Star.
London, England, 1814-06-29 00:00:00

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pr mit% The arrengement.oi the colonial ter-
titer; - .ie also much approved, as tending to uphold
tle eeeess.iry maritime stild commercial preponde-
estice of this country; and the stipulations which
vent , • exclude France from all territorial influence
in India, he particularly applauded. In fine, by the
present Treaty, every advantage we formerly posses.
sed were mot only preserved, but new scenes of com-
mercial wealth and prosperity created—our finances
and national credit rendered more flourishing than
ever—and, above all, our inestimable constitution
preservedeezewards which amply compensated for
those necessary sacrifices and occasional privations,
so cheerfully and laudably made and submitted to
by the inhabitants of this country, in the course of a
long and severe contest—(Rear, hear!) The Noble
Earl concluded by moving an humble Address to his
Royal Highness the Prince Regent, thanking him
for his gracious communication of the Definitive
Treaty of Peace concluded between his Majesty and
his Most Christian Majesty, at Paris, on the 30th day
of May last ; assuring his Royal Highness, that they
were fully sensible of all the advantages which would
result from the said Treaty to the honour of his Ma-
jesty's Crown, aed the safety and prosperity of his
Kingdom ; and expressing their conviction that the
great object of the war had been accomplished, and
assuring his Royal Highness they entertained a
grateful sense of the advantages and blessings which
had been secured to the country by the provisions
and articles of the Treaty ; and expressive of their
Lordships' anxious hope that the same line of policy
and conduct would be persevered in, which had in-
duced so many and great advantages to the British
Empire.
Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE seconded the mo-
tion for the Address, and made a variety of observa-
tions in support of those arguments touched upon by
the Noble mover. Adverting to the progress of the
war, his Lordship panegyriaed the gallant and mag-
nanimous conduct of an illustrious Ally, the Empe-
ror of Russia, who had so greatly, under the SUPREME
Disposee of events, contributed to the happy and
'glorious result of the important struggle. He ad.
vetted to the inveterately hostile disposition of the
late ruler of France to this country, and the conse-
quent ground of satisfaction and exultation which his
total discomfiture afforded. The whites of the
illustrious Peer, who that night had taken his seat
among their Lordships, were highly panegyrised by
the Noble Lord, and comparison entered into be-
tween his services and those of the renowned Duke of
Marlborough, which he illustrated much to the ad-
vantage of former. The colonial arrangements
which had been made, and which his Lordship
viewed rather in detail, he thought highly advanta-
geous to the maritime and commercial interests of
this country. Under such circumstances, he thought
there could be no wimp dissent from the unanimous
aPProbatien-ofe Treaty so highly advantageous and
in pourable not only to this country, but to the other
powers concerned in it. The Address had, therefore,
his cordial approbation and support. ,
It was then road by the LO RD CHANCELLOR,
and the question put ; when
. Lord GRENVILLE rose. If he felt any diffi-
culty in assenting cordially to the Address, it was
only eel the ground of his unwillingness that such
. a.sent should be construed into a general'or indiscri-
minate eppiebation. He had hoped that the motion
would have been so shaped as not to excite discussion,
• and with that view chiefly it was that lie acceded to
make the Slave Trade a subject of a separate debate.
. Bat hoWsoever ho lamented the particular points to
%stitch he alluded, he enoseheartily concurred in the
general tenor and spit it of the Address. The subject
was sue; of ardent and general congratulation to the
throne, the country, and the people. At the close of
an arduous contest of twenty years, the object had
been at length obtained by the firmness, virtue, and'
pereeverance of the people, and had conferred on
them a reputation worthy to•live. as an example to
posterity and to all nations. His Lordship next most
cordially agreed in the Address where it stated that
much strength to peace was acquirM from the fortu-
nate and atlas cious circumstance of the restoration
of the ancient "and hereditary Royal Family -of
France.7-(,Par.) He would not deny that occasions
might and did occur when treaties might preperly be
entered ipto with other powers. But those powers
afforded not such security as 0 treaty i*ith the Princes
of **use of Bourbon. He did :rot mean to extol
the personal qualities of any tole, far he knew that
indiOidual virtue was no security for nations. But
the usurpation of France, as it was dieted, so it was
maintained by military violence, and could only have
sulnusred on plunder and aggression ; it, therefore,
. ro impassible that such a Government should afford
. such protection and security as that which now was
.Coueded on the legitimate spirit of civil institutions.
