Star.
London, England, 1831-03-22 00:00:00

bt

intirc
•)

N°. 13,739. TITESPAV EVENING, MARCH 22, 1831.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
FRANCE.
POLICY OF THE NEW MINISTERS.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES—Sirrixo or THE 18TH

The galleries were filled, and the expected communication
from the ministers was the universal topic of conversation.
The PRESIDENT of the Confect!. said—When the King
did me the honour of calling me to form End preside orer his
Council, I conceived that the principles upon which it was to
be constituted should be understood and agreed upon by its
several members. The present ministry is formed upon con-
stitutional principles, and receives its strength from its own
responsibility. All its propositions—all its measures will be
the result of general deliberation, and of one common aclord.l
The principles we profess are those of our revolution—we
wish them to be established without exaggeration, and with-
out being weakened. In the interior our duty is plain and
simple ; we have no great experiments to try ; the nature of
our institutions has been fixed by the Charter of 1830. Se-
veral great legislative questions have been decided by you in
the present session. The Chamber that will succeed you will
have to determine others. Order is the chief of all our wants.
We intreat all well-disposed citizens not to abandon the
Government, for the Government will not abandon them.
The maintenance of tranquility is the maintenance of liberty.
Every species of sedition is a crime ; every act or vio-
lence is a step towards anarchy. We shall propose to
you laws calculated to repress violence and sedition—
(much cheering from the centres; silence on the gauche.)
Our foreign policy is closely allied with that of the interior ;
in both, the evils and remedies are the same. It has been at-
tempted to excite in France a mistrust of the rest of Europe,
and Europe has been taught to mistrust our revolution.
Armed to defend her own rights, France has respected those
of other nations. Her policy has been guided by other mo-
tives than those arising from the passions. We are desirous
of that peace which is so necessary for the welfare of society
—but we will go to war if the honour and independence of
France are placed in danger, and shall then appeal with the
fullest confidence to the patriotism and courage of the na-
tion. The people would rise at the first signal; and the King
has not forgotten that it was in the camp lie, for the first
time, learnt to save his country. Gentlemen, the princi-
ple of non-intervention has been laid down by the Ministers
who have preceded us, and we have adopted it ; we main-
tain that no foreign power has the right to interfere by force
of arms in the internal affairs of other nations ; but is this,
at the same time, to declare that we will interpose with our
arms wherever this principle is not respected ? This would
be an interference, though of a different nature ; it would be
falling into the system of the Holy Alliance ; it would be to
compel all Europe to follow the same idea. This interpreta-
tion of the principle of non-intervention would serve as a
cloak to the spirit of conquest. We will sustain the princi-
ple by negotiations, but no nation has a right ‘o force its to
take up arms in her cause. The blood of Frenchmen helotTe
to France. Preceding Cabinets have prevented interference
in the affairs of Belgium; this also will be our rek of pro-
ceeding. Europe anxiously wishes for peace; it is her mani-
fest interest. Why should she desire war? In this situa-
tion of affairs we venture to hope that Europe will shortly
come to an understanding which may lead to a general diminu-
tion of forces, the support of which weighs heavily on the se-
veral States. Let us, by our policy, hasten this disarmament.
The ministry requires all the confidence of France and the
Chamber. For this it is necessary that all should be fully
enlightened as to the actual state of affairs; we therefore
require that the discussion upon the bill grauting, proti-
sionally, the 4-12ths be postponed ; we require the appoint-
ment of u special committee, to make strict inquiry into the
state of the treasury, its wants, and its resources ; every re-
quisite information shall be laid before its members, who
will examine into all the demands of the Minister of the
Finances, and body appreciate the exact situation of the
country ; whereby all present alarm will be dissipated, and
the wants of the future provided for. Here the President
of the Council concluded by saying, " We hope that no
Member of the Chamber will absent himself before he has
lent us the sup Fort we so indispensably need." (Hear, hear,
from the centres. Silence on he gauche.)
The Minister of War said, the president of the council has
given you the assurance of the unanimity of the views of the
administration, and the conviction of the views imposed upon
it. These assurances, gentlemen, I have pleasure in con-
firming in my turn. Animated with the same sentiments,
our determination is as complete as it can be to secure the
execution of the laws—maintain the security of all—repress
disorders, if, contrary to expectation, any should be
committed—restore confidence—cause the principles of our
glorious revolution of July to fructify—persevere, with the
dignity that becomes France, in the principles of our fo-
reign policy—and, lastly, render ourselves so respectable
as to our forces, that peace may be the necessary conse-
quence of it; and if, nottvitlistanding our effoi ts, and
I say, even notwithstanding our hopes, war should be
indispensable to us, we have the certainty of waging it with
success. I now come to that part of our task which is more
particularly entrusted to myself. I have the honour to lay
upon your table, to be communicated to your Committee, a
copy of a report upon my administration, which I presented
to the King un February the 20th. It comprises the period
of three months. Since that time a mouth has elapsed, and
1 hare continued to conduct my administration upon the
same principles. Except, perhaps, some trifling augmenta-
tions, which it was difficult to estimate at the first moment,
you have granted nothing for the case of war. Yom, must,
therefore, have it put in your rower to appreciate the ne-
cessities which the Minister of the Finances will lay before
you. _ _

