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London, England, 1823-02-05 00:00:00

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the minds of their Lor!ships ; and whatever (AMNON
of opinion might exist ac to territorial arrangement%
on the pint of foreign 1-.)wers, there could be 110
ference as to the necessity of a strict adherent* to
Treaties on behalf of cur Government, as well es the
preservation of peace. Their Lordships must, theft./
fore, have heard with regret and astoni-htstent that
the tranquillity of Europe was again likely to he diss
imbed by the threatened invasion of Spain. it was
not necessary ft r him now to say anything of the
principles on which the present Constitution •at
Spain was founded, nor of the language that might
have been held by democratic clubs at Madrid ; but
he would maintain the right which one nation bad
to regulate its own affairs, without any right of in'.
terlerence on behalf of any other nation. Tbe
French Government bad, however, lately promul-
gated the broad principle of a right of intetferences
The doctrine to which he referred was adverted to
in his Majesty's Speech, and upon that point a clear
distinction had long since been made between the
cases where a right of interference might or might
not exist, and everything must depend on the part&
cular nature of the cases. Whether the King of`
France was or was not justified in this tight of inter-
ference, it was sufficient for our Government to feel
conscious of having, at the Congress of Verona, en-
deavoured to prevent such interference. The King
of France, however, advanced his claim, and in that
claim hest was supposted by the Continental Sore,
reigns. The Minister of his Britannic Majesty, how-
ever, pretested against the interference in question,
and contended for the maintenance of general trans
quillity in Europe. No pains or remonstrances on
the part of the British Government had been omitted,
to impress on the Powers assembled at Verona, and
subsequently on the French Government, the nth
cessity of preserving that state of peace, and avoid-
ing the dangerous consequences likely to result to
France itself, in the present state of Europe, from
entering into a war with Spain. Indeed, it was im-
possible that our Government could be insensible to
the danger which any foreign. army must encounter,
upon entering Spain in a hostile manner, and carry-
ing on a war against the whole mass of its popula-
tion. This was apparent from the events that had
taken place in Spain previous to the year 1814. It
must be within the recollection of many of their
Lordships, that during the anarchical state of France,
in the year 1792, the Government of this country
-never avowed or pretended to any right of inter-
ference in the then Government of France, as such;
and that it was not until provoked by acts of ag-
gression on the pan of that Government, that we en-
tered into the war with France. Our Government
had always maintained this maxim, that the internal
management of all States belonged exclusively to
the States themselves. Our Minister at Verona acted
.on this principle; and our Minister at Paris was act-
ing now on the same principle. France was now about
to commence war against Spain : if she entered into
it, she did so on her own responsibility. The exertions
of his Britannic Majesty would, however, be still
employed to avert that war; and there was reason
to hope that moderation, justice, and good policy,
would still prevail in the councils of that country,.
The Noble Earl next came to that part of the Speech
which related to the piracies committed in the West
dian seas, and observed that :heir Lordships must
feel great satisfaction at the result of the remora.
*trances which our Government had made to that of
Spain on the subject of those depredations,and that such
satisfactory arrangements were entered into as must
serve to put a stop to them In future, and prevent
vessels bearing Spanish Sags from seizing our suer-
chantmen,while, at the same time a reparation should
be mad: for the losses that had been sustained.
Their Lordships must feel that the time had arrived
when a step of this kind became absolutely neces-
sary; and he could assure their Lordships that it had
been adopted a ithout any view of colonial acquisi-
tions. The Spanish Government had given us every
possible assurance of its active co-operation in -this
business, and did so with feelings of the utmost con-
fidence in our good faith and honour. With respect
to the unh app y events which had occurred in the eastern
part of Europe, it was impossible for the inhabitants
of a Christian country to be insensible to the situ-
ation of the unhappy Greeks. Respecting these
events, remonstrances to the OttontakPorte were not
wanting en the past of our Government; and, al-
though those remonstrances had not been attended
with success, he was sure, after the length of time
that had elapsed since the commencement of the
G,eek insurrection, that even the most zealous friends
of liberty would not have wished the country to be
engaged in a a ar on their account, much as the me-
mory of their ancestors must be reveled by every
scholar and philosopher. His Majesty had informed
the Parliament that the grants made in the last Sacs
sion, for alleviating the distresses which prevailed in
Ireland, had been attended with the happiest effects;
and he hoped that the efforts of Parliament would
not stop there, but that measures would be ad9pted
for ameliorating the condition of Ireland, and such
as would insure the permanent tranquillity and the
affections of the Irish people-'.(Hear, hear).--Many
painful discussions had taken place ist that House re.
