; but his (Earl
Grey's) preparation was of a very different sort to that hinted at by the
noble lord, and did no: have any connection with an increase of either
army or navy. The noble lord says, that all Europe was in erns;
why, if England were to arm herself; not a month, he was assured.
would elapse before France would declare against her. The best arming
that England could adopt was to secure the attachment of her people,
by redresaing their grievances. (Hear.) In alluding to the state of
France, his lordship said he rejoiced in the result of the late revolution
in that country, provoked. an it bed been, by an attempt to repress the
liberty of the people. lie then glanced at that part of the speech which
related to the state of the Low Countries, advocating the system of non.
inlet ference, observing that England was bound by no treaties; although
he did not object to it. vet he confessed that in the declarations in the
speech with respect to Ponttgal, it appeared that Don Miguel was to be
recognised, upon a promised amnesty being extended to Count Pal.
melba. and the other wise and oitod men who were exiled. He should
like to know if the Spanish patriots, many of whom had been the noble
duke's companions in arms, would return to Spain on a promised am.
nasty from Ferdinand. (Ilea:, and a laugh.) Upon the whole, he
agreed with the address.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that he did not agree with
that part of the noble earl's speech which related to Portugal. It would
be recollected how frequently his late Majesty, in his message to that
house, lamented the unhappy differences existing in Portugal. His
Majesty, as long as certain distinguished men were living in exile,
could not recognize Portugal: an amnesty, however, to those indivi.
duals, and a promise to carry it into effect having been given officially,
such recognition became necessary ; England was not bound to go to
war to citify that amnesty into effect, although he did not say that st,e
was not bound to interfere, to prevent any a iolation of it. With regard
to the state of the Netherlands, there was no intention on the part
of England to interfere with existing treaties. All that England
should do was to negociate with the powers, so as to lead. if
possible, to a satisfactory result. With respect to the repeal of the
Union between Great Britain and Ireland, considering that IL
repeal of it was opposed by all the landed interest of that
country —by the protestants of Ireland as well as by the Ca-
tholics—it was clear that his Majesty's Government stood upon awe
ground since, the passing of the Catholic bill (Hear. hear.) Ilia
majesty's ministers had been charged with passing that bill mute from
fear than any other feeling : he denied that such was the fact. This,
however, he would say. that had his majesty's ministers been as nittAi
supported as they were opposed in healing those divisions which ex-
isted in Ireland, it would now have been in a state of comparative hap.
pineas. If noble lords could be induced to buy estates in Ireland,
and reside there, it would very soon change the face of the country
(hear, hear, hear). Fortunes spent in Ireland would do wore to
ameliorate the condition of its inhabitants than any other measure.
What were the immediate causes of the disturbances in the county of
Kent t His Majesty's Government were unable to state ; active steps,
however, were in progress for putting down these disturbances. One
word as to Parliamentary Reform ; the Government was not prepared
to entertain any such measure, and he would go further, he had never,
up to that moment, heard that the state of the representation of Eng-
land could he further improved. He was fully satisfied that the coon.
try possessed a legislature which answered all the purposes fur which it
was formed. He would go farther, and say that if he were called upon
to form a legislature for any other country, it would be exactly on the
same principle where the landed interests represented the people.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the address from the Wool-
sack, which was agreed to without any amendment.
Adjourned at half.past Nine o'clock.