Star.
London, England, 1823-04-25 00:00:00

which did not immediately affect our own interests.
—lt was said it would be most improper for us to
suffer Spain to lose her independence for the eg-
g, randisement of another country, and moreespecially
for the aggrandisement of France. But first it
might be right to enquire whether France could be
thus aggrandised—whether she could gain ftom the
conquest of Spain additional means of injuring Eng-
land, or of any other Power ? If her armies tri-
umphed in Spain, and half the Spanish people were
still opposed to her, no man would say this would
give her strength. The French could not be corn-'
pletely successful if the greater portion of the people
were unfavourable to their enterprize. If on the others
band, the Spanish people were really in favour of thrai
invaders of their country, and were disposed to pre-;
fer, not the original Spanish Constitution, but a Con-
stitution more monarchical than that of the present
anarchy, on what grounds could we opposp their
wishes ? Much was said of the dangers which would
result to this country ft om Spain being under the con-
troul of France. But what very alarming danger
had arisen from the state of things in the course of
the last century ? It was also to be remembered that
countries did not remain the same because their geo-
Fraphical situation and their names were unchanged.
the former war, on account of the Succession, did
not break out till the spirit of this country had been
roused by the connection of James the Second with
Louis the Fourteenth. But what was Spain then ?
Spain had a fine army, her finances were tolerably
flourishing—were as well as those of most countries
at that period, and she had a navy which was equal
to that of France. Then it was deemed of import-
ance to prevent the Ciotsns of the two countries
from being worn by the same family. The war ended
by establishiog the Bourbons, but it oddly enough
happened to baffle all the politicians of that period,
that the next war saw France the ally of England
against Spain. -The fears that had been entertained
on the subject of the Family Compact was so far di.
minished, that when the war which terminated, in the
peace of 1753 was brought to a conclusion, though
that war had been conducted with unexampled suc-
cess, it was never requi.e.l on the part of England,
that the family compact should be dissolved. Though
England woald ever look with *a jealous eye on the
extension of French influence over Spain, there was
no small difference between Spain such as she for-
merly was with an army, with money, with a navy
equal to that of France, and mistress of all the
richest Colonies in the world ; and Spain, such as she
was now, a divided people, without arms, without
money, without fleets, and without Colonies.--
He did not say that it was desirable that France and
Spain should be connected by any ties which might
encourage them hereafter to unite against England;
but the danger of such an union now was very dif-
ferent from what it had formerly been. We had a
right to look to our own interests, but .when we
formed eur view of the just rights of nations, other
Powers, which believed principles, which we did not
approve, more congenial to the happiness of nations,
had as good a right to act on their opinions as we
could 'lave to enforce ours. If England, then, were
to take her station, by putting herself at the head of
the liberties of Europe, other Powers might think
themselves justified by uniting against her. They
might be disposed to make war on her now, -when
if they knew she had the means of drawing the sword,
if necessary, they alsO knew that she desired repose
after the exertions she had already made. He ar-
gued against the policy of a more decided tone being
taken on the part of this country than had been taken
in the late negociation. From theaituation of the two
countries we could not have done more, unless we had.
gone the length of insisting that France should dismiss
her Army of Observation. Had this been done, it:was
probable the causes of irritation subsisting between
them would sooner or later have terminated in war.
We must then go further and declare, that France
shall not be for one minute at war with Spain.with-
out England. taking part against her. The conse-
quence of this must be,.that we should be called-upon
to support our -dignity, not by a small addition to
our Navy to defend our neutral rights, but we mast
be prepared with powerful fleets to sweep the sea,
and an army ready to act on the Continent. The
Noble Lord had declared-himself favourable to war,
but he was of opinion that by keeping out of it now,.
if it hereafter became necessary for us to take part in.
it, we could do so with many advantages on which
we could not calculate at present. The Noble Lord
had said Ministers ought not to trust the assurances
of France. Whether.they were to be trusted or not,
it was unpleasant to express distrust; but for this he
thought that there was littleoecasion,where assurances
only promised that which was most consonant to the.
interests of the party from when] they prpceeded.
He knew not why the assurances of France with re-
spect to Portugal ought to be discredited. If she
failed in her attempt on Spain, there was an end of
all danger for Portugal; and if she succeeded, could
the Noble Lord think that she would not have
enough to attend to, without embroiling herself with
England, whom she knew to be engaged to protect
her ally. Portugal stood by no means in the same
situation with respect to France as Spain did.—
Portugal had not been concerned in any violation of
the French territory, nor was it from Portugal that
that moral contagion was to be apprehended which
furnished a pretext for the invasion of Spain. enleis
Portugal provoked attack, could it be expected that
the other Powers of Europe would suffer her to be
sverrn. ta.P.ln case of her. being invaded, England
,could then stand forth, not as the friend of revolp-
tion, but as. defender of her Ally. One point had
been strongly insisted on by the Noble Lord as a
matter of charge against Ministers. He had corn-
plained that Ministers, had advised Spain to make'
some changes in her Constitution while she was
threatened with invasion from France. He did not
know that Ministers deserved reproof if, as friends,
they has given .advice without demanding com-
pliance.as the price of their friendship, or threatening
hostilities in case of refusal. To take such a course
was, he thought, the duty of a friendly State; yet
Ws. the Noble Lord regarded as a violation of inter-
national law. Did the. Noble Lord .ehink that the
• Constitution of the Cortes cock make Spain happy
and prosperous; or, aid he even think that, with
such a, Constitution, Spain ever could bahal?pyissid
prosperous ? He did not say that its fiuks,tustified
the hostile interference of a foreign Power; hot lie
insisted that these justified a friendly Seas in point-