specting the unhappy situation of Ireland, and the
disturbances that had so long prevailed there. But
he now hoped they would folios! up the auspicious
recommendation of their Sovereign, and turn their
serious attention to the stale of Ireland, with a view
of correcting 'ThosewihisheitiareseLovuilfrudthrs s 0
vweereicvo.oilsgnmperausttebewipthrob:de
to the bottom—(Hear, hear)--and it would be the
thatee those
dibblesenetymecioalteeanitofi that country. He arbibodin
landed proprietors of Ireland, who had so long als-
sensed themselves, would return to their country and
assist in promoting the objects of the Government—
(Hear, hear).—He did not mean to make any allu-
siosi to those who came here to attend their dory in
Parlianwati but it was notorious that a large class
.• • .

of persons had been habitual absentees from 6611
estates in Ireland, and that no small share of the
atievances by which Ireland had been afflicted arose
to NM their absence. He therefore hoped they would
go back, and by their presence and example assist in
bringing about an ameliorated state of things in that
country--(Hear, hear).—The Noble Earl next ad-
verted to the depressed state of the agricultural inte-
rest ; a calamity which, in some respects, might be
attributed to an excessive impottation of grain in the
years 1818 and 1819, and the abundant harvest
which afterwards followed ; •also to the excess of
cultivation in Ireland, and the change that had
taken place in the currency of the country. Up t'h
this time (said his Lordship) no effectual measure of
relief had been adopted for the agricultural interest.
There was not any mode of relief pointed out in his
Majesty's Speech, nor could any proposition to that
effect be brought forward that must not be sub-
ject to doubts and difficulties. It must be the duty,
as well as the wish, of their Lordships to bring for•
ward any plan of relief that might be practicable;
but if no practicable plan could be adopted, it would
only lead to disappointment and dissatisfaction to
propose any. All that their Lordships, therefore,
could now do on this subject was to express their
thanks to his Majesty for the sentiments of regret
which he had uttered in his Speech. His Majesty
had most graciously expressed his satisfaction at the
reception he had met with during his late visit to
Scotland. No English Sovereign had antecedently
visited that country, and he did not know that any
thing had a happier effect in uniting and knitting to-
gether the hearts of all his subjects, than such a
visit on the part of the Sovereign. A lively feeling
of loyalty was manifested towards his Majesty on
that occasion, not only in Scotland, but in every part
of the kingdom which his Majesty approached. He
was persuaded that their Lordships would feel no
difficulty in concurring with that part of the Address
which noticed the efforts his Majesty had made for
the general abolition of the Slave Trade. Many
years ago the Parliament bad abolished that abomi•
liable traffic; and everything that was great and
enterprising, had been since exerted towards the com-
pletion of that important measure. Our Government
had incessantly laboured to engage the different
nations of Europe to abolish the trade ; they had sub-
nntted their proposition on that subject to the as-
sembled Sovereigns at Verona, and the illustrious
Duke, who had so often fought in favour of liberty,
did submit to them a plan for-its final abolition—the
proposition that all ships trading in slaves should be
considered as pirates; and this proposition was ad-
mitted at Verona, and sent to all the trading parts of
Europe. It was fit that their Lordships should offer
their congratulations to his Majesty on the flourish-
ing state of the Trade and Commerce of the country.
