Star.
London, England, 1813-03-22 00:00:00

iIMERICAN PAPERS.

Ymi'n`'`....y _
.' .

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, lAN. 49.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. GRUNDY, from the Committee of Foreign Re-
lations, made the following Report :
" That in presenting to the House at this time a
view of our relations with Great Britain, it is deemed
unnecessary to recite the causes which produced the
war. The wrongs which the United States had re-
ceied from that Power, for a long series of years,
had already been laid before die public, and need, not
again be enumerated ; they were too deeply kit to
have been forgotten, although they may be torglien
by the American reople. The United States having
engaged in the War for the sole purpose of vindicating ,
their rights and honour, that motive alone should
animate them to its close. It btcomes a free and vir-
tuous re,,rie to give an useful example to the world.
It is thp duty of a representative Goveraunent, to ren- I
der a taitlltil account of its conduct to its consti-
tuents. A just sensibility togreat and unprovoked
wrongs and it ignities, will justify an appeal to antes
,an In ncurable reparation should restore the blessings
. of peace—every step which they take should be guided
by a sacred regard to-principle.
14 To form a correct estimate of the duties which
- the United States ln,ve to perform, it is necessary
• -t,.) take a view of the communications which have
rasstd between the Executive of the United States
and the lit itish Government since the declaration
bar. Such a view, t.!:e Committee is per siadetl, will
show distinctly the existing ground of controversy
bcwiten the. two nations, and.the indispensable obli- '
gations oa the United States to maintain it.
" Year Committee has teen till much satisfaction
that at the mcment,of the declaration of war, the at-.
,tasition of the Executive was engaged in an effort to
bring it to a speedy and honourable termination. As
early as the Vith of June last, the Charge des Affaires,
of the United Suites to .London, was, instructed to
propose to the Blitish Goya-mart an armistice, to
sake immediate elect.. on conditions which it is be-
lieved the impartial world will consider sate. honour.
- able, and advantageous to Great Britain. They were

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lew in number, and limited to positive
practised.
" That the Orders in Council should be repealed,
and that our Rag should protect Our seamen, vere the
:only indispensable conditions insisted on. Other
Atrrongs, however great, were postponed for amicable
aegociation. As an inducement to the British Go-
vernment to forbear these wrongs, it was proposed
to repeal the non-importation law, and to prohibit
the employment of British seamen in the public and
private vessels of the United States ; particular care
was taken that these propositions should be made in
a form as conciliatory as they were amicable in sub-
stance.
" Your Committee cannot avoid expressing their
astonishment at the manner in which it was received.
It was not sufficient to reject the proposed armistice :
terms of peculiar reproach and insult were adopted
to make the rejection offensive.
" It happened that almost on the same
,day in
which the United States, after having been worn out
with accumulated wrongs, had resorted to the last
and only remaining honourable alternative in wisps*
of their rights, the British Government had repealed
conditionally its Orders in Council. That measure
was unexpected, because every application for it had
failed,, although repeated to the very moment it was
decided on. • Conditional as the repeal was, it was
admitted to have removed a great obstacle to ac-
commodation.

" The other only remained—the practice of im-
pressment. It was proposed to the British Govern-
ment to open an amicable accommodation to provide'
a substitute to it. which should be. considered as an
ample equivalent. The substitute proposed was de-
- fined, and of a character so comprehensive as to have
removed, as was presumed, every possible objection
to an accommodation. The proposition before made
to exclude British seamen from our service was en-
larged so as to comprehend all native British subjects,
nut already naturalized, or entitled,to naturalization,
under the laws of the United States—this was like-
wise rejected.
" Your Committee have sought with anxiety, some
proof of .a disposition in the British Government to
accommodate, on any fair condition, the important
difference between the two nations, relative to impress-
' merit, but they have sought in vain—none is to be
found either in the communication of the British Mi-
nister to the American Charge des Alfaires, in Lon-
don, or in those of the Commander of the British
naval forces at Halifax, made by the order of his
Government to the Department at State. They have
seen with regret that although Lord Castlereagh pro-
fessed a willingness in his Government to receive and
discuss amicably any proposition, having in view either
to check abuse in the practice of impressment, or to
provide a substitute to it, he not only declined entering
into a negociation for that. purpose, but discounte-
nanced the expectation, thit any substitute could be
proposed which his Government wotild- accept. It
merits notice also, though it ceased to be a cause of
surprise, that in the communication of Admiral War-
ren to the Department of State, the subject of impress-
ment was not even alluded to.
" Had the Executive consented to an armistice on
the repeal of the Orders 'in Council, without a satis-
factory provision against impressment, or a clear and
distinct understanding with the British Government
to that effect, in some mode entitled to confidence,
your Committee would not have, hesitated to disap-
prove it. The impressment of our seamen being de-
servedly considered a principal cause of the war, the
warought to be prosecuteckintil that cause was remo-
ved. To appeal to arms in defence of a right, and to
lay them down without securing it, on a satisfactory
evidence of a good disposition in the opposite party to
receive it, would be considered in no other light than a
relinquishment of it. To attempt to negooate after-
wards for the security of such right, in the expectation
that any ofthe arguments which nave been urged before
the declaration of war, and been rejected, would have
more weight, after that experiment had been made in
vain, would be an act of lolly which would not fail
to expose us to 'the scorn and derision of the British
nation and of the world.