Upon the extinction of that state of society the late
.cipeernmtpt of France was founded, and, therefore,
,lie rejoiced that such a g•overnment was superceded
by the revival of the social system in Europe ;—it
was 4 return to the ancient free Constitution of
.France,
_and which once blessed and distinguished
. Europe ; the advantages were not, indeed, absolute,
..
_bet comparetive, It was impossible for such a power
. 44 franee. to e ist. alder any form of Government
un i
eleithout nat ly gating the vigilant attention of
ebis:countre,But the danger was much lesi under a
well-reguleied than under a military or despotic
power. Another part of the Address was entitled to
his cordial approbation : he Meant that which refer-
re red to bur maritime strength and superiority, which
.woe were boiled to consider, not as the means of in-
creasing our possessions, but to use as pledgee for se-
curing the balance of power in Europe, a considera-
tion, nest to our own immediate safety, of the utmost
impOrtance to us ; and far from wishing to acquire
or to retaip acquisitions, it became our tree policy to
yelinquisb them. lestead of objecting to concessions
made to France he would willingly grant more, pro-
vided thereby a greater eecerity could be obtained
• for the, eace of Europe. fie was unwilling to enter
et large into the Treaty ; but on the side of Savoy
be thotight France had obtained a dangerous power
for the disturbance of her neighbour. He should
have been better 'pleased if nothing had been given
to France at the espence of the weaker Powers.--
sure be was that i$ ir_raa not a spatter of indifference
go thii pokey tpritaerae iltedtguilibrium of power
in tiropf i for try set 4 • . .•- ;lone could we hope to
. pbtaip a permanent Am pe best mode to accom.
MI this (# ”s fietintiktifly to comma ibex by is
=. Sti

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terests as they were by situAtiou. rot 1-1011a.nd to be
able to preserve herself against any sudden aggres-
sions from France, was of treat moment to England.
and when the barrier territory of the Netherlands
isted she had such defence. That mode of defence
was destroyed by Austria, and France soon'-shewed
where weakness was, for Holland speedily fell a prey
to the arms of France. As to the concessions named
In the Treaty, he bad some difficulty in agreeing to
them because the advantages' for which those conces-
sions were made were to be referred to the ulterior ne-
gociations at Vienna. The Noble Lord could not but
lament his inability to find in the Treaty any pledge
that those principles, which alone he deemed calculat-
to give permanent peace to Europe, should be acted
upon in the ensuing negociations. He lamented that
he could find no security that the principle of restora-
tion, and not of partition, should guide the Congress.
—(Hear.)—.lt was that fatal principle of partition
which gave the first shake to solid society in Europe,
and now, when they had survived the storms that had
threatened them, let the States of Europe, and Eng-
land in particular, remember that there existed no-
thing so fatal to that peace for which they had all so
much occasion, as that one fatal principle of partition.
(Hear, hear.)—lf the principles %sere nct now aban-
doned, the seeds of dissention would be sown but too
abundantly at Vienna ; and if the smaller states were
to be aggrieved by the larger, what security had they,
that tome evil spirit might not again arise in France,
and by taking advantage of those dissatisfactions,
again 'set Europe in a flame ? The equilibrium of
power in Europe could alone preserve them from such
evils—that would be their great security. He trusted,
however, that we were about to return to a state of,
permanent peace ; and he also trusted that Pasha-.
went would remember that England, in time of peace,
was not accustomed to have the greatest possible mi.
litary armed establishment—(Hear, hear.) In his opi-
nion, it was impossible for this country to enjoy its
Constitution with a great armed military peace esta-
blishment ;—( Hear, hear)—and entertaining such opi-
nion, he wished that the peace establishments of these
kingdoms should be as nearly as possible like to those
deliberately settled in 1792. If the fatal dream had
really passed away, which had affrighted Europe—if
there really were to be something like permanent
peace amongst all States—for this country he must
claim, that our establishments be reduced as soon as
possible, and as nearly as was practicable according
to the test of 1791 and 1792—he claimed it as the true
ancient policy of this country.—(Near, hear.)