On this part of the subject it was impossible to look but
with satisfaction to the great events that were passing
in the world, and the extensive Sources of trade that
were now opened to this country in South America—
a region of great extent, and rapidly-increasing im-
portance. He felt that he had already encroached
ton much on their Lordships' time—(Hear, hear).—
But he should not think he had discharged his duty,
if he stated less than he had done on these momentous
subjects. He trusted they would now carry to the
foot of the Throne the expressions of their loyalty
and support, and that, in doing so, they would be
unanimous. He had the fullest hope that, by unani-
mity and moderation, they would surmount all the
difficulties that impended over the country, and im-
prove upon the flattering prospects that were open to
their view. His Lordship concluded with moving
the Address to his Majesty, which, as usual, was an
echo of the Speech.
_ _ _

The Earl of MAYO seconded the Address. His
Lordship expressed his satisfaction, connected as he
was with Ireland, at the manner in which that coun-
try had been noticed, and wished to bear testimony
to the good effect which had resulted from all that
had already been dose of late in her behalf.

The Address being read by the LORD CHAN..
CIOLLOR, and the question being put that the House
do concur in the same,

Earl STANIIOPE rose, and said it would not be
-consistent with the dignity or duty of their Lordships
to make their Address a mere echo of the Speech ;
particularly so when the country was involved in un-
exampled distress, and when the necessity of relief
was so pressing, that relief could not be delayed any
longer. This was the third Session in which agricul-
tural distress was acknowledged to exist to the ut-
most possible extent; and yet no plan of relief had
been adopted—every complaint had been unavailing.
All that had been stated by the Noble Earl who
moved the Address was, that no relief could be given.
If the Noble Earl was sincere in his declaration, it
was impossible for him to pronounce a severer satire
on the Government than that declaration. Accord.
ing to the decloations of Ministers, the beuntiei of
PaovrostYcE were a calamity. For his own part, he
could not conceive how abundant harvests could have
the effect of lowering the prices of provisions ; and
be defied any man to shew in what period of our his-
tory abundance had been a cause of distress. The
price of corn had been reduced fifty per cent. and
was there any abundance which could have produced
such an effect as that? Besides, how could abun-
dant crops have produced a fall in every article of
commerce and manufacture? Yet it would not be
cpntended that there had been an increased supply of
those articles. Importation could not now be alleged
as a cause of agricultural distress, for importation
bad long since ceased: nor was the alteration in the
currency the cause of distress, for in all the articles of
commerce there had been a fall of thirty-five per
cent. a fall to which the depreciation of the currency
bore no proportion whatever. When Mr. Peel intro-
duced his Bill, a great deal was said of the manu-
licturers t their distresses, however, did not arise
frtim high prices, but want of employment; and
when these unhappy persons assembled to complain
of their distresses, the Six Acts were passed to re-
strain the liberties of the People. He could not agree
with those who attributed the distress of the farmers
to the diminution of the currency; for, in the year
79'2, the circulating medium was less, the prices of
commodities were low, and yet the country was in
state of unexampled prosperity. How could this be
accounted for? The answer was very plain: the dif-
ference between the state of the country at that time
and its present st.ttc arose from the difference in thel
amount of the taxation. It had been falsely asserted

Mat tie di;tresses'ef farmers 1 ad been occasioned
by high rents. So far fro.n that being the case,- he
could state to their Lordships instances occurring. in
Essex and other counties, where tenants were in the
habit of receiving premiums from their landlords, in
order to induce them to cultivate the land, lest it
should run to waste. He contended that the effects
of the change in the currency had been to make the
fundholder chargeable upon the produce of the earth,
doubly more than he was entitled to. Looking upon
it in this light, then, it was a nefarious act—a mea-
sure of robbery and injustice. Much was said of the
necessity of preserving public faith, in every news-
paper that one met with ; but this consideration of
how far keeping faith with one class of men at the
expense and positive ruin of another, had -not hitherto
been sufficiently attended to—(Near, hear).—
Surely, if a system was continued which gave to the
fundholder twice more than he was entitled to, it was
taking from those who paid the taxes twice more
than they were bound to pay, and was therefore un-
just. It was necessary then to equalize the pressure
of the general burden in some degree, his own con-
viction being that a reduction of the dividends would
contribute materially to the public advantage. So
firmly impressed was he with this opinion, that he
wished the subject to be the first which should en-
!gage their Lordships' attention. Ile was persuaded
that the very agitation of the question would be pro-
ductive of good. The true way to consider it would
he as a question between two individuals. When the
Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack had heard
the arguments on both sides, he was sure that that
Noble person—for whom he professed the highest
regard, and than whom he believed no more impar-
tial Magistrate ever presided in that House—would
be induced to retract the opinions which he had be-
fore delivered. Reverting to the Speech from the
Throne, he was glad that a pledge was there held
out for a reduction of taxation, though, whilst the
present curt ency continued, he feared the amount in
which it could be reduced must be limited. One
thing, however, he wished to tell the Noble Earl and
his colleagues, that if they did not reduce the taxes,
the taxes would soon reduce themselves (Hear, hear).
