Star.
London, England, 1831-02-04 00:00:00

FRIDAY 1W ENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1831.

A DISCOURSE ON THE CAUSES OF POLITICAL
REVOLUTIONS.-BY THOMAI BAILEY. 14.

Mr. BAILEY was the late candidate for Nottingham in
opposition to its corporate trading Representatives. He
stood on the popular interest, and if the voters had been re-
sidents only, the affection borne him by his fellow-townsmen
would have placed a thorough honest man and genuine
patriot in the House of Commons. The present work is
Mr. Bailey's solution of an enigma prOpounded by Chateau-
briand on the following passage :

" In spite of a thousand efforts to penetrate into the causes of disturb.
ances in States, we perceive that something escapes. It is inde-
scribable, and bidden I know not where, and this indescribable
something. appears to be the efficient cause of ail Revolutions.
This secret reason is attended with the more anxiety to become
acquainted with it, because it is not perceptible in social man."
After some preliminary paragraphs, Mr. Bailey restates
the question thus :
" What," says he, is the disposition generated, by a state of civili-
sation, that is, a condition of the people where learning flourishes, the
sciences are cultivated, the arts of life encouraged, religion inculcated,
and knowledge diffused ? Is it not an increasing desire for further ad-
vances in improvement ? a propensity which, it might be easily sisewn,is
a necessary ingredient in our moral constitution, to enable man to fulfil
the high destinies of his nature.
" If civilization, then, through the union of mankind in society, and
the consequent rapid and frequent interchange of sentiments, ideas, and
opinions, has a natural tendency to create an anxious disposition for fur-
ther improvement, which, unquestionably, is the high prerogative of
knowledge, may we not, by posaibility, at least, conceive the circum-
stance occurring of a spirit of improvement more rapidly developing
itself among a people, generally, than in the governments under which
they live ? I speak not of them here as individuals, but, in their ab-
stract character as rulers ; for it may occur that as individual members
of society, they may have kept pace with other men in mural and Intel.
lectual attainments, whilst as public men, fettered by the trammels of
office, and accustomed to the routine of precedent ; or as members of
the aristocracy, or blood royal, born to the highest civil dignities which
society can confer, and trained in habits of haughty domination, or os-
tentatious seclusion front the active classes; they may not have advanced
one tittle, beyond their ancestors in the notions entertained by them on
the subject of civil government; nor have ever, for any practical pur-
pose, reflected on the new claims and obligations of society, arising from
the changes which civilization may have effected in the relative con-
dition of members; nor have studied, for legislative put poses, the
position of the nation generally in reference to us ancient political in-
stitutions.

" The glory of past vet —the former prosperity of the State—the
boasted wisdom of ancestor—the antiquity of the institutions of the
Nation—the identity of themselves with every thing which is illustri.
our and fixed in the country, through the medium of national annals,
extensive landed possessions, fatuity honours, names and tiles; all
:end to render the members of the Aristocracy averse from change; and
all contribute to foster the illusion that the people, by some means or
other, may still be intimidated, or cajolled into an acquiescence in the
continuance of that system of policy so long estahlls, and under
which their forefathers enjoyed so many advantages.

" Meanwhile, however, the advance of civilisation, the extension of
commerce, and the more general diffusion of knowledge, have created
many new wants and desires among the people, who begin to look
down on the vaunted wisdom of their ancestors with indifference, if
not with contempt. Their paception of the relations of society, ow.
14 to a more frequent and rapid interchange of ideas and opinions, has
become more acute—the power of association in their minds more vigo.
cons—the investigation of abstract truth more frequent—the character
of their social intercourse more relined and serious—the discussions in
which they engage more free and spirited—the facilities for the commu-
nication of knowledge mageenaerriare and varied, and the diffusion of
wealth among them more and equal.
" What was once liberty is now felt as restraint, and they become ex.
cited, feverish, and discontented. Who cannot discover, in this ano•
maims condition of the Government and the governed, the incipient
principle of popular revolutions ? Nothing is more false than that
" the secret reason, or cause of revolutions is not perceptible in social
man." Nothing is more true than that, in the very principle of drill.
:scion, is seated " the efficient cause of all revolutions !" Were
princes contented to rule but over barbarians, they need not live in
dread of revolutions : the hordes of Africa and America never rebel
against their chiefs from purely political motives ; even the semi-barba-
rous nations of Asia are seldom known to rise against their ru-
lers, except for acts of personal aggression. Never, I believe, through
differences with them on questions of abstract tight : whilst among civi.
Used nations a jealousy respecting these has given rise to the most
frightful disturbances.