The MIN IST ER of the FIN ANC ES —Upon entering the Ad-
ministration we considered it our duty to examine the situa-
tion of the Treasury. Tho of this examination pre-
sents nothing that is alarming, as it regards the public for-
tune ; but we find ourselves under the necessity of covering
the Treasury for the excess of expenditure for which it has
made advances. The Bill, therefore, that we are about to
present to you has for its object to levy .55 centimes upon
the principal of the land tax, and 50 centimes upon the
licence tax—(murmurs.) The tax will produce fifteen mil-
lions. This is a new sacrifice that we ask of the country ;
but, in entering into the ministry, it wad our duty to acer-
thin and make known the wants of the Treasury, convinccd
that your patriotism would not hesitate to afford to the Go-
vernment the means of fulfilling its engagements. •
M. BAATIIE, Minister of Justice-- Internal peace is the
principal want of France. Crowds and commotions are the
sources of troubles that Government ought to repress, and

Pnicr, 7it.

against'Hsieh the present laws are insufficient. For the pur-
pose, therefore, of remedying this defect, we now present to
the Chamber the following Bill:
" All persons forming part of an assemblage in public place. shall
be bound to disperse on the first summons made to them to that effect
by .the Prefect, hlayor, or other authorised
.agent. if the assembly
shall not disperse after three summonses, it dual be lawful to employ
force for that purpose."
M. Et:SEBE SALV EItTE rose to complete and rectify the
sketch which Ministers bad presented. The hon. member,
in en able speech, contended that Ministers did not under-
stand the real interests of the country. He censured them
patitcularly for not taking stronger measures against the
Carlists. The Honourable Deputy then came to the question
of war. " There are none of us," said he, " who are not
. . _ _

desirous of the maintenance of peace, or who are ignorant
of the evils of war. Do not accuse us of paying court to
the lower classes ; it is on them that the burden of Kar falls.
Undoubtedly, it is not the completions that ought to force
us to go to war ; but let us see if the condition of France
and of Europe does not compel us to it. The principles of
absolute Governments are wounded. Do you imagine they
have abjured their maxims ? Absolute Government 4 paint
us in the blackest colours, and the Government of Frauce
replies by the principle of non-intervention. Ido not believe
it will be observed ; we have every where observed it, but
it has been so no where else. England has interests in com-
mon with our's. Were England and France united by a
treaty, they might say to Europe, peace is assured. But
instead of that, what have we ? A cold neutrality, and
nothing more. Our agent in London is the agent of the'
Vienna Congress, and it was to destroy the acts and the
consequences of the Congress of Vienna that he was sent to
conference." The Hon. Deputy then entered into an exami-
nation of the conduct of Austria, and maintained that she
had violated the principle of non-intervention in Italy.
" What will happen should the Prussians take a part in the'
affairs of Belgium ? Will you again abandon your non-in-
tervention ? Will you purchase peace at the expense of our
honour ? It will be purchasing peace at the expense of our
honour if we do not protect Italy. (It is true— it is true.)
Italy was impressed with the idea that she might, under the
protection of our declarations, work out her liberty, (loud
exclamations and murmurs.) Let France not confide too
much in treaties until she is sufficiently powerful not to fear
when they are violated." The hon. Deputy concluded by
declaring that the Chamber would never withhold its con-
sent from Government to all measures which might interest
its honour and dignity.