The sources of taxation were already nearly dried up,
and those sums which had been hitherto afforded by
comparative wealth, could no longer be wrung from
the now unhappy and impoverished people. He had
not the slightest hesitation in saying, that if the pre-
sent sum of taxes, or anything near it, continued to
be demanded, it must end in a national bankruptcy,
and that, too, at no very distant period. He would
have them avoid the ruin which was gaping at their
feet, in time; but it was impossible to trifle with it.
It could be done only in two ways—either by reduc-
ing full 40 per cent. upon all taxes, and payments by 1
contract entered into for any time, or by increasing
in the same proportion the circulating medium of the
country. If it was at all necessary to adduce proofs
of how great a change had been made in the value
of the currency within half a century, it would be
only necessary to refer to the Resolution of the House,
of Commons, which declared that a pound note and
a shilling were equal in value to a guinea, at a time
that guineas were selling for twenty-eight shillings a
piece, and which sale it was found necessary to put a
stop to, by a Bill brought into this House. This Re-
solution furnished incontrovertible proof of the de-
preciation of the currency, and it was idle any longer
to deny that such a change in its value had taken
place. Was it not reasonable, then, that contracts
entered into under the influence of such a currency,
should be made to accommodate themselves to the
condition in which the currency now was ? To con-
tinue to make one party pay as many pounds now in
fulfilment of any contract as when the same number
of pounds were considerably less valuable, was mani-
festly unjust, as it imposed upon one party a burden
which he was unable to bear, and gave to the other
an advantage to which he was not entitled. These
were some of the effects which it produced on private
property. But there were cases in which it went
much further, and where the injustice done would
amount nearly to confiscation of the property impli-
cated by these contracts. If the Noble Lord had any
doubts on the subject, he might satisfy himself by the
best evidence. But it was said that the next effects
of the change on the currency would be to produce a
transfer of property from one hand to another. This
position he denied. He denied that if property was
rendered unproductive in one hand, it could be made
more valuable in other hands, where more capital
could be applied to enhance it. For if things had
come to such a pass, from the pressure of taxes, and
the multiplicity of other demands created by the pre-
sent circumstances of the times, that land produced
no profit, then the addition of capital could not make
it more productive, since its produce would be con-
sumed by taxes. And the corpus delicti of the charge
which he brought against the Government was, that
under the present state of things the land produced
nothing. With a view then to the bettering of pro.,
petty, it was absurd to say that a transfer would be
at all conducive. But, under any circumstances, he
could not hear of a transfer without horror and in-
dignation, looking upon it, as he did, as a measure
of the most frightful and gigantic ingratitude, and
grossest injustice. Highway robbery was nothing
but a forcible transfer of property. The blood-stained
annals of the French Revolution, and the records of
the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, would teach a les-
son upon the effects of a forcible transfer of property.
