Star.
London, England, 1814-12-09 00:00:00

PARIS, DECEMBER S.

The Bamberg Journal, under the head of Vienna,
Nov. 9, contains the following article s

" While the German Gazettes announce the fate
of Saxony as decided, and that that country, govern-
ed by one of the oldest Sovereign houses of Germany,
will belong either in whole to the King of Prussia,
or only the greater part of it, while the rest, divided
into small portions, will be assigned to the Ernestine
branch and the house of Austria, the fact is, that no-
thing official has appeared on the subject. We can
assure our readers it is our hdief, that the future h'e
of Saxony is still subject to serious diplomatic discus-
sion ; and that, calculating the nun.ber of the Powers
who take an interest in its maintenance, the balance
is rather in its favour.

" There are some general principles of public law
which have been recognised by the high Powers at
the Congress of Vienna. TLey have beforehand re-
nounced every system of mere personal convenience
or interest, and eve-:. kind c uiurpation. The object
of every charg in the xisting political system is
only to be the gene-.! good, and the maintaining of
a balance ;—ali at;grandisernent of any Power what-
ever is the result of the unanimous agreement of
other Powers.

" The House of Austria will never abandon, but
f .he most powerful reasons, the hereditary rights
of the House of Saxony to that country : the small
powers have an interest in suppr ing these rights,
which they cannot mistake ; and France means, it
matters not with what view, equally to oppose the
dismemberment of Saxony. It is even positively
asserted, that the French Plenipotentiary has deliver;
ed in a very strong note on this subject.
" Saxony cannot cease to exist but by a sort of
absolute necessity; and perhaps we shall ►hortly see
confirmed the report generally circulated here that
Saxony is restored, It is only when the relations of
Poland and Saxony shall be settled, that the fate of
the other conquered countries of Germany can be
decided upon.
66 It is said that the Sovereign of one of the great-
est States in Europe, wit,h a sentiment of equity pe-
culiar to him, will withdliaw from the part of Poland
which he occupies, as soon as all Poland shall be
united, and shall form an independent kingdom, go-
verned as such by an hereditary King chosen from
the Polish nation. Futurity, which unfolds events,
will-chew whether this is well founded."

SZTRACT FROM THE GAZETTE UNIVEHMLL le OF
Nov Ehinekt 18, 1814.
" In the midst of so many changes, and after the ,
iojustice which was the will of a single individual,
and which all the States of Europe have, by turas,
suffered or tolerated, it is very difficult for the Com
gross at Vienna to repair the misfortunes of 20 years,
filled with blood and tears ; .and to discharge all the
obligations of the past. But before refusing the duty
of redressing a wrong, it ought to spew to contempo-
raries and to posterity, the necessity which shall have
' commanded so great a sacrifice ; and if; forced per-
haps to permit injustice to exist, the Congress com-
mitted injustice itself, it would sap its own work to
its foundation, and it would perpetuate _theausareliy
of Europe. Thus Saxony, which is said to be threat-
ened with the loss of its King and its political exist-
ence, would have to fear that injustice, precisely be-
cause it is not yet committed ; and had it been so,
the general opinion already loudly proclaims the
danger there would be in adopting it. How should
the Congress sanction the right to dispose of con-
quered Saxony, whilst the legitimate Sovereign has
made no renunciation, and the Saxon people re.de-
maad their ancient dynasty ?
" A King, who, during nearly fifty years, has
closed his government to be blessed; a King, honest
and ever a stranger to ambition, happy in having
from the beginning of his reign repaired the evils of
a long war, and unfortunate only for desiring to
avoid the evils of that which already reached his ca-
pital ; does he deserve to be despoiled of the patri.
mony of 1•;is fathers, when his subjects, victims not of
his error but of misfortune, vretch their arms to-
wards him from the midst of their ruins ; and to be
treated as a criminal, without form of process and
without judgment; whilst all the other Sovereigns are
unit-A by a reciprocity of regret, of forgetfulness,'
and of indulgence
,‘ There is a Sovereign whom, in the midst of mis-
, fortune and resignation, Paovroesca has preserved