" That the progress of civilisation may be retarded in states by the
measures of governments, and the epochs of revolutions, thus, deferred,
cannot be doubted. That :he tendencies towards disturbances in states
which, inevitably, await on advancing civilisation, may be restrained in
their developement, by a politic or resolute government, even whilst its
policy is anomalous to the spirit of the age, can as little be doubted.
But what, it may be fairly asked; is, in reality, gained by this prom-
dure ? The principle of revolution is not annihilated—the nature of
social man is not altered—the impetus of knowledge is not weakened
—the momentum of public opinion is not broken ! after every
thing is done which miming or tyranny can suggest, to avert the
day of demand and concession ; it will arrive I when demand will
be made, in a voice of thunder, by an infuriated populace—and con-
cession, of the most humiliating description, be granted by an abject
sovereign.

As fires longest pent up in obscurity at length burst out with the
most resistless fury, so, revolutions longest deferred ate attended, in
their crisis, with the must terrible consequences. Were the rulers of
nations actuated by a spirit of sound wisdom, those dreadful convulsions
could never arise in states, on account of social tights, which, after caus-
ing the death of thousands of the citizens, and desolating towns and pro.
winces, leave palaces desolate and thrones vacant. Every act of the go.
'eminent would be but consecutive parts of a grand revolution whose
epoch would be an age, and whose achievements should be discovered
but in the history of successive generations. It is only the revolution
of a day, over which humanity has cause to shed tears, and nations to
blush.
" If disinclination, then, to assimilate the civil institutions of states
with the advanced civilisation of their peoples be portentous of frightful
disturbances; if the simple refusal, or neglect, of governments to con.
cede to the new intellectual wants of their subjects be marked by con-
summate folly t in what terms shall we characterise attempts to force
national morality to retrograde—to compel public opinion to commit sui-
cide. Yet such madness we have latterly beheld In Princes—such in-
fatuation in Statesmen. Could the attempt have succeeded, there would
not have been one axiom left for the politician—not one truism remain.
ing in the science of political economy. If civilization does not awaken
the love of liberty—if knowledge does not extend the capacity for en-
joyment—if consciousness of power does not awaken the desire for pos-
session, then is man, with such powers as he possesses, an anomaly in
creation. His experience is without benefit—his learning without re-
sult—his morality withont use. But is it so? I fearlessly answer,
no ! And the late revolution in France, with the sudden and striking
destruction of the haughty, but impotent despotism which provoked it,
is my warranty for the emphatic negative.

1 _
" What then is this " secret cause—this " indescribable and hidden"
something, which is the efficient cause of all revolution.? Simply the
desirff of the people to render their social condition analogous to an
improved moral or intellectual condition ! Can any cause be more na- 1
tura!, and at the same time more efficient! In this bohold the force
of public opinion —the triumph of national morality and intelli.
saki. Here is a power too subtle foe bayonet, to penetrate--and too
eapanissive for dungeons to circumscribe: it agitates unseen, and exerts
its stupendous powers in the secret working. of impalpable communi-
cation :it begins in the nursery—it is fostered in the school—it is ma-
tured in the intercourse of swat ; requiring neither the aids of plots,
nor conspirators, nor clubs, nor to originate, or perfect its
aehievasenta.

•' Individuals ran in no CMC be eonsidered se the ovum of revolution.:
they are but the &gems employed by tbe pubtio will, in gaming out its
dispositions ; though I know, It his been custinnury to ascribe these
events to the influence of seditious !societies, or the machinations of fac-
tious demagogues. The destinies of our revolted American Colonies

PRICE 7D.