Any system bottomed upon the admission of such a
doctrine, would be one of the greatest spoliations that
ever disgraced the Government of any country. It
would be the purport of his Amendment to set the
matter in its true light before the country. It would
be a motion to which he attached great importance,
.as it appeared to him to embrace a question of the
greatest consequence to the best interests of this coun-
try : he should prefaceit by saying that he meant to take
no exception to the great authority of Parliament.—
That the Parliament of this country did.and ought
to possess great and extensive power, which it held
in trust for, and exercised for the advantage of the
People, from whom they originally derived it, was
most undoubtedly true. In saying so, he took it for
granted that the House of Commons represented the
People, as it was not his wish at present to can', ass
any defects which might be in the actual state of the
House of Commons. Assuming, however, that this
other House was what it ought to be, and admitting
that it did represent the People. stiU he was much
inclinedlo doubt whether any Parliament, however
ccustitutcd, had a right to plunder one party to serve

another—(ifedt)s—And if there was nn such right,.
but that 'the claim of it was an assultiption of power
on the part of Parliament, did there not some rights
naturally belong tii an oppressed-and' injured People?
It was in the power of Parli:intent,' by arise and
moderate course, to save the People the necessity of
using such a right. Against the continuance of the
dreadful calamities to which he had referred, and
which, if suffered to go on, would terminate in
anarchy and misery, Parliament had a remedy in
their own hands. That remedy was simply this—to
act, in this great emergency, upon Constitutional
principles—to follow the esamples set them by their
ancestors in similar circumstances, and not to address
the Throne until the grievances of which they corn •
plained, and the pressure, which was become into-
lerable, had been redressed. In speaking thus, he
addressed himself to Noble Lords of all parties. To
those, on the one hand, who were opposed to Re-
form, when sought for on proper principles, he asked,
did not the indisposition to identify themselves with
the wishes of the People furnish the strongest argu-
ment for Reform ? For himself, he was friendly to
Reform on proper principles, because he considered
the mode iii which it was to be done as important as
the Reform to be obtained. He did not go with those
who thought that the Only evils being in close Bo-
roiieohs the throwing of them open would remove
all complsints ; but he was, at the same time, op-
posed to that most mischievous of all projects, elec-
tion by universal suffrage, which would give all the
weight to numbers, and rob property of its due in.
fluence. To those, on the other hand, who were
friendly to Reform, he would put it, whether the
distress of the country being unattended to, things
might not come to such a pass, that Reform could not
amend them ? One great end, then, of his argument
was, to secure public tranquillity, to promote public
prosperity, and to prevent one class being sacrificed
to the interests of another. Once more he would say
seriously, that, if the taxes were not reduced, or the
amount of the currency increased, the result would
be, to give the farmers a relief which they never
asked and never wished for, namely, the total anni-
hilation of the National Debt. He did not mean that
it would be reduced to what was called an equitable
adjustment of the public burdens, but that it would
be annihilated altogether. He was not himself a
funded proprietor, but he was a trustee for others,
whose interests were as dear to him as his own. He
had no interest one way or the other dehors his duty,
and his wish to avert the calamity which was pend-
ing. But, unless they wished to make the People of
England a nation of beggars and bankrupts—unless
they wished to carry distrust, discontent, despair, and
disaffection, throughout the Empire, and would
render themselves an assembly of noble and titled
paupers, whose degradation was rendered more strik-
ing when contrasted with their rank, they would agree
to his amendment. He called upon them by every
tie which could attach them to their country, and by
every claim of duty which called upon them to pro-
tect the interests of those entrusted to their care, to
institute an immediate inquiry into the causes of the
present distress, devise some means of alleviating it,
and so put a stop to the general ruin and desolation
which was about to overspread the land. The Noble
Lord concluded by moving an Amendment, " That
this House has viewed with the deepest regret and
anxiety, the severe and unexampled distress which
now afflicts the whole country, and that they will
immediately proceed to investigate its causes, the
primary one of which they conceive to be the recent
change made in the currency of the country, and
apply such means as appear to them most effectual
for affording relief'
The Marquis of LANSDOWN was not indiffe-
rent to the topics of the Noble Lord who spoke last,
but he could not then go the whole length with him,