66 On the full view, therefore, of the conduct of
the Executive, in its transactions with the British
Government, since the declaration of war, the Com-
mittee consider it their duty to express their entire
approbation of it. They perceive in it a firm reso-
lution to support the rights and honour of their coun-
try, with a sincere and commendable disposition to
promote peace on such just and honourable condi-
tions as the United States may with safety accept.
66 It remains therefore for the United States to
take their final attitude with Great Britain, and to
mainrain it with consistency and with unshaken firm-
ness and constancy. '
66 The manner in which the friendly advances
and liberal propositions of. the Executive have been
received by the British GOvernment, has in a great
measure extinguished the hopes of amicable accom-
modation. It is, however, possible that the British
Government, after instructing Admiral Warren to
communicate to the Dep.ertment of State the repeal
of the Orders in Council, may have declined the ar- ,
rangetnent proposed by Mr. Russell, in-the expects. •
tion that that nacrsure would have been made satis-
factory to the United States.
44 Be this as it may, your Committee consider it
the duty of this House to .explain to its constituents
the precise nature of that cause, and the high obliga-
tion which it imposes.
6' Pre m what has been stated, it appears, that
however great the sensibility to other wronzs, t!,e
impressment of our seamen was that alone which
prevented an armistice, and in all-probability anetc-
commodation.
44 Had that great interest been arranged in a sa-
tisfactory manner, the President was verliing to rely
OD the intrinsic justice of other claims, and the ami-
cable spirit with which the negociation would haVe
been entered into for satisfaction in their favour.—
Great Britain claims a right to impress her own sea-
men, and to exercise it in American vessels. In the
practice, British cruizers impress American citizens,
and from the nature of things, it is impossible that
the abuse should not be carried to great extent. A
subaltern, or any other officer in the British Navy,
ought not to be the arbiter in such a case. The li.
betty and lives of American citizens ought not to
depend on the will of such.a party.
. 0' The British Government has insisted that every
American citizen should carry with him the evidence
ut his citizenship, and that all those not possessed of

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it might be impessed. This Criteria), if not other.
Wise objectionable, would 1* so, se the document
might be lost, destroyerd, •or taken from the party to
whom it was granted, nor might it in 'SII cases be I
entitled to respect, as it mightbe counterfeited, trans-
ferred, or grknted to improper persons. But this
rule is liable to other and Much stronger objections.)
'On what principle does the Brit* Government
claim of the United States so great and shameful a
degradation ? Ought the free citizens of- an inde-
pendent power to carry with them on the main
ocean, and in her own vessels, the evidence of their
freedom ? And are all to be considered as Bri-
tish subjects, and liable .to impressment, who do not
bear with them that badge ? Is it not more consio-
tent with every idea, both of public as well as of pri-
vate right, that the party setting np a claim to any
interest, wikether it be to persotts or property, should
prove his right ? What would be the conduct of
Great Britain under similar circumstances ? Would
she permit the public ship of any other power, disre-
garding the rights of their flag, to enter on board her
merchant vessels, take from them such part of their
crews as the boarding officers thought fit, often her
own subjects, exposing bt means thereof her vessels
to destruction ? Would she suffer such an usurpa-
tion to derive any sanction from her patient forbear-
ance ?