were believed, at one time, to be altogether involved in the lives or three I.
or four individuals; and under this impression, the English Govern-
ment was so silly as to set a price upon the heads of two of these worthies.
How preposterous ! as though the lam of two men who were but in-tru-
menu of the public will, could have caused public opinion to retrograde ;
or have rendered national civilisation and knowledge. incompetent to the
production of dirk natural results. It was not Franklin, Adams. and
Washington. who created the American Revolution,—that event created
them, as public men. America owes much to their genius, which con-
tributed to give her freedom I but they owed more to America, which
conferred on them liberty, security, and glory ! Could the loss of con-
sciousne-s, in two individuals, have caused the absence of reason and
recollection in the colonists, the measure of the English Cabinet might
have been justified. at bast, by the flexile laws of state policy ; hot
when even in its full accomplishment, it could .not cause the !kepie 'o
unlearn one single idea of the knowledge they had previously se-
quired,—when it could not pluck from the heart one hope it had
chedated..—nor erase from the mind one principle it had imbibed, the
immorality of the act was equalled only by its folly. The Revolution
must have proceeded, whoever remained to conduct it to an issue : it
had lu foundation in the improved condition of American Society,—
in the general diffusion of knowledge, civil and religious, among the
colonists ; in short, in the discord created by a stationary and anti-
quated policy ImPOPed opop &too* 41,16, otatocarigif
fr egringlig it
eivillairion, and by consequence, in all the lofty api gs connected
with such a ooaditioo.
Nothing can be more absurd than the doctrine so current in courts
and senates, of the danger which attends concession to the demands of
the people : a wise Government, however, would, at all times, prevent
the necessity of demand. Really,oied with the affairs of the nation
over whom they preside, and Impressed with the conviction of all Re-
volutions having their rise in the simple principle of the " people seek-
ing to render their civil condition analogous to an improved moral or
intellectual condition," it would be their constant aim to remove oppres-
sive monopolies, to abrogate vexatious imposts, to curtail oppressive es•
tablishments, and abolish obsolete claims and offices, as they discovered
them to be understood and felt by the people. Nor would the exercise
of their important functions be confined alone to sensible grievances,
such as these : as knowledge increased, and the people became addicted
to the employment of moral force, when they were suffering,—in-
stead of that physical power which is always had recourse to in pe-
riods of ignorance and barbarism, for the redress of social grievances,
they would give greater freedom to the expression of public opinion,
—extend the sphere of civil eligibilities,--ahnplify the external
forms of the constitution,—curtail the assumptions of the privileged
classes,—diaallow those prescriptive rights, which interpolated bodies
enjoy, to the injury of their fellow-citizens,—and abolish those invidious
distinctions from society, those dissocialising prerogatives, which are a
continual source of heartburninp among a civilised people, by refer.
ring to s former condition of domination slid servitude.
" The question of revolution, in its own simple character, stands
thus. Is there not a propensity, in social man, to seek for augments•
tion in his social happiness ? Gan this be effected, whilst his social con-
dition as a citisen, is dreadfully discordant with his moral condition as
a man Certainly not ! The revolution which has taken place within
the man, must be met by a corresponding revolution without him, at
disorder and disturbance, which shall shake the very foundations of so-
ciety, will sooner or later, be the consequence t and so necessary, and so
imperative on his nature, is this correspondence, that in order to effect
it, when opposed by powerful obstacles, the most dreadful measures
will be had recourse to, and the met terrible evils be inflicted and en.
countered.
" Revolutions, then, may either be resolved into some ascertainable
principle, existing in society ; have either some natural and efficient
cause, which it is needless to trifle with, and dangerous even to over-
look, —or they are but the accidents of some contingent relation of per-
son and circumstance, which, if the one can be cut off. or the other in-
terrupted in its course, the danger will be altogether dissipated, and the
elements of despotism remain permanently undisturbed.
" Whether the events which have transpired on the Continent of
Europe, during the last few months, will lead to a formal recognition,
among Statesmen, of some such principle as the one here advocated, and
thus dispose than to render, by the aids of Government, the increasing
knowledge and virtue of man available to the great stock of modal hap-
piness; or whether Princes and Senates will sdU go on, legislating
against the Brat principle of civilisation, as though revolutions spring
out of the earth, or fixed causes would not produce their natural effects,
because Kings and Ministers willed they should net, time only tan
show. Should the former course be adopted, which I pray Goa may
be done, at least In our own country, a visible and beneficial change will
soon be apparent in the condition of civilized society : should it be re-
sisted, through pride, or contemned, through ignorance, political con-
vulsions of the most terrific kind will continue to agitate and desolate
the nations ; and England, no less than other countries, must ere long
become the theatre of the most frightful contests."

This is sound reasoning, and political discovery which
merits the respect of Governors, and the attention of people.
M'ho can refuse their assent to Mr. Bailey's principles and
conclusions, so eloquently, because so convincingly displayed?
Such a man is evidently fitter, in political principle to re-
present such a population as Nottingham, than the legal
conductor of the late special commissions ; and if the ballot
is established, he will end his useful career as M.P. for
Nottingham.