and therefore he should state the reasons why he
thought the original Address should be carried un-
impaired and unamended. He thought there was
that in the present crisis of Europe which should now
alone arrest their Lordships' attention, and induce
them to adjourn until another day the consideration
of the other important subjects. Every man must
see a crisis at hand, coming home to every free coun-
try, and to every freeman in Europe. Unless they
were prepared to give up that interference to which
they were bound by treaty and policy, they would
be obliged to depart from that system which had
dictated our policy with respect to-other independent 1
nations. He could have wished a more explicit, and
stronger expression in the Speech, of the feelings of
this country as to the system adopted by some fo-
reign Powers. Now that this system was avowed
for a second time, it was a vain attempt of Ministers
to palter with the sense of the House and the coun-
try, and not to express a plain and manly- declara-
tion of the indignation of the Government; the House,
'and the country. That might yet have some effect
in averting the calamities with which Europe was
but too plainly threatened at present. Let it he re-
membered, that our burthens and weakness, which
now caused us to hesitate, were brought on througi
restoring that Dynasty to the Throne, which was
now totally unmindful of the right we chins to pro-
tect the independence.of other nations. It was most
mortifying to think of this ; but he was sure he would
not find an individual, pretending to the name of
statesman, who would uphold the unprincipled sys-
tem proclaimed in the Speech of his Most Christian
Majesty on the late opening of the two Chambers.
It was, therefore, unnecessary for him to argue that
point, nor the merits or demerits of the Spanish Con-
stitution. Whether it contained evils or not, if any
thing could prevent its being remedied, it would be
the effect on the mind of every honest and patriotic
Spaniard, that it was to be attacked by an armed
and invading enemy. Besides, the present Govern-
ment of Spain had been acknowledged by every Go-
vernment in Europe, though now it was for some
reason or other to become the subject of attack, to
put down what some are pleased to call merely an
experiment. But they themselves were the toldest
of all theorists aid speculators ; and one would have
been inclined to think that the 'Governments they
gave were the happiest in the world. Look to the
history of the world, and they would see that the
worst of perfidy and slavery had grown out of such
armed interference as that now threatened. His
Lordship said, he believed there was not in this coun-
try a man who would venture to stand forth in de-
fence of the' conduct of France towards Spain—a
conduct which affected every free cOuntry in Europe.
He did not find in either House of Pe:ilia:l:ea tiny 1

statesman—indeed, be could not name any indivi.
dual, who was so base as to entertain, or so hold as to.
avow, any approbation ofthat system, upon which the
concerns of the great Powers of Europe, sere conducted.
Let them look at Poland, Naples, and Piedmont is
proof of this; and let them say whether liberty
ever was bestowed on a nation by such means,
or by • the military occupation of any country?...
What would be the state of our commerce or of Ire.
land, 'w ith the 'ports of Spain in possession of French
armies ? No one could doubt that, if Spain were
conquered, a free Government would not be left in
Portugal ; and was not that a country which we were
bound by treaties to support? We should then have
the certainty of war if France should sobjugateSpaia
and attack Portugal. He applauded the ruode7atov4
and dignity of the Spanish nation, and he hoped it
would remain unstained by those excesses which dig.
graced other revolutions ; but if they shotild fiad
other resource but letting loose an infuriated Ileople,
they might also let loose a spirit of jacobinion which
would be, perhaps, dangerous to thcm•elvs and to
all other nations. With these views, he could have
wished a more explicit statement of our opinions as
to this principle of the Allies, and its appliati-n to
the case of Spain in particular; still, as that Lad net
been done, he did not see how they could propose to
alter the Address ; and as he therefore saw reason to
be content for the present that exertions would be
nip& still to preserve the tranquillity of Europe, be
should concur in the original Address. He, hcwever,
continued to be of opinion that part of oar distresses
arose from giving a preference to gold over silver as
a standard of curt ency. He was glad to fiod that
measures were in contemplation to secure the peace,
and to ensure the permanent happiness of the people
of Ireland. He had nothing to add, but that tie
state of the Continent had been placed in a clearer
point of view, especially that which was described in
the Speech from the Throne as an irritation between
the Courts of France and Spain. We ought to slim
that, though loaded with taxation, we were not yetso
low as not to vindicate the honour of the country if
it is attacked, to support our principles, and the
countries to which we were bound by treaties to give
protection—(Hear, hear).