" With the British claim to impress British sea-
men, the United States have no right to interfere,
provided it be in British vessels, or in any other than
those of the United States. That American citizens
should be exempted from its operations, is all that
they demand. Experience has shewn that this can-
not be secured otherwise than by the vessel in which
they sail. Take from American citizens this barrier,
which ought to be held sacred, and there is nothing
to protect them against the rapacious grasp of the
British navy.
" This; then, is the extent of the demand of the
United States; a demand so just in itself, so consis-
tent and inseparable from their rights as an indepen-
dent nation, that k has been a cause of astonishment
that it should ever have been called in question.—
The foundation of the British claim is, that British
seamen find employment in the s.:rvice,of the United
States : that is r. presented as an evil affecting essen-
tially the great interests of the British nation. This
-complaint would have more weight, if sanctioned by
the British example. It is known, on the contrary,
that it is in direct repugnance to it. Great Britain
does not scruple to receive into her service all who
enter into it voluntarily. .11 she confiled herself
within that limit, the present controversy would not
exist. Heretofore the subjects of.even the most des.
potic powers have been lett at liberty to pursue their
own happiness by honest industry, wherever their in,
clination led them. The British Government refuses
to its seamen that privilege. Let not this then be a
ground of controversy with that nation.
" Let it be distinctly understood, that in case an
arrangement should take place between the two na-
tions, whereby each should exclude from its service
the citizens and subjects of the other, on the princi-
ples and conditions above stated, th it this House will
be prepared, so far as depends on it, to give it effect,
and for that purpose to enact laws, with such regula-
tions and penalties as will be adequate.
" With this pledge, it is not perceived on what
ground die pettish Government .c in pasist in its
claims. If British seam. n are excluded • from the
service of the United States, as may be effectually
done, the foundation of the claim must cease. When
it is known that not one British seaxnaat could be
found on board American vessels, it would be absurd
to urge that tact as a motive for such impressment.
In declaring a willingness to give effect to the pro-
posed
arrangement, your Committee consider it
equally the duty of the House to declare, in terms
the most decisive, that should the British Government
still decline it, and persevere in the practice of im- '
pressment from American vessels, the United States
will never acquiesce in that practice, but will resist it
unceasingly, with all their force.
" It is not necessary now to enquire 'slat the
course would have been with respect to impressment,
in case the Orders in Council . had been repealed be-
fore the declaration of war ; or how long the practice
of impressment would have been borne, in the hope
that the repeal would have been followed by a satis-
factory arrangement with respect to impressment.
" War having been declared, and the case of irar-••
pressment being necessarily included as one ofohe
most important causes, it is evident that it must be
provided for in the pacification. The omission of it
in a treaty of peace would not leave it on its former
ground ; it would in effect be an absolute relinquish-1
ment, an idea at which the feelings of every Ameri.l
can must revolt. The seamen of the United States ;
have a ciaim on their country for protection, and
they must be protected. If a s'ngle ship is taken at
sea, and the property of anAmerican citizen arrested
from him unjustly, it rouses the indignation of the
country. How nnich more deeply, then, ought we
to be excited, when we behold so many of this gal-
lant and highly meritorious class of our fellow-citizens
snatched from the bosoms of their families, and of
their country, and carried into a rata and Afflicting
bondage? It is an evil which ought not, which can.
not be longer tolerated.
" Without dwelling on the sufferings of the
victims, or on that wide scene of distress, which it
spreads among their relatives throughout the coun-
try, the practice is in itself in the highest degree de-
grading to the United States as a nation. It is in-
compatible with their sovereignty, it is subversive cf
the main pillars of their independence. The for-
bearance of the United States under it has been mis-
taken for pusillanimity.
" The British pretension was maturing fast into a
right. Had resistance been longer delayed, it might
have become one. Every Administration remon-
strated against it, in a tone which bespoke the grow-
ing indignation of the country. Their remonstrances
produced no effect.
" It was worthy the illurions Leader of otir
armies, when called by the since of his country to the
head of the Government, to pause, rather than to
recommend to his fellow-citizens a new war, before
they had recovered from the calamities of the late
one. It was worthy his immediate successors to fol-
low his example. In peace our tree system of Go-
vernment would gain strength, and our happy union',
become consolidated : but at the last Session the
period had arrived, when forbearance could be no
longer justified. It W4S the duty of Congress w take


up %his sn*ct in connection with the other great
' wrong of which they complained, and to seek redress
in the only mode which became the representatives of
a free peoples Ther Dave dope so by appealing to
arms, and that appeal will be supported by thtir
constituents.