from the general contagipn., wbo, restored to his
rights room the dawn of European-restoration, has
been the first to,shew himself a stranger to ambition
and vengeance, and who got out of disputes, by a•
treaty which will serve as a basis for all others, and,
applied to his Government the maxims of magnani-
mity and of wisdom, which are about to become the
common property of the civilized world. That So-
vereign alone, perhaps, would have a right to judge,
and he absolves the King of Saxony.
64 Will it be said-that his judgment is commanded
by the interests of his policy ? -No ; it is not the po-
licy of France which commands it, it is the policy of
Europe; and since we rarely render to Kings the
justice of believing them guided by moral considera-
tions, let us consider the question with respect to its
influence in the system of general equilibrium which
the Congress at Vienna is called to establish.
44 The object is, that Prussia united with Austria
should guarantee the independence of Germany, that
she should be strong against France, and strong
against Russia.
44 How could Germany see the guarantee of its in-
dependence in Prussia, who, by mere right of force,
should have made herself mistress of two millions of
Germans, contrary to their wishes, and in contempt
of all the sentiments which attach them to their
l'rince ? We will not here discuss the question, whe-
ther, by being united to a great state, they might or
might not be better protected, less taxed, more 'free,
and more happy. It appears, at least, that the Saxons
place in the balance with all these advantages, na.
tional existence and the recollections by which they
live in history. There is, in the German character, an
attachment to certain sacred habits, of which one of
the must sacred is obedience to native Princes. Let
strong institutions firmly combine the Get m inse fede-
ration; let identity of manners, language, and litera-
ture, create a national spirit, and the independence
Germany will be secured.
44 It is evident that the repose and security of Ger-
many will in future depend on the union of Austria
and Prussia. Would the circumstances of these two
powers, so lately rivals, touching each other by a long
line of frontiers, prove a pledge of that union ? Will
not Saxony, by remaining intermediate, weaken this
contact, and soften any mutual shock.?

44 France can have no objection that, in the general
system of the balance of Europe, Prussia should be
strong both as against France and Russia ; but that
policy winch some still ascribe to her who take a plea.
sure in confounding times and interests the most dis-
similar, would doubtless rejoice to see an union ef-
fected, which, by sowing distrust, and spreading the
germs of lengthened discord in Germany, would
übably create very speedy opportunities of turning
it to advantage.

'6 Prussia, doubtless, requires to be strong as against
Russia : but at present personal friendship connects
the two Sovereigns ; and should these fortunate rela-
tions ever cease, Prussia alone, however strong, would
never be sufficiently so against Russia. Should a
successor of the magnanimous Alexander wish to
avail himself of Ole power of that immense empire to
clear the last rivers which flow towards the Baltic, it
then would not be any one single State, not all Ger-
many alone that would have to unite for presetving
the balance and the liberties of Europe; and it would
be "then that the work of the Congress of Vienna
would have to sustain its rudest trial. But Prussia,
too weak against Russia, too strong agrinst Germany
—united to the former today perhaps by friendship,.
and to-morrow by ambition or tears—will she present
no danger to the latter, when, by her incorporation
of Saxony, she shall have weakened the pledge of
her respect far the principle of pubiie law
These are the principles which it is important at
this day to consecrate. The morality of governments
can alone confirm that of individnals, without which
nothing can secure the repose and the duration of
States ; an,l the more that civilized Europe, at this
moment so big with futurity, is anvons to approstk
mate her ditlertnt poiit c.ti sficivties towards one
common centre of peace and prosperity, the more she
watches wi!ii solicitude the conduct of those to whom
site has confided such weighty interests. May none
of the Mf.•.mhers of the Congress cif Vienna, entrusted
with the most solemn legislation, infringe before-hand
those laws which it is their duty to enact
44 These reflections have been naturally called
forth by the article which we have rven from the
Bamberg Gazette, and which has appeared the more
interesting to us, as it will fortify our readers against
other news respecting Saxony, to which they might
be tempted to ascribe an official character. We
think, also, that the lamentations in the Gazette de
France of the Nth of November were premature, and
that Saxony and Europe still do not require those
consolations which some have been in such haste to
give them."—Morsiterr.