The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, it was the duty of
Ministers to propose such a Speech as would ensure
unanimity, especially in that part which the Noble
Marquis had alluded to. He thought the Noble Ea 1
(Stanhope) might have taken the first open day to
have moved an inquiry into the Agricultural Distress,
&c. for there was nothing in the Speech to call for
his Amendment, or for his speech on abstruse ques-
tions of political economy. If on any future occa-
sion the Noble Lord, or any other, chose to bring that
or any other question before the I-louse, he should be
prepared to meet it. In 1819, the question of making
gold a standard of currency, was a serious consi-
deration ; and he wished the Noble Marquis to con-
sider whether an alteration would not be of dangerous
consequence? But he would not rest it there; for
he should be prepared to defend the measure alto-
gether: for without silver they would not be under
the same liability to pay as under gold. The Noble
Marquis did not think the terms of the Address were
far enough : now he (Lord Liverpool) cord,' r o: con-
ceive anything more explicit, without using hard
words, and he saw no advantage in them. The Speech
said, that his Majesty, faithful to the print pies le
had already promulgated, wt uld not be a party to
any Foreign interference with independent nations,
except when they threatened danger to surrounding
States. He would now say, that his Majesty's Go-
vernment had all along viewed the question Spa's
as one perfectly clear, as one on which there could
be no doubt of the applicabili y of the principles
which he had been describing ; because it was a quest
tion exclusively constitutional in Spain, and because
what had taken place on the subject in Spain, was
confined to interests purely Spanish. The Spa.
niards had not (as in other countries had been
done) mixed up extraneous considerations with
those in which they were themselves nationally
concerned. During the late war, they had rep
solved upon certain changes in their Constitution, and
that Constitution, so modified, had been recoguised
and acknowledged by other nations. Whatever
Amendment it required, her lawful Sovereign might
have reformed it instead of abrogating it. Sprat
never wished to disseminate her opinions; on the
contrary, she had offered the most ample guarantee'
to the contrary; and he agreed her revolution had
been conducted with less violence than any other.—
" Whatever objections," continued his Lorddie.
" might be offered to, and whatever defects. might
(and doubtless did) exist in the Constitution ofSpain.
yet there had been, and he sincerely trusted thew
would be, throughout the career of those who hag
the conduct of affairs in Spain, a less taint of bloat
crime, and violence, than was offered by almost any
other example of similar revolution that had oc-
Coned in modern history !"—(Hear, hear, hear).7
To justify any foreign interference, it must at leant*
sewn that those who led the public affairs of Spain
wished to extend their operations to other countries.
Put, after their unequivocal disclaimer of any object
of that kind, no such justification existed. And, over
and above all these important considerations, thou
who were sitting in judgment on Spain ought to la
strongly influenced by the fact (widely differing in
that respect from a neighbouring people in former
times), however erroneous they might think the Spa•
niards in the principles on which they proceeded to
correct their Constitution, they could not but ac-
knowledge that their conduct bad hitherto bee"
wholly untainted with any thing like crime or violence
Upon these views of the subject, he trusted that them
could be no doubt on the mind of any man of what
was the policy of the English Government—(Heer),
It was a question not of justice only, but of expedtese.
Who could calculate on the consequences which tnshe
result to all Europe from any attempt to overthrow
the Spanish Constitution by force of arms ?HMO.
What, then, was the line of wisdom for this countre
Unquestionably to preserve itself in 'a position to
which, without shrinking in the slightest degree fro!
the most unequivocal avowal of its princi platy .lt
might yet be enabled to avert the threatened evil.
and prevent the occurrence of actual hoittlity.—:
The policy of this country* should be to keep tlloc4
self in the situation of a mediator, which meg
still enable us to prevent a war; for, notwithstansliag
411 that had passed/he still maintained that .the
w:u not yet closed. For these reasons he toidd-aut