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" Your Committee are awe that an interesting
aria has arrived in the UnitecTStatet ; but they have
-aso painful apprehension of its consequences. The
course before them is direct; it is pointed ottt equally
by a regard to the honour, the tights, and the in-
terests of the nation. If we pursue it with firmness
and vigour, relying on the aid- of HEAVEN, our sue-
cess is inevitable. Our resoarces are abundant, the
people are brave and virtuous, and their spirit un-
broken. The gallantry of our infant navy bespeaks
our growing greatness on that element ; and that of
our troops when led to action, inspires fill confidence
.of what may be expected from them svhnt their orga-
nization iz complete. Our union is always most
strong when menaced by foreign dAnger‘ The pee).
pie of America are never so much one family as When
their liberties are invaded."

The Report concludes by recommepding the pas.
sage of a Bill ig for the regulation of seamen on board
the public vessels, and in the merchant service of the
United States."

NEW YORK, JAN. ta.

liy.a Gentle Man who came up from the Hook, we
are informed that' a British squadron of three sail of
the line, three frigates, eld a sloop, is now cruizing
off the harbour ; and last evening, at nine o'clock.
the St. Domingo, of 74 guns, was not more than three
miles from the light house. A number of vessels were
captured yesterday.
JAN. W.—The greatest confusion prevails in this
city, in consequence of there being a 71., two 39's,
and one 18 gun ship, taking all the vessels bound
nut or coming in. Our torts will be of no use to es
if the enemy attempt to come up. The first. fort,
Richinoed, is garrisoned with troops just arrived front
the country. liedlow's and Ellis's Islands have
nothing but raw recruits sent there, for safe keeping.
Governor's island has not lte) disciplined troops.—
All the forts in the city have new recruits. The fri.
gate United States is-undergoing repairs. We are in
a tine situation to defend ourselves against the enemy.
The force below is sufficient to take every fort in the
harbour—cut out every ship—sack and set fire to the
city, and run away by the light of it. It is reported
that another fleet is off Montauk Point ; so that if
both fleets attack us, we shall be Confoundedly squea-
-1
zed between them.
A letter from Tgbiat Lear, late Consul at Aleers,
says, that two Algerine frigates have passed4he Strait
of Gibraltar, to cruize against the Americans.
Fee. 19.—0 n her passage to Boston the Constitu-
tion fell in with the Hornet, and was informed that
she had recaptured the American ship William, a
prize to the Java ; and that she had also captured.
on the same day, the schoenel bcund.from
London to St. Salvador, wfth dry goods, Ike. to the
amount of two hundred thousand dollars, had takes
out most cf het cargo, awl cricred her for the first
' tl,nericatt putt.
Arrived the Santa Trieste" from the Haeannah•
January 18t11 off Sandy Hook, was buerded by the
British squa3ron under Admiral Wairit, who had
six prizes in company ;—cine of them
is ship from
France.

22.—General 'Winchester, cOntiary to er.
dens, marched and nttacked the entrenched Olm p of
the British and Indians, and drove them from their
redoubts, with twenty killed, the enemy forty;—he
pursued them slowly ; and on the 21d or 23d ult. the
enem7, who had reinforced himself from Malden.
will six pieces of artillery and a ma-tar, attacke4
Winchester's army, which was scattered along the
river for a mile and a halt. about an hour before day.'
The Americans were confthed ; schen, after fightAg
three or four hours with varied success, the General
surrendered. It is stated, that a small part of the
army retreated.
It s whispered that Mr. Baker, who has gone to
the Chesapeake, to embark on board the packet, is
the bearer of a proposition from our Government oe
Admiral Warren for an armistice.
The Francis Freeling packet is just arrived as a
flag of truce. Admire) Cockburn arrived in the RA.
males, at Bermuda, on the Gth ; left at Bermuda the
Poictiers, Marlborough, &c. Eight 74's and seve-
ral frigates, were hourly expected from England.
CHARLESTON, FEB. 5.

Arrived the ship Good Friends, Tlsnmpson, Phi-
ladelphia, sic days from the Cipes. Several British
vessels of war were off the Delaware the night before
the good Friends sailed.