The Earl of LIVERPOOL had heard, with the
greatest satisfaction, the major part of what had been
expressed by the Noble Lord who had just sat down.
Government, he could assure the Noble Lord and
the House, had been actuated by a disposition to
state every thing in the Address which could chew
the spirit by which they had prosecuted the negocia-
tion. But there were observations in the speech of
the Noble Lord, and there was something in the sub-
stance of it, which rendered it necessary for him to
say a few words upon the present occasion. When
the fortune of war had favoured the cause of the Con-
tinent against France, and the Allies had arrived at
Paris, and when the government of Louis was re-
stored, there were but two modes by which Negotia-
tion could be conducted; either, on the one side, at
a Congress appointed for the general arrangement
not only of the affairs of France, but of those of the
different Powers of Europe ; or, on the other side.
by a separate and distinct Treaty between France
and each of the Allied Powers. The delay and in-
convenience of the former mode were obvious—it
would require pot only the boundaries of France to
be limited, but the future disposition of Italy and the
interests of other fizates to be arranged. On the other
hand, the arrangement of a separate treaty was re.
qtiired from. the circumstances of the time. At that
period it was most essential that the extent of France
should be settled while tlie Allies remained in her
capiial—that they should conjointly and ssparately
s'gn a treaty with her, leaving the interests of Eu-
rope to the determination of a future Congress. This
was the ground and principle upon which this sepa.
rate treaty was signed. It was necessary that it
should be a peace honourable to all, for on that cos.
ditiun alone could it be expected to be lasting. This
was a principle which ought to pervade treaties be-
tween nations, and if ever it ought to have been at
one time acted upon more than at another, it was
upon this occasion. The antient dynasty was restored
and it became us, in- negotiation, to require terms
which would not only be honourable to ourselves,
but to the Sovereigns with whom we treated. Under
such circumstances, and looking to the devastation
committed by France over other countries, the foun-
dation of Peace was laid, as it ought to be, in bring.
ing back the former state of things. There were
those mho had once, like himself, looked to that as a
fit basis upon which peace might be permanently esta-
blished, and now it was accomplished, they must
agree with him it was a desidetatum which could
be scarcely expected. The restoration of France to
the state in which she was in 1792, was the princi-
ple upon which the negotiation had concluded. He
agreed with others who had observed, that the mili.
tary spirit and state of that country did require some
concession to be made on our part. The Noble Lord
had alluded to the concession to France in regard-
Savoy ; he (Earl of Liverpool) was ready to admit
it was of great consideration, and France would gain
advantage from it accordingly ; but as to military
strength, he did nut consider it of the importance
which had been represented. The acquisition would
be 6 or 700,000 inhabitants, but independent of this,
and an exception in Germany, France had by this
treaty been restored continent ally to the state of 1792.
During the contest in which we were engaged, his
Majesty's arm, had gained fur us all the colonies of
the world, but though placed in such a Situation, it
ditinut become us to negotiate upon a principle of
monopoly, it would hot be the interest of this country
16 keep all the colonies to herself, it would be the in-
terest of this country to render France both colonial
and corometcial, for she would thereby become mots
subject to the power and strength of Great Britain.
The-advantages derived to our India possessions were
important under the present treaty, for the fat toties
of Ponclitheriy were subjected to the same ccnditions
as thole of Bengal in the last war, and we should be
freed from foture molestation in those seas. He was
anxious that the Treaty should be well cbmidered,
and that it should be judged, nbt according to what
rt did not pretend but according to what it pretended
to be foT while it was desirable